t flfaifirtd Kfpiibltraa.
Irriti of fMtrr1pni
. ,ft It ., nt ,11, n ,.,i-- Hvtbe.,
If W
It 1 Aehri tUtosj,
linlll turrit lr "f I T
jl I . ftf . 9 1
r ( in h -it i .'itii hum rtmn Ml
.rrnturp' wt i MfuliM noiio ....... t bQ
V I, t
Htru
item null'' ,
I
I
- ,H... jt-r Jin 1
T in 'if.-, tunr five ltn, er lllte...,,, 10
.tni Ce-rib-, I Tfevr... ft ttu
(' 1JV (to 1 i r-'tiimn 40
f-M 2 AO I I P- iumn T5 0
.Job Murk.
' 'p'irr j rt (iiirr.nrrqulrf,$l 75
inquire, 2 00 0.r 6, in.r Quire.. 1 4U
n i 1 1 i,h.
t, J!.- or less,. ;iu I ft shret. 55 or less.tU ftO
. 1.'.-) or I AH tlirt-t, 2j or le.i, b Ut
r 1j o! eii of above t ir)nrttiniite raUt
fc.litor and Pn.iri'ttr.
Cl.RAHriULU, Aug. 'in, I OS.
oral KliHi ion rroi-laniat i on
rH EKE AS, by in tot of the General Amom-
!It of the Commonwealth of Pen tiny Ira
n titled "An act to re pu late the General
;n within this Common wealth, It i
t nn the Sheriffs of I tie vera! eoaoties
4 public notire of tuoh elect. un, the pluoov
to be tieni. ma the officers to bo elected.
nrrnnn, I, CYRKwirs Howr., Uiirh Sheriff
trfwld countr, do hereby tire Public No
the elector of ibe count v of Clearfield
' jreneral rlrrrion will be be d on the hEC
'BnA i or (trToBcn w.j.y, (being the l.Uh
i (be month,) at the several election die
id mid county, at which time and place
mnneu voters win rote
.o person for Auditor (ierjeral of the Com
.rwfuliu ol I'errnsyiraJiia.
nv iieroii ffr huMrvnr tlencrnl of the Com
twt'iilih of PfmnylvHijia.
one pfTon for President Jurlp of the 3;th
icial I'intriet of PemiTlvittna, romrtose.l ot
enunue tu Centre, i hariicid end timton,
ne neren to rcni-iont the ounliot of Came
, CkaTrtfM, Klk, Kric, Fonft, JefTrson,
K'itu and W'arron in (ho llonneof Kcir-
uativee of the United Htatea.
mr pprwin to n'preaont the eonntiee of Caine-
M,Cl.irion, Clenrnfld, Klk, and Forest in the
ite ol J'rntuvlvania.
w irron for the ofiiceof Prothonotarj, Ac,
' learncid comity.
re ikthou for the office of Itfglster, Recorder,
H i ' icanifhl oonrity.
1 pf-rfon to tt-tiriHtit the counties of Clear
I, Kit and Fur-t in ttw Home of Kcpn:-
ativt'B oi I tu ( ogitnonwralth.
iie jnrwn tor the oftVe of County Commis-
er r i Ifftroelii county.
ne pfrnn for the ortice nf Sum-yor of Clear
d countT.
n pcr.oo for the office of Auditor of Clear-
1 eotintr.
Hvtore of tho coauty of Cb arflnld wil! take
tlmt the nuid general election will be held
f.'llitWllljr m;vn, vit:
Maria township, at the I'nion Hotel, In (lien
it township, at the hone of A with Kllia
iflio towunbipt at the bone of the lat James
a, tr.
f townfliip. at the hoifpp of Edward Albert,
.iwt'trd tiwii-liip. t th Itmiw of Jnroh Pierw.
-tdy towiichip, at tho hiuni of Win. fcchwem,
;itbi rtiur)(.
irniilt townnhip, at Younr'n S"hod hone.
ins! township, at the public school houne near
no Korniiantru s.
;arfi'-ld boroiitfb, at the Court Ilouj-e.
- -jtiiiiitn towin-liiii. at the houc of J. Maaror,
urw 'fiixvillo borough, at tho hoofe of the lat
lilOOR).
acalur township, at OVnlre eoboo! hon.
