1 ;tif (TJfJif.flfl Vrptblirii. rrmt of t-1 pi 4 if. ft t nt n ti t lln-w m-tK,. ff .J l'..rt:- I. t. "I. Worth., I M . J linn nt- ) ti ! ...... W i ( ( -T ri Hi im nt !TiPrtn-H in - . .lut t. nutt ....... l it ( !-. ). , untv in o'ev line, ir llOL.,, ,.-, '-rtl t'teHf", I TPW 1 .0 1 10 1 -v 1 - w I 1 .tntrB- M ..IN W M r 'wron 4tt Ml ,.2i ( 1 -.luin.. Ti W l.b Work. -ire, ! quir. 2 P On , ycr j.nre., 1 5U i tict. r." or .-. 1 :m ; hrt. 55 or is.?. Mi j mt, i.r Iras, t M J 1 ei-. 5.- or B IH Orer 3 l mb of mt )tr-.j.nrt'ri.ttc , tiiu. It. (HilLANl'f).K, CLIAhriKLk, Ar. i, m ihtuI LiH lioufroilamaiiou. "llHKRKV.ky- an twi of th Otnenl Amu. f a entitled "An t to refuel tb Gtntrsl . 1 .cti-jD within (hit roBionwpJih,' it u n. v-inpl ifn tbt ."heriifi r th frerl enti in r' pub!if olir cf och tier Hud, (he plac wr t" be bf'-i, and the rffr to be eltcrtt-4 Tnrnrr'.nt. I, Otbfm-s Wnw, Hirh Sbfriff f Ortrfteld rfODtr, do hereby (fife Hublie o t ce to the alerter of the r-.unty of Clearfield, l-t a fffjfral tlfrrinn wiU t be d on the her t Traf4i or (irmin nt.rt the l !ik 'l:it ot the mnthj at tb uvrrbl election di t irii il Mid eiantT. it which time a&i ptaee " ie qti!:6d totere ote I t j.-r'-o f'tr A'i'i f(.f tirneral of the Cum- uuvMttib uf 1'enntji lrar.ia. 1 jt out irrTij f - r hufT-Tr tif-nrrml of the Ccm ' n')T)Wt'ati b f rrniiTlrania. J r one prn f r Pr?i'int Japeof the Jth ' Jn I'ittrit of Fenn-TlTania, nmiod of ior fennr i (ntre. i l.ar&t ld and timon. Pr ittTi-i of tb I n ted Hint. 'T,ir onr frrrn to rritrrernt the frantic of CtlDf- fn.CKnn. Ciearflrld. Ktk, Mil Forest U th f pMnte of rnnriraiita. F-r pereon lor the of&eeof Protbnotarj, of tVarhr-ld eonDtr. Tor tine r-TFoti tnr ibe offipe of Remitter, Reeordcr, . ! lartifitJ fumntr. F- r (n ptob tf rfpeeit the won tie of "!er tirtd. K.k and Ftt in tt- llaw of Rprc- x n.ii vr oi tri t "0amriweHi. F r tB p-rno for the off - of I'ognty Cumm.e- i-wt Clenrtrld rnt. V -r on prwn for the cflioe tf borrejor of Clear ' f id ottn'T. F - ?e p--n f pt th flSfe of A alitor of Oer i i-4 p-hjo't. 1 hf ee't'Tj oftlie onntjof Ckerfifld will take : t ti at tb- Md p-D-rai election t.U b hld a' !e 1"i-mir g j!aoe. n : hana 1trp. at the t'nion Hotel, in tiiea t;- II t"n"tiin. at the hne of Amj.1i K !!. V,--yza u wnfiiij., at tb hore of (be lat Jamea b -rr tva"ujr. at tl.e h-.ifp of E IwtrJ Ar-ert. T n, .-wb'(i p. at tt'e QUenf J'K Piern. I-W1T t'mjl,.n. at tLe bviirr W a. hchwen, '' in L.b Dir'.arr. r "f iTn.j t"n-'p. at Ytinjt" -hv1 hnei. ( ti-rt ii'ci-i.. at the f.nt.c Kbiol bonae aar i F Ff-it-atfii . ieir 'la ix-ni, at th C"tirt FI C e. tiiitB toaiiL y, at the b aw f J. Maarer. S t un ut ..tt bontu'. at Uie bua-e of the lal I. ''dm. f l"-a Ur lroM., at 0 c're av-bw' h 1 rjQ(--e i'rci". at tS- r"n-e f J jrn Ir g- c-i, tf.-jT;T ci.ir-i iy Tt. Itetttaon, rod- -ira?J t-wnt:p, at Cmrgrmw ', trblri! boaa. 1 t. l a-t p. at tb 1 nfc hr a-h-t hoe. t.r ti wij ,.(.. at tto twof Ja- Hn'-irr. ija h uri.n, at ttt pnWie arbuot hosae, in M--.t m inniii ( the bwie of Ja Wilwn. J -riia toma:p, at u .at a? arhol house, in kirteaa nnwnrh.p. at triffa'l arhool koaaa. Kn x u n. ji. ai i l;kt iiill ach-1 hM. i.awreT"e tewtfc p, at the lonrt Uoiw, in the . w;a mt t harftWd. .f I.amMTl it t Jtvai.-h.al the poH.e ?h Kit bonae. i M .mt tonu.ip, at tar h e foriBer. occupied ; Ki 1btna Km. r HaAix.tt.4 borovbf at the paUie achooj . h--w. "?ela Kirotth. at Ui f-uUic kena of liU j !i t. in t-til a.r'?rh. I'-no townu.ip.al tAe fctel fjnnely kej by W'. . A a i-rMU. (flat! if i. at the bow of the late Iaaa 1' -'is, in ue birnnch of t.arvaTi!te. v 1 t t.rt?a!f.. a! Ibc kvnae -f I'. IL Fmhalcr. V .onward t( uhij, at the hftoae of I hutnaa r il-nVrn. A'T rer-j'iatirz the mote of otisf at all j wrrt.'-ae in ta ar-reral rtntR- of Iti.x Vra- rr. .awiaiih. annrceod tn ivtb dar of Marrh, A W. t.i: Mmii 1. Ht H tmmetrd hf tit eat aaJ j li aar of Rrprreen latere of the (iav-Br-aii h of vlraaia in tjeeeral Aaotaaly aaet. and it w breT trtnH It antboritTf toe aatne, Tnal the cuuilrj Tkiter ff the averai c-mr of thia j 'nn.tiRTa. at aU e-aeraJ, tfwarhip. boroah --iai t lertwna. are bereT. hereafter a tbor -Fd ad renmrtd to rvir, tcketa. frisxl, r I nit. or pariiT f-nau-d and prtty writtrn. arr- Irai?T HaTted a U.k-wa : 1oe liraet ahail en tbe nanKf W ati jolfe cd onmrta to tod for. to o iaiw Ki. oaide, ;urtxiarT ;" oe ticket ui -bi.ot ibe nam- of to ta oftVera toed ) r. ac-i it- a i.d. tteki ekall ra- v-A-e the rvaj of al BGty ofttwre U"d for, & ;a-l;tif cat of frat'ir, a&tarr, aod aaeenWre I 'A aaeraeKy. il rote wr. aad axim f Cwfcifrra, I tu.d f t, axd he laVltei, Heantv one in k f.aii echra the naaie of all t-wnfhip ofirert i t-J for. and he lallie4. "toonafein ; one tk- n ahail eoaai l txr a id of a4 hr"f h nftnn t.:-d Nr. and bo la-eih-l, hrvnrh an 1 exh ui r)i. be fltid m rr-ara-'e hatot b"i. Vur ta fu it Iter berrhr giiru, Tttat :i T-n irrt Jnhee of th 'or, mho rt.ai h?td aa mCut or afta'tn! f trM mder ie fi'era itent of the tailed tte, or of tail 'at, cr f any inrorf ormied diitmt, whether a F 'tt:aiiuaed c ftoer ur otberi, a aahordi rat ft er or areat. wh it r hail he eeiaTd an er tb Ler .latira. Eaeentire or Jndteial 4 ftrtaeat of tt.r Mat or of th t'aitod ttt?. -rar? nj r inrnrpnrated dittncU and auo teal fterr aw h-r of ( . or ef th ft at Ur i atare. or of ta ooataoo or avlort caetl '1 aty eiry or r ecBBiwinaer of any it e ratoraied t. i k r imrsbi. f h. '14 o t ( f i-r: .-v.r. a: it sax I as, tb f.fiEro or an t b.. Ik. .'Sr. or p y itiaett f J ic. Ittrt'tfr rr t.rk of aajt i -: ti of hit C Tn"awea'ith. I rit Kftra Jn4e of the refnertiva dirrirtj ' ' a a-e revjceted to axeei at the iVart I1 . tx tke hrr.ofh of riert!d.o the Irvt 1'ilar an at tao aatd aeed Taeoday f i.er. then aad thro ta do Uoav Uiir r f; -t '( iti by law. . t rfT ear hd and eal. at Ger'4. "a tn .iteath day of Septeaater. ta l . tfe Vrar f oar Lord oeelh acd euht i : l I'liiiMi S Uv fc. Mir.I. COUET JEOCLAYATIOX. HKHT Hon J. B V-K LLT. Pro, iir-ci J" of the C aM of ( teioti r'lea lb tvevtf fv.e J it'tl litrrrt. poed af c et;e uf ,xrae Cntr and t't:nt"n i i . Vl fcb llVt'E a-d Ho. JACOB F r on !wren t r-ffrrnt the ronntie of am. uecessarr to understand fully the pres S c,"r,1Mll. hk- K"": J-ffw.. , ent edition of the two great parties j M Kran aii W arrra in the JlonM of ir- A ft V ... t-.mn.ii .,-.i. j.i ci.ii "- show a purpose to abuse power, the -.t f aot .f C m.. .. pi.. OrTt..iiauo .onservauva force which now ii t yjr-r s-.i... crt f Om ' gives them victory will then insare T-nr'f.. .r4 C-.