, -.irriiion township, at ilifhon- of John irg
foruicrly occupifd by Thoa. Itobiron, (lirotid
iraid townnhip, at Conjure TI ill nebool house.
iislH-n townbip, at the pulii- "h'-ol hotiae.
mhin towimiiip, at the boumof Jiwli HuMcr.
ah. h tuwnttltip, at tb public school bouer in
frftVilin.
ihc' id tnwnfhip. at the hon of Vilaon.
(rl.in township, at the public school houe, in
nvitl.
narthau town ship, at liridcn'i school house.
-n-'X townobip. at 'J urkt'T it II school bouse.
l reiM-e township, at the Court lionse, iu the
m.;ii or L h arfli'ld.
-onilxr City borough, at tlie public School hoapn.
torrii township, at the bouse formerly oocupu-d
fbomns Kyler.
i'ew Hgiihiugton borough, at the public school
Urcolt borough, at lite pulilic honte of Ji'Ao
Tt, in naid bonmrh.
Vnn townsbip, iU the botrl forranrly kept by
W. An lt-ruii.
Jiko townaliip, at the hnum of the late Inaac
'om, in Uie borouph of Curwcnurillr.
h:i"n township, tit tbt house of Ii. E, Priibakor.
7oilaanl township, at tbo houve of Thumm
tdt-rFon.
A'T rcffulatirjf the mode of Tottns; at all
Inactions in the ai-veral rmintirs of tins Coni
toowi alth, approved the Mtth day of March, A.
K, lr-ft, tii:
utioi 1. it tnacicd bf the Senate and
u( of Representative of the Cominonwl(h of
wvvlvame in tjen:rul Awecmhly met, and it i
by marted by authority of the same, That the
lim I'd voters of the eoveral counties of this
mn.nnwcaltb. at all frneral, t'wnhip, borough
I pe'ial rlertions, arc hereby, herratter su th or
al aid requin d to rote, by tickets, prinUil, or
1tfpn, or partly printed and partly written, a-v-41
y rlawilied as follows: One ticket shall ent
ire the nnm'i of all jul(res of courts voted for,
d to be labelled, outnidn, "juiiiciary ;" one ticket
all embrace the nanus of the state officers voletl
t, ami be labvUecl, "etato ;" one tickot eh all era
arc the nnui:a of all county officers votd for,
lii lins; othee of senator, nicuhrrt and muuilnirs
; aiembly, if voted lor, and members of Congress,
voted for, and br laMled, "county ;' one ticket
laali embrace the names of til township officers
t 1 for, and be lalxllcd, "township ;' one tick
4 shall embrace the names of ali lMrouph officer
t d for, and b labelled, ''boroujrh and eaLh
lmll bo depffiti'd in separate ballot hoir.
Notlff In fin I hi r hereby given, That
11 persons except JuHees of the Peace, who
tiall held as oflire or appointment of lrut under
Be purerntrent of the United Htates, or of tftif
bile, cr of any incorporated district, whether a
ouimiiioned officer or otherwise, a subordinate
liter or aeent, who Is or shall be employed an
:er the Lefci'lative, Kxerutive or Judicial de
art men ts of this htate or of the United Ktates,
T an j rity or incorporated district, and also
net every number of Consjrese, or of the Plate
K!ilature, or of the common or select council
4 at, city or commissioner of any it eorporated
list net, are by law incapable f holding or
r; hitiff, at the natne time, the office or ap
'ffiit'iient of Judce, Inspector or CUrk of auy
(ru in nf 'hi Commonwealth.
'I tie Heturn Judges of the respective djttrlcts
?'pr(ijd are reo,ueted to meet at the Court
b oe, in the borotiyh of Clearfield, on the first
next after Lb said aerood Tuesday of
wilier, then and there ta do thus tbinfs re
.;tt'ror of them by law.
iIVEN under my hand and seal, at ClearGeld,
on this sixteenth day of September, in
.. the year of our Lord one thousand eiiht
buridrrd and sixty i-iht, and of the Imie-
pft(cnc(if the Un-te l iSnh the nine ly second,
sej.l 7 -to CVKli.Nil'.S 1UIWK, Mienff.
COUET FR0CLAMATI0N.