-t II...F.I Jfl li.il..-, ! t.jr cU'fcat. v-i1 il-.i at I learf :d. a4 f r tr ' i- t f f-r rris r the Itilrd j a V h .f rptrinbT, irtt, and i : 'V S Kr h I N-'TI 8 I-, th-ereit-r. kereny rirea. tn th ' ia-;jf - of tr Pface. ax i CateHf. ' i f r a i ooaaty of Cle'ii. to arpear in r ' ' rr ivmf r t, nt h their fieei-rd. - i taea-aetfa. and etbor Keteetn- i . i 4 tbiM th r naieb th:rffea. fcir r-fhail. prtaia to K d-n. l.V mxirr mt l.4 l C .srt.14. tk'i Slk r-.r..tr. j, ,s, ,r ,f ..r Ur4 . ; ut.Ml iio. . i UlMMIxIOXEK"" S VLE j ( " IT...i.j I-J, ! UllitJJICU LdilUi. 1 t 'mat f unf Asb!rt ftHM tb ; -' i . 4-.T i.tf tW 'f f'ir .B- -.'M Vt-I K t.ir m i f'-r o:b.r j arw.." -DAT. tU d rLI'IlM 1 . l. I J C B IliTMkcr... Bn It ' Nbv isxi. fc. ! ! 3K-.r.r.ifr4. !-'.. J rhrti Br. tj. I 1' llrtr....ffsr-. t i TS- '.J5 -Vl...M.irr! 1 h-.l...'iirt4. i J- .Jiw Ttii-M. T" . Tlrl K.fli... , 4 1 S. f '.t X -nit. v 1 ... .. Si-htn... Kinl. Bt er It. HH KKAl'LET. r .r.. CLEARFIELD GEO. B. Q00DLANDER, Proprietor. VOL. 4 1 -WHOLE NO. 2083, AN ADDRESS Br TRI HON. THOMAS EWINC, TO TRI Unpledged Voters of the United States. Lancaster. O . Sent. 2. Ififi.Q To those of my fellow cHicent who are sworn to no party allegiance, and inem8 v enacted, ihey may pre whoao leading ohjoct in the coming I Tcnt W-M mncI alutftry legiaialion, election is the full restoration and ! tondinK to relieve the country from preservation of our free institutions, I uesiro to pive ray views of the condi tion of our country as at present gov erned, and the probable cottseqnences of the success of each of thegreat par tics at the coming election. I do this the more willingly, as I am confident, from recent obcrration, that succees is in the power of neither of thoto parties, unaided and alone, but reu in tne hands of unpledged men wbo are free to act, on full consideration. for the solo trood of the nation. Id order to do this wisely and well, it is what degree of success is possible 10 eacu, ana wnai win be tbe probable effect on tho nation, of the success of either at the coming elections f It is my wish to presont the recently past and present condition of things with fairness nnd candor, aa they will be handed down by the impartial histori an, and judged of by enlightened statesmen when existing combinations snail Lave been broken, and tbeir pas sions and prejudices shall have paused away ; and 1 feel, myself, in a state of mind adapted to tbe task so far as bit capacity, aided by careful observation, gives me competence to perlorm it. I.-Iunir to i,o party; the last to which 1 was attached, that wh'ch in l61 rallied in defense of the Union, and to winc h 1 devoted all the powers of my intellect, and w hatever of social and family influence 1 was possessed, has been sundered and dissolved, and the old Democratic party y which I never adhered, and the Radical or Republi can party which I know only by its acts, are tne sole contestants lor polit ical power in the coming elections. The Republican party has now, and hns had for two years past, full and absolute control of tbe legislative and executive departments oi the Govern ment, and they have obstructed, and. indeed, rendered it impossible lor the independent exercise of tbe judicial pewer; and they have assumed to themselves, and vested in their milita ry division commanders, freed from executive control, tho local govern ment of ten of tbe States. Those who hope that the country may be restored to the full enjoyment of its constitu tional rigbu by the success of the Democratic party at the coming elec tion decvive themselves. Falun mis chief may be prevented, and many existing evils may be remedied, but not all. For the rest we mnst wait for the coming on of time. Tbe judi ciary may he restored to the exercise of its appropriate functions; foruncon stilutionul laws, restraining their free action, being no longer upheld by men ace and force, will be adjudged void. Tbe judiciary will be, therefore, at once enfranchised and restored to the exercise of its constitutional functions. 5o may the executive, especially to the command of the army, which bas been rested from him, and which the judi ary, when at liberty to speak, will declare to be his right, conferred bv the Constitution. Tho success of the Democratic par ty, if it succeed, wiil also, by restoring the independence ot the judiciary, put an end to other abuses with which we bave recently become too familiar, namely, the trial of private citizens, in time of peace, by military commis sions, and the insolent invasion of pri vate rights by committees of Congress. On the other band, Conservative nepublicaos, who are dissatisfied with the wild work of their party for the last two years and would gladly re strain them, but w ho fear to give suc cess to the Democracy in the pending tieclion lest they, in the wantonness of newly acquired power, should rush i into ruinous excesses on the other . ... . ,.,.;., il. ' ... . .. . ' 1 sioiis. ihe 1,'ptioiioan .-senate win hold them in check if they attempt evil, while it restrains them from the correction of many existing abuses. So far, then, as legislation is con cerned, the Democracy, if successful, can do ne.ther good nor evil without the concurrence of the Senate, which involves, of course, the concurrence t f It will be, then fore, quito safo to trust the Democratic party with the limited power which success at the coming eletin will give them. And if with in the coming two years the Republi cans arc taught' wisdom by adversity, and if the Democracy, in thoir turn The real question, then, fronr con ' sideralion, the decision which ought ! to control our action as reasoning men, 'is this: Do wo approve tbe political ' action of the Ri publican Congress, since it has bad full control of the Got lernnieut? If we do, we ought to so ! a- ur them by our approving votes, Hs-time the resnonsibllltV of their acts. j , j ,d .wcj lliem on warJ wit" renovated powers. Rut if wo deem their policy rjiietionablo, and their headlong pursuit ol itdungcrous, c ought to bid them pause, and take to onrselvcs time for observation and i,, . ,j in0..i orfull and ab solute, leave them with limited and divided powers; take from them the rcu er to no niiscniei ; in ma mean timo li-avim' them what can not be , Uki-n Irvin them the power to pre-i to engage hitntelf, alone, in a war of rent it, if attempted by the adverse words with two or three hundred Sep, ! party. But it is gravely asked : If ators and Representatives, controlling i yoa tan trust the Republican Senate j three or foqr thousand preesos. The to prevei.t Ucinoeralic miscnici, wny not trust them with the w hole power, that the Government may be harmo nious ? This objection is almost plaa siblo, bat not profound. The concen tration of all power iu ono man, or a body of n.en, makes despotism ; il is that under which the nation bas while there i danur in trusting party with the continued nosneMion of power which they have atuwd, you may safoly rely on them to check their opponent, if they atteupt to commit a like exceAs on the o titer itido They will retain the abnoluto veto power over legislation, and there is no danger of their permitting to much change in the laws which then have some of the evils which Uiev hve brought upon it. Tbia we tannot avoid, but we can take from them the legislative power which they have abutted. If, then, on examination, we find little to approve and much to condemn in the action of tht two houses of Congress for the past two years, daring wbioh time they have neia c-oniroi oi ins trovrnmnt,it"wiH be safe and wiso to suspend tbeir dow er and arrest for tbe next two years toeir onwara, ana, I tuink, downward progress. If we look to the action of Congress lor tne past two rears we cannot fail to perceive a striking change, in the code 01 political morality by which they arc governed, and that generally acts are done and means arts now ro sorted to to effect political objects which a few years ago would have been condemned and rejected as ille gitimate and dishonorable. This new code of political morality is not mere ly acted npon, bnt was recently avow ed and characterized a new, by Sen ator Morton, one of the ablest, and heretofore esteemed one of the most conscientious of the Republican lead ers of Congress. lie spoke of il as something w hich was just taught bim by the war, and be likons those who have not learned the lesson, but adhere to the old opinions of fuith and morals. to "mile post on a deserted road." Under tins new teaching it is learned to teach, as absoleto errors, certain inconvenient rules of political action, which were heretofore received and reverenced as the restraints of truth and honor. Indeed, much of this new teaching has extended to the walks of private life. Men learn, and teach each other to despise, those moral re straints, once held sacred, which stand in the way of the largestTfreedum of action, nut mere is this difference between the demoralization of legis lators and of men tho one acts on individuals in limited circles merely, tbe other disturbs the peace and har mony of nations ; often ruins and en slaves them. I need cite but few examples, nor go back beyond tho current year to show the practical effect of the code of political morals, newly taught and adopted in our two houses of Congress. And first, as tbe most prominent in public estimation, 1 will consider their action in the late effort to impeach and remove from office the President of tbe United Slates : and I will en deavor to show how far, generally, and in its more Important details, they have conlormcd to or departed from that conscientious regard to personal . L. I i tf L iruio nuu (foiiui'tti justice wnicn were heretofore looked for, not in vain, in our legislative bodies. When the rebellion was fully and effectually put down, and there was do longer any orgaiuied resistance to tbe authority of the Union John son, wbo was suddenly called to the Presidency now in the office and having about him the experienced Cabinet of Mr. Lincoln, did, as might well have been expected, adopted An and their already initiated policy of restoring, as promptly as might be, the Mates lately in rebellion to their former position in the Union. Ho is sued a proclamation of pardon com prehending most of those who had borne arms in the rebellion good in !IJ- t. J J I . .7 iiseu, uui uaoiagcu uy exceptions oi numerous classes, which seemed to me ill judged, and, as I then thought, dictated by an unpatriotic spirit, and arising from the remembrance of per sonal wrongs. So thought the public at large, but many, perhaps, most ap prover ; and al the same lime I lietrJ pious men express the opinion that the assassination ol 1 resident Lincoln was a special dispensation of Provi dence that the government of the na tion might full into the hands of one who would be lees merciful and more stern as an avengor. Hut they were mistaken. President Johnson soon forgot his private wrongs in tho high er consideration of his public duties, lie invited, and aided in, tho roorgan ization of tho Ptoto governments on their ancient liasis, modified to accord with the changed condition of things and ho acknow ledged them all .States of tho Union with all their ancient rights. Congress, when il met, angrily re jected these conciliatory measures ; refused to admit the Senators and Ilopresantativca from the ten States; framed in their abscence, and while these Slates were wholly unrepresen ted, a new constitutional provision especially to control and bind them and endeavored to oompel them to adopt it by threats of severer penal tics, and proscription more sweeping and intolerable than it involved. '1 he President did not esteem thia the prop er mode of framing or amending con stitutions; indeed, he had many sup porters in his objections who had wit nessed, and denounced as atrocious, the attempt to force a constitution on Kansas against the Will of the people : and ho opposed its adoption so far, and so far only, as bis expressed opin ion could opposo it. This made, the breach between him and Congress complete. Uo was attacked with vi olence, accused of drunkenness, of vi olation of ;pilirei, and of political apostiK'y, and be was onwiso enough suuaiion m it ifimra uoiiw ura yellow jackets' Best, or a nervous man, "wUippsd and scourged with rods, net tled and stung with pismires," were enviable compared with his. lie could not, or, at least, did pot accept the situation and adapt himself to ft. Ue was oqI