1 T M KHP: AS, Hon J n MeRNALLV, Pr
If idem Jndj nf the Court of Cosnmnn Pleas
' tbe twenty filth Jnduial I'istrict, oomiMjsed of
c untie of Cleiirtield, Centre and Clinton
ed lion. HAMl KL CbYDK and Hon. JACOB
II. H V LM. Associate Jndi of Clearfleld eo.,
se issued their precept, to mi directed, for the
M'lmg of a Court of Common Fleas, Orphan's.
ohm, t mrt of Vtiarter Keslnns, Court of Oyer
Terminer, and Court nf General Jail lie livery,
tr;et'urt House at Clearfield. In and fr the
wr.'yof Clearfield, enrnmencinir on the tliird
Ion lav, Sth riav if Krptember, lrH( and
9 n.intie OSK WKKK.
tllrfi IH, tbernlorn. hereby to the
't ncr, Jujiic-s of the Peace, and Constables,
aiid fcr said ooonty of Clearfield, to appear in
Seir proper perse ns, with their Kolls, Hecords,
'.iiiHtiniiB, Fxaruinations, and other lieinem-
to do those things which io their offices.
i n their behalf, pertain to be dne.
KN under mv band at Clearlield, this Wlb
1 -y of heptentber. in the year of our Lord one
Mi-'iusitid eight hundred and sivtv eight.
i HbMLa 1IOWK, Artjf.
0MMIStI0XEI:S, SALE
Unsealed Lands.
p-irnaiicr of an act of Assembly, passed the
'y 1 diy of Man-h, I " I , t-Dl itie J "An Act to
' d an art din tirg the mode of peMing ttn
'"teil la tot i fur tnirs. and for other puriiuw,"
' omiiiissiom r of ('b ar Held county, Pa., will
'""A of Ibe f,tt..niiig lands, at the Curt
'".on T( K-UAY, the day oi tLPILM
A. l. m;m
A t res. J V r, W ' rrnalea. TuWntHp.
2"...,
''"l-.tiiS...
. l"l...
. ,:4-
9JJ...6H1...
'i i
i 1...
K II. llrmkcr...lloo'riv
.110 Mirh"l F.ull Hwri.
Jf.lWtn.nPois...ltr.ilfor(i.
Jn.rli rhfrron.-.. Hr'1jf.
Ilrnj. Il.rt.lioro Virgo,.
,..tin Thnm.t Iir.hai.
.10 Mnrril (tlnrrl...irrd.
Thftinpli...Kni'i.
, W illnnl K.rth.ul
J..hn H'lt W.init.
John 5ifbolFPt).w...Wvrri.
, orir of lb. Hr.H.
WM. b. HHAME1", rirk.
CLEARF
GEO. B. O00DLANDER, Proprietor.
VOL.4IAVIIOLENO.2085.
AN ADDUKSS
Br TUB
HON. THOMAS EWING,
TO Till
Unpledged Voters of the United States.
Lancastf.r, O., Sept. 2, 18G8.
To those ol my follow oiticena who
are sworn to no party allowance, and
whoso lending ohjoct in the ooming
election in the full restoration and
preservation ot our free institutions. 1
uesiro to (,'ive my views ol tlie condi
lion oi' our country as at present gov
erned, and the probable consequencos
of tlie success of euch of thegreat par
ties at the coming election. I do this
the moro willingly, as 1 am confident,
from recent observation, that suueess
is in the power of neither of those
parties, unaided and alone, but -roots
in the hands of unpledged men who
aro free to act, on full consideration,
for the solo vood of the nation. In
order to do this wisely and well, it is
nuccsBary to unaereluud tully the pres
ont condition of the two great parties
what degree of success is possible
to each, and what will he tho probable
effect on tho nation, of tho success of
either at the conunir elections t It is
my wish to present the recently past
hiiu present couuiuon oi tilings with
fairness nnd candor, as they will be
handed down by tho impartial histori
an, ana judged ol tiy enlightened
statesmen when existingcombinations
snail nuve Ueco broken, and their pas
sions and prejudices shall have passed
away ; and I feel, myself, iu a state of
mind adapted to tbo task so far as my
rapacity, aided by careful observation,
gives me competence to perform it. I
helonif to i.o party j the last to which
I was attached, that which in 1861
rallied in defense of the Union, and to
which I devoted all the powers of my
intellect, and whatever of social and
family influence 1 was possessed, has
been sundered and dissolved, and the
old Democratic party V which I never
autiered. and the Kadical oruenuhli-
can party which I know only by its
acu,are the sole contestants lor polit
ical power in the coming elections.