at once courteous or kjng- PRINCIPLES!. CLEAHFIELI), PA., THURSDAY, SEPT. 21, ISG8. the tailor," but accused tho two hous es of "hanging npon the skirts of the Governmont for all which high crimes anu misiianiounors articles ol im peachment woro preferred against him j bnt a majority of the House of Representatives, not yet. antlluiontly taught in the new school of political morals, held tho reasons insufllcient and rejected tho articles. Tho Presi dent, who did the right thing, habitu ally and always, at tho wrong time, or omitted it tilt it became imm-acli. oablo or useless, suffered tho Secrotarv of War to remain in his Cuhinot as ono of his Constitutional advisers for more than a year after he know him to be a traitor to his counsels, lenirued with his enemies in their attempt to disparage nnd degrado him, or at least willing to stand by in silence nnd sec mm unjustly aiapurageu and degraded, whon a word of truth from him would hove placed the conduct of the Presi dent beyond repronch. In proof of uiiu, amngiu example will sumce. The Secretary of War hud timely ofliciul notice that a mob was assem bling in Now Orleans, and a massacre was threatened. Thero were troops enough iiear tho spot to preserve the peace, i he officer in command asked instructions, but the Secretary gave none, and withheld the information from the President until after Uie massucre had taken place. A thous and publio papers accused the Presi dent with knowingly permitting, or even of abetting, the massacre. The Sec-rotary preserved a profound si lence. Here was ono secret which be did not disclose, namely: that liu, not the President, with full knowledge of what was threatened, stood by and suffered the tnassiicro, when three words from him, "arrest the rioters," sent by telegraph to the commanding officer, in reply to his dispatch asking for instructions, would have averted tho mischief. Tho publication of the truth, which the plainest principles ot official duty and manly honor reipiirod of him, would have disabused the pub lic mind and relieved tho President from the charge of a crime of high of ficial ntrocity. The Secretary made no explanatory publication, and the chi.rge was suffered to rest on the President. It was not because ol dif fidence or buliituul tardiness in com ing before tho publio that ho failed in this. Whon General Sherman, lifter marching through tho Confederacy, captured Johnston with tho remnntit of tho Confederate armies, and applied to the President for instructions us to the terms of capitulation, a day was not suffered to pass until Secrclaiy Stanton prepared and published a bul letin accusing tho sniccessfiil General of treachery, and continuing a narra tive churged with moro fiction and falsehood. Hut let tho accusation against the President pass unnoticed, and witnessed silently tho censure which it brought upon him. This was perfidy : it admits of no excuse, no extenuution ; but notwithstanding this, the President retained him in of fice. Rut when, at last, owing to the promulgation of Cabinet secrets, which could bo traced to no other source, bis longer continuance as a confidential adviser, becamo impossi- sible, tho hint was taken, a bill was introduced and passed tho House which, if it had becomo a law, would have enabled him to set the President at defiance; but it was so amnnded in the Senate as to allow the President to remove a Cabinet ofllcer not select ed by himself, and whom ho felt un safe to trust. It was declurod by tho leading members of tho Senate, and, if I remember well, generally assented to, that the President ought to rotnin the power in that class of cases, and the amendment was mado lor tho ex press purpose of leaving it in bis pos session. 1 his amendment of tlio fen- ore-of-office bill --fas tho last act of fairness toward tho President in oilhor of the two bouses of Congress. Tho now code of political morals winch Senator Morton declared himselfstudy- ing, spread in tho houses liko tho rin derpest in the infected Stales of Hol land, unlil all the parly, with a lew rare and most honorable exceptions, were touched with thecoiilainiiiation. At last, after long cnduraiico and delay, the President, by a formal of ficial act, removed the Secretary of War, and appointed ono of the officers of the department nrf interim, to luko chargo of tho papers and business of the ollice until a successor should I e regularly apiointcd and qualified, nnd he, the next day, nominated a succes sor to tho Sonnto. For this the House at once, by a party volo, impeached him. In thoir articles they declare as high crimes and mis demeanors separately, tho removal of Secrotarv Stanton, the -npnointmotit of all ofllcer to perlorm tho duties of Secretary m tut mm that is, to lake custody of the office, tho books, and papurs, and corrcsinindenco, until a successor could be uonfirmod and com missioned. They reverted to pus) acts, and impeached him for busing replied with bad temper to their taunts and insults. They impeached him lor having expressed nn opinion unfavorable to their power of framing an amendment to tho Constitution to bind ten Stales which ihey would not suffer to be represented when they framed il ; they impeached In in for doubting tho propriety ot compelling the ten States to accept the articles so prepared for them under a penalty or under the pressure of military force ; and they iinx-aohcd hitn for in quiring of a military officor what hud been done with a certain regiment of troops of tho United States which Con gress had, by an act pnsscd over his veto, taken from under his command and disposed of without bis knowl edgeeach of these, and othors too frivolous, to name, tho House, by a party vote, found to bo a high crime or a high misdemeanor. .They sol emnly proferred theso articles to tho Senate, nd (loyoted months of lime, and spout mora than a million of the publio money, In their ofTorl to pro duce a conviction. I beg you to refer to tbe articles, if you are not ashamod to read them, lbs embodied whole looks like what, in legal parlance used to bo called a caso of malicious jwowuioo j tj)e9 wi notsiDg 1 NOT MEN. in ill progress to change its character, out snicii io confirm it Het'ore the passage of tlio Tenure of i.ivu Office law no man doubtod lliut the President had a right to remove uie rwcretury of H ar. The amend merit to that net, according to tho cx- ptfti-d opinion ofmiiny lending Sona to, soquioseed in by the whole Seimto, reserved to him still thut power. No man who reads the act can doubt it so o'uir was the caso that though the iiousu mado it their first nrtinlo of impeachment, tho Sonate passed it by, and leolined to put it to vote. Stun, ton, therefore, was lawfully removed; ho wtH out of office ; but tho President of th Senate told him to "stick." So be entered nnd hold it for months in npenicontempt and defianoo of tho Presilont, certainly with no more ritfi'5 there, than any stranget- who walked the street. For thirfiinnudenl and lawloss not, ho received a voto of man ks or tlio two houses of Congress. Nor wns this all ; weeks were spent on tho impeachment tiial, in an effort to got proof that tho 1 resident had at tempted to oxpel tho insolent intrudor by force which, if proved, would have been C(ivincing to the ethics of the two hoisos, a high crime or misdo mounor forwhich the Frosiduntshould be removed from office. To tho of- fonso of expelling by force, a trespas ser from nn exocutivo office, would have been added, in this case, contempt of the presiding officer of the Senate, lio had bade tho intruder to "stick." Proof of an intent to use force, if neces sary, to repossess himself of tho depart ment failed, and with it the articles of impeachment charging It. If tbe Prosidont had boon in the ao- tual possession of bis constitutional powers, he ought to have been im peichod for suffering the intruder to remain a singlo day in possession of tbe demartmont. Rut ho was not. The two houses, ba ked and supported by the Genenil-in-Cliief, had left him utterly powerless, and incapable even of self protection. If a robbor hod eir.cn-d bis mansion, by night or day, i i .1 ... i ti . ii -.- .... . m-iwiiiu iiui nut u i-Ajii-iinu mm, i-spu- cially if ho had been told to "stick." That tho General was in full uccord with tho two houses, and that be had learned something of their new sys leii of morals, widely different from what is taught in military schools, is proved by his last letter to tho Prcsi dert, in which ho tolls bim that bo did not intend lo surrender to him the de partment pursuant to tho conditions on which ho received it, lost the Pres ident should so use it as to defeat the action of the Radicals in Congress. In truth, ho not only surrendered toa nio-o trespasser tlio department, with its onpentand seals, and all tho muni ments ol olhco, which the 1 resident had confined to bim, but ho gave the intruder a guard, detailed for the pur pose from the . army of the United Stales, which was kept up, day nnd night, for months, to protect him against a possible attempt, on the part of fbs President, to iceovcr possession. 1 lie seizing nnd holding possession of Fort Sumtor against tho constitu tional authority of the tinted Slates, was an overt act of (reason. Is this loss so f Look nt it. Is it less so! The two acts were dono nndcr pre tense of right. They were equally illegal; both committed by military force, actual or menaced the fort and the department each held by an armod bund against thu lawful authority of the United States. When tho trial of tlio impeachment was at length drawing toward a closo, it was ascertained that some, of tho Kopiiblicnn Sonators held their official oath binding them to do impartial justice- pnraiuount to tho party man date to convict, right or wrong. J Ins caused much excitement in tho par ty; it struck loaders with amazoincnt and most strenuous offorts woro mado, by threats nnd enircntios, to compel or persuade a voto of conviction. Senators who sat as judges wore as sailed by members who had voted for tho impeachment, nnd by constituent who wero waiting to got office under the now President. All senso of pro priety, all rospect for the obligations ol a judicial oath, were lost in thoir eagerness for success; they bad, in deed, rejected both in their new sys tem of political morality, nnd held that ft plodgo with tho inevitable sanc tion, ic help me muom, wns paramount loan oath with the hackneved sanc tion "5d help me God." Iho lattor was "played out ;" "an old milestone on an abandoned road." Gen. Schem k chairman of tho Republican commit tee, endeavored, by a circular, and, as time pressed, by telegraph dispatch es, to avert the threatened evil. They were all In the sumo spirit nnd nil in tho satno high lono of political nnd judicial morality, in which bo seems to have been sufficiently taught. The following disputch will servo as nn example : Wxsisnms, P. T., Mt 13, lsC7. "To n. W. W iMw, nr l. 11. Anlli'inT! Tlir. in jjreut tlMigiT of th. pi-a.0 of lh. (smn trr sihI Ihf M-'U,'lt'-(i; onii.s if ininr.rbincul fi!. KenJ to yt'ur rs-ntiH-rti h.-for. HstiirduT, pubis oj.inion, I'J rr.olution, Mlrrt .nil lt-l-irnii-n. ltuiunr 0. PcnrscR, ClisimsQ, This wns responded to Immediately hy tho parties addressed; in. ono in stance in the following terms! l.r,vrsonTH, Kasiai, Muj 1.1, lstld. T" ltohrrl V. Si-hi-m-k : W' hi,. sikI irar thr will h. no riirisinn initiit (In- SmsttT. " Ik- otinvii'iion of Arnlo'. .I.hn"n. a. Ikf?. ill non. whilrv.r immig th. Itrjialilii iin. of Ksti.u. II. K. Aitii.pst. I'. W. Wiuirs. M. J. rioinTT. W. II. FtAl.Tn. General Schenck communicated this telegram to Senator Ross, for whom it was intended, who dispatched the folloA-ing answer : Wa.hisiitos, Ma) Id, lsr-K. To P. TI. AnllionT anil iitlirr. : llontlrtnrn 1 Ho not rocofi-niin jour TlKkl Io lrmaut (hat I .hall vol. .illirr lur or ajriuiiM rti ricUon. 1 ha-', lak-n an oftlh In do tinpailiiil juMir., aw-nliTif lo Iho (VnM-liitton soil lawa, and tru.t lhal I .hall hav Itir ooHrairi aud hunsa ly in ti.Ip a-ourdinfl to Ihr di. tl,-a of mf judg ment, a&d for Ikt luglirat ciiod of mi country. H. (1. Hon.. This was not lo bo endured. What ! Hold bis out li superior to a caucus mandate I llis presumption elicited many a sharp reliuko. llero is otie of them Turcii. Ma? It, im. Tn Ft. 0. Boat I Pn.baMjr lh. ropwllh whlVh Jndaa fenng hinj wlf la lu"i, but th. uil .nk whioh Jim lau wunitu-U luiciik il al juat Hi-vie , ' III Pi P4MT! P J.,J.;J Such was tho Itcpublieiin estimate of the sanctity of a judicial oath, and the order and proprieties of a judicial trial. Six other !(fpuhlican Senators heven in all held tho invocation, "So help me God," paramount to its opposite "so help mo caucus " All hud to pass through liko ordeal with Ross, but none of them except him gave to mo puwic any ol thodispntch es of their beseochors and assailants. Something was known as to Senator Henderson, of Missouri. A friend of niino ivas riding in tho F street car at the time the excitement ran Inch est, and there chancod to ho on board .in elderly gentleman of decent nppenr nnce, who talked very loud, lie was declaiming against Henderson 'santiei patod vote of acquittal, and said if he gave it ho would bo banircd on bis felurn-to Missouri. ,A. number from one of the Kuslern States, at homo a judgo, who sat on tbe other sido of the car, went and sat near the vehement gentleman, and said something to him in nn undertone, to which he replied loudly and emphatically : "Oh, damn him, I have told him so." Now, what says the bench and bar of our country to this mode of conducting a criminal trial in this our highest tribunal, whoso judgment are irreversible, nnd whose action challenges the judgment of the civilized world t Would you wish that our Minister in London should, in your name, avow and defend it? this was the same, though on a world-wide tlicatro, as if the prosecu ting attorney, when trying a criminal case before a traverse jury, should, by publio advertisement, cull upon tho friends of jurymon and ask thorn to prevail on tlio jury, by entreaties or threats, to bad a verdict ol guilty. Tho action of Gen. Schenck amuses me. 1 have knewn him for hull a life timo, an honorable member of tho bar, bred and practiced iu the high morali ty of tho nrot'ussion. Tho wild tula of tho German students who, through diabolical influeiico, changed souls, must have been verified in bim. Five years ago, or at any time when his soul was bis own, he would have moved to expel a member of the bur who committed such professional atro city, and he would have full dishonored by sitting with bim at the same coun sel table. General Schenck signed these let ters and dispatches as Chairman of tho lit-imblicau Central t'oniiuittee. it was not lis act alone, but tho act of the party, in tho House, and indicates their sense of professional morality. 1 find quito appropriate to tho matter the following ilem from tho Cincinnati tummcrcuu of yostorduy : Judfce Klowe, of 1'illaburii. on Patunlav rcn- drrwl a dwipion, gran'mar I-'"' lost in an im liortant cae, on III. ground that tho plaintiSr. tAtnp.rrd with on. of lli. Jurora. Tbt cae baa bo.n tried throe lime. ln'fon).M Judgo Stowe is evidently "a mile post on a deserted road. 1.1a has not been taught judicial morality "by tho war." Most of the leading members of the Sennte, by Iheir speeches, nnd nearly tlio whole body, by their vole on the Icnuro of-UIIice Act, were committed to tho proposition that tho President had a right, by his own mere act, to remove the Secretary of War. Ho did formally remove him, nnd tho next day ns formally nbminatcd a successor, and sent, with all duo dispatch, his nomination to tho Senate .Some do lay, however, occurred, by reason of the early adjournment ot that body. Tho office of Secretary of War was now vacant: tho office building, with its books, papers and seals, and other muniments ol olhco, wero iu the bunds of a lawless intruder, who was i list ruct ed to "slick." In thisstutoof things tho President appointed one of the officers of the department to luko charge of it pro tt mpore, until a regular nomination should be confirmed by the Senate. This fact was charged in ono of tho articles of impeachment ns a high mis demeanor, and the Republican Sena tors, all except seven, including those who declared and voted that the Pres ident had full power to remove, votod this attempt to lake euro of the depart ment, its seal, its correspondence, and its archicves, during tho two days of inevitable vacancy, a high misdemean or. It was not u trivial ofl'enco, this attempt to take caro of tho exocutivo offico, but o high misdemeanor for which ho ought to be removed from offico, and give place to the man who had told the intruder to"slick. 1 his volo wus given under the solemnities of an oath to do impartial justico. I lie like is not to bo louml in any tri bunal anywhere, certainly not in our own or in Knglish history. Stafford was impeached hv the If ouse of Com mons at it time when pnrty spirit rnn highest nnd wildest iu JCugland, but they failed to provo bim guilty of any crime known to tho laws. This being settled, tlioy knew convic tion impossible, as tho Peers, in enter ing on tho trial, pledgo their honor I hut they will do impartial justice. The articles of impeachment were, then-fore, withdrawn, and a bill of attainder substituted, which, ns it in volved no onth and no pledge of hon or, was readily passed. 1 his vote ot our Senators on im peachment, sworn, ns they wero, to do impartial justice, ns ono of tho legiti mate consequences ol tlio new codool morals which Senator Alorton boost of having been I aught by the war, it developed itself in ether instances most worthy of nolo in logic as well as morals. Ho says in his speech of January 4, 1W!, that President John son's proclamation, under which tho seceded States were reorganized, was more radical than thai prepared by Mr. Jjincoln ; moro indeed, than the project of Winter Davis; and if it had Loen submitted lo Congress before it wns carried into effect would bave been well. Rut tho Constitution ro quircs that tho United Slntes shall guarantee to each Stato a Republican form of Government ; nnd .Mr. Morton snvs "it was not unlil a year and a half after llio passage of tho constitu tional amendmeiil through the ilouso, that Congress came to tho conclusion that we iiuuld exocuto the guarantee without raising up a now class of loyal voters in the Slates." Now, wherein die govf ;opt.tutioD of these ten CAN TERMS-$2 per annum, in Advance. NEWSEHIES-VOf, 9, NO. JO, States recognized upon a model more intensely itc publican or lladica than President Jjnooln's or even Winter llavis project wherein did they do part from a Republican form 1 That which tho Constitution authorizos and enjoins us to guarantee is tho form. It gives no authority to touch tho in ternal administration of tho govern ment of any of tlio States; on the oontraiT, it reserves that powor to'tlie soyerul States. This pretense ot right to intorfere with the local governments of tho Slates is a miserunle sophism, resting on a falso assumption. - It is not truo, as is assumed, that anv one of these States, whon interfered with by Congress, had not a republican form of governmont, or that any one of them attempted to adopt any other form. The forms Wer9 various, bnt all ropnb lican , Uke the constitutions of the orig inal mates at ho tune they adopted this guarantee; vni Contrreas. when they interfered, under jn-otonso of exe outing this gunrantoe, destroyed the actual republican form, and imposed on the Slates, in its stead, a military despotism. It were idle to"assort the contrary; the events are recent; they occurred in the presence of us all, and stand for the information of present and future ages, recorded in our annals. It is strange to bear it protended by intelligent men in tho presence of a thinking, reasoning public, that the placing of ton States under absolute military rule is a legitimate carrying out of the constitutional provision. which requires the United Statos to guarantee to each State a republican form of government. The appeal to the guarantee wus simply a false pre tense; the object unmistakably was not to secure to those States republi can forms of governmont, but a gov ernment in form and fact which would secure their seventy votes to continue tho Republican party in power. To excuse the arbitrary measures taken to effect this object, facts are pervert ed, languago wrested from its true moaning, and the rights which the Constitution was trained tosocureare sooutcd nnd despised. Mr. Morton admits that tho Crit tenden resolutions amounted to a pledgo that, having put down the re bellion, we would not disturb tho do mestic institutions of tha States, but restoro them to their constitutional rights in the Union ; but be says, in discussing Mr. Lincoln's emancipation proclamation, that if we stood by the pledgo we could not restoro tho Union ; "wo must cither stand by the Union and lot the pledgo go, or stand by the pledge and let the Union go. Admit this to ba truo ; then I thought, and still think it a mistake, and that aa a war measure it did not strengthen, but weukencd us. It di vided tho North united tho South, and alicnatod hundreds of thousands in the border States. Yet it was no breucli of fuith it was resorted to as a wor measure, .fiiyrfltins bello, and no moro a brcaoh of the pledge made in the Crittenden resolutions than anv other act of hostility. That pledge related to tho uso which we would make of victory, having achieved it not the means wo would adopt to achiove it. Mr. Lincoln, therefore, did not violate tho pledgo, but it was violated whon, after tho rebel armios surrendered or wero disbanded ; whon all tho rebel governments were dis solved ; when having restored thoir republican Mate constitutions, as members of tho Union, they claimed to accept the duties and enjoy the rights of States; then whon Congress refused to recoivo thorn as States, but treated them nsconqiiorod territories, subjected thorn to militury govern ment, nroscniied noarly all tho intel ligent men men of tho States by a swooping bill of attainder, and "raised up" in tho languago of Senator Mor ton, a new sot of loyal voters planta tion Blavos who could not toll their names nor read their tickets, but could voto a Republican ticket whon givon them whon Congress did these things, they violated that solemn pledgo which brought at least half a million union volunteers into the field. It was a deliberate breach of faith, prompted by interest, not neces sity, i do not think the parly profit ed by it; men, that is untaught men, lovo faith and detest falsehood. Bo side this, it has involved the party in complications irom which they never can bo extricated until they aro mer cifully relieved from the cares of gov ernmont. For myself, 1 confess lo a lack of progress ; I stand as ono of Senator Morion's milo-posts on a do sorted road, having learned by tho war no moral codo releasing men, as individuals, or legislative bodies, from tho obligations of tho Constitution, or law or personal truth nnd honor. Mr. Morton shows very clearly that tho guaranteo of republican forms of government to these ton Stales was all a prctenso. You will remem ber that President Johnson, at tho closo of the war. issued a proclama tion dictating provisions to be adop ted in tlio constitutions of tho ten Slntes w hich would adapt Ihcui to the changed condition ol things, and that they modified their constitutions according to the terms of tho procla mation. Mr. Morion, in speaking of tho proclamation, and il was tho same subsunstiully as if be had boon speaking ol each of the several consti tutions, says : 'I did ahnw thai Ihe poller of that pro.-lanialion tu ere. iii'-re radii-al lUaii Ibal of Mr. l.imsilo. I did ehow that il has more rn loal even than the Winter Part, lull of the .umreer of lss. lint, Itr. il wa. all ntt.tn Ihe dletinet ur.dorilandillf that. .Itatever lha Vre-nleot dot, hia .hole -liey or aclinn fK- ! l-e eo'.niitlr.l to c onr-e" lot tie o-n . id-ration and doco-t'-n ; Slid. a I lielon- marked, if thai had bona done all would have bntn well." Hint is tho proclamation was right, even tooxooss ; the constitutions modi lied in pursuance of it woro right ami would have been accepted if sub mitted lo Congress ; but ibis etiquolle was neglected nnd ten estates were kept out of the Union, under military governmont, and sight millions of American citizous denied thu promo tion of tho Constitution and law in or der to avengo the insulted dignity of the two Houses ol Congress, liul tins, also, was a pretense: ihe real objoot kept steadily iu view was, and is, lo control ilia vote of the ten Slates, k as t,o BtrsDgtnen., to the uttermost, Iba hands nf tha Repnl-lli an I'lv, and tn unahla tht-m to msliilsln thir iipifme poiier over the tiovtrn- tnr-til. The statement nf Mr. Morton that he and bis psrlr weve eifufaii. tr) new doctrines by the war, slid lhal they learned rapidly, is true, In point of fact, and II can tminh a very re spendable precedent It Is II kn in spirit, hut mors modest in Inngtia tq, hiss the pnast ol Sir. I) Israeli, In Parliament, Inst summer, that he had educated his party Into theacceptance of doctrines repugnant to their most, cherished cnnvletion. Hut this pro cess of education, unluckily for tho firocedi-nt, threw the Premier and lis pnrty nt once into a total minori ty. And such may, possibly, be lbs caso hero. When the Impeachment failed, tho committee of the House appointed tq oonduct it was not discharged, but oontintiod to sit under Iho guidance of Gen. liutler, who had been from the first its aotuul, though not its nominal bead. The continuance of the inves tigation was founded on nothing, and, tended to nothing except parly spite and party calumny. One point in his report deserves notice not be cause it wns Ail report, but because it was adopted by the committee, and published by order of the House. Ibe fourth amendatory aiticle of tho Constitution provides that "tho ricfht of the neoole to be soenre in thoir persons, houses, papers and ef fects against unreasonable sesrehes " aud seizures shall qnt. bn violaiod unl do wuriuou ahull issue but on proba ble cause, supported by oatb or affir mation, and particularly describing tho place to be searched and the per sons or things to be seized." Now notice tho construction of this clause of tbe Constitution, by Qcucrul liutler, peaking in tbe uame of a CQmmiUeo of Congress, if indeed it occurred tq him or them that we Irtd a Constitu tion. The impeach men t bas ended iq a failure. There was no question, pending before the House, on which that body bad a right to call and ex amine witnesses undor compulsory process, but General Butler "supposed'1 that the Senators who voted for ao 3uiltal were bribed, and on thisfuun ulion and uo other, he in the name of the committee and with the concur rence of the House, proceeded to in vestigate the matter of his supposition. He says in bis report, winch wan agreed to by the committee and pub: listed by tbe Houso (p. J) ; "Learning that many telotraphle menage rel atir. to imiHKbmnt had bm Mint and rrroived bv the partial tuppoaod to be implicated in fraud ulent practice!, your oomraitto. mined . lubposnn, auec ttrnm in toe nanaJ form to the manager, of th. aee.r.1 teU-grmphi companies in thu eu.v and Baltimore to produo. telcprapnie, dirpatouef dur ing a certain period ; and t ben directed the wilueaa- os, offloera of tb. telegraph eompaniea, to collect auch telegram! aa worn rappotod would throw light on lb. inecitigatiun. -Thi! exercise of aa ordinary power ftunnded to .very ju.tio. of th. powo. of the country who haa cauH pending befur. him, ni the only aejfure ol telegram! nia.10 ny your ooinumtea, wbiub ba. been tbe auhjoot of uiucb ttrority, aad aaeleaa ri tupersfiua1" Mr. Butler and bis committee as sume that if somebody is supposed to be implicated in fraudulent practices, the papers of everybody may be seizd nnd searched To give that Dower to the House of Representatives, no Deo- ding suit, according to him or them, is necessary ; no affidavit, no probable cause against anybody or anything; ii, ia uimugu tout soriieuouy is "sup? posed to be implicated in some fraud-, ulent practioo, and the power cf a committee of the Houso is complete to seize ana searcn tne papers ot any bodyaye, and to seize and imprison in the vaults ot tho oopitol any per son who refuses to explain bis own private business transactions to tho committee. Tho anneal to the Can. stilution, which forbids unreasonable, searches and seizures, and provides that "no warrants shall bo .ejiued but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation," is characterized as "senseless and useless clamor." A privateperson, Colonel Wooley, vf hose dispatches bad been seized by tho committee, was summoned before them, and denied, under oath, that they related to the matterabout which the committee had assumed to inquire, but refused to testify as to his own private business, whereupon they im prisoned bim first in a wholesome room, then, by ordor of tbe House, transferred bim to a dungeon in tha vaults of the capitol. Thero seems to bave been no mo tive on the part of tbe Ilouso for this act of arbitrary individual oppression but to show iheir power over the Con slilution and thoir contempt, of its guarantees. Or, perhaps, tbeir objoct was merely to sustain Genera) Butler, whom they had adopted as tljoir load er, and to indorse bis acts. A to him, he was so morally constituted that ha could not even transmit the truth whon be had it before bim on paper, it changed ill vory nature under his, eye whilo ho road, or undor his hand while he transcribed it; and the coarse nessol bis perceptions disqualified hiirt from forming any just opinion on any matter involving Constitution or law, or the proprieties of official or proles, sional action. Henco a case as he, presents it is never the actual caso, and the Constitution, after passing through his rank mental digestion, is no moro the Constitution as it is writ ton than thp guano of Alt Vela is tho fish that was swallowed by tho sou bird. The Constitution declares that "na bill of attainder or ex post facto laws shall be passed," w hereupon, as if tho hint were taken from tho clause, tho last Congress, at thoir last session, passod an ex post facto law attainting a class of our citizens and depriving thorn of citizenship an unworthy class, 'lis truo men wbo had violated, their oath to support the Constitution, and with it thoir oath to render inili lay sorviue. Theso men wors proba bly "acting outside iho Constitution'' perhaps they hud boon "taught by the war ' fltill tbey deserved punish ment, and woro nmonable to it under thoArtiulcsof'War. It was, therefore, of mere choico, not necessity, that this double injunction of tho Constitution was violated. Rut this abuso of power was not suffered to remain a barren act it was mado to bear fruit. One of these attainted men happened to be one of tho threo juds of election for Con gross in ono ot iho townships in the Muskingum Histriot, which gave a large majority to the Dcmocralio can dictate. The prosont Congress, tinder tho protonso that tips law, doubly unconstitutional, was binding, disfran chised lor that oloction all the voter of tho township, removed General Morgan, whom tho people elected, and appointed Mr. Delano, whom they did not elect, in bis place. Th case of Jack Wilkes and Lnttrell, though an outrage which sot all England in a blazo, was fair piny, compared with this. Wilkes had beeq expelled from tbe House of Commons and was, there fore, declared Ineligible, bat laurel
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