The llcpublican party has now. and
hits had for two years past, full and
absolute control of the legislative and
executive departments of the Govern
ment, and they have obstructed, anil,
indeed, rendered it impossible lor the
independent exercise of the judicial
power; and they have assumed to
themselves, and vested in their milita-
T division commanders, freed from
executive control, tho local govern
ment ol ton ot the Mates. I hose who
hope that the country may be restored
to the full enjoyment of its constitu
tional rights by the success of the
Democratic party at tho coming elec
tion deceive themselves. Futurs mis-
hief may be prevented, and many
existing evils may bo remedied, but
not all. ror tho rest we must wait
for the coining on of time. The judi-
cinry may be restored to the exercise
of its appropriate functions; foruncon
stitutionul iuws, restraining their free
action, being no longer upheld by men
are and force, will be adjudged void.
Ibe judiciary will be, theretoro, at
once enfranchised and restored to the
exercise of its constitutional functions.
So may the executive, especially to the
command of the army, which bas been
wrested from him, and which the judi-
ary, when at liberty to speak, will
doclaro to be his right, conferred by
the Constitution.
Tho success of the Democratic par
ty, if it succeed, will also, by restoring
the independence ol tho juiiiciary, put
an end to other abuses with which we
have recently become too familiar,
namely, tho trial of private citizens,
in time of pcaco, by military commis
sions, and the insolent invasion of pri
vate rights by committees ot Congress.
On tho other hand, Conservative
Republicans, w ho aro dissatisfied with
tho wild work of their party for tho
last two years and would gladly re-
strain them, but w ho fear to give suc
cess to tho Democracy in the pending
election lost they, in tho wantonness
of newly acquired power, should rush
into ruinous excessos on the other
bund, entertain groundless apprehen
sions. The liejuihlican Senato will
hold them in check if they attempt
ovil, while it restrains them Irom tho
correction of many existing abuses.
So far, then, as legislation is con
cerned, tho Democracy, if succciwlul,
can do neither good nor evil without
the concurrence of the Kennto, which
involves, of courso, the concurrence of
the party which it represents. It will
he, then fore, (juito safo to trust the
Deiuocrntio party with the limned
power which success at the coming
election will civo them. And if with
in the coining two years the llepubli
cans aro taught wisdom by adversity,
and if tho Democracy, in thoir turn
show a purposo to abuse power, tho
snmo Conservative force which now
gives them victory will then insnre
their defeat.
Tho real question, thon, for our con
sideration, the decision which ought
to control our action as reasoning men,
is (his : Do wo approve the political
action of the Jtipuolican t,ongres
since it has had full control of the Gov
ernment f If we do, we ought to so
assure them by our approving voles,
assume the responsibility of their acts,
and cheer them and speed them onward
with renovated powers, ilut it we
deem their policy questionable, and
their hendlonif pursuit ot it dangerous,
wo ought to bid them pauso.and take
to ourselves time for observation and
reflection J and instead of full and ab
solute, leuvo Ihcin with limited and
divided powers ; tsko from them the
power to do mischief; in the mean
time, leaving them what can not be
ItoWun from theio the power to pro
vent it, if attempted by the adverse
party. Hut it is gravely asked: If
you can trust the ltepublican Senate
to prevent Democratic mischief, why
not trust them with the wholo power,
that tho Government may be harmo
nious ? This objection js almost plan
siblo, but not prolound. Tlia concen
tration of all power iu onn man, or
body of men, inftke a despotism ; it
is that under which the nation bas
Buffered for lb part two yrj od
while there is danger in trusting a
party with the continued possession
of power which they have abused, you
may safely roly on them to check
their opponents, if they attempt to
commit a like excess on the other side
They will rotsin tho absolute veto
power ovor legislation, and there is no
danger ot their permitting too much
change in the laws which they have
themselves enactod. Thoy may pre
vent wise and salutary Icgnsauon,
tonuing to renove the oountrr from
some of the evils which they bavo
brought upon it. This wo tannot
avoid, but we can take from them tho
legislative powor which they have
abused. If, then, on examination, we
find little to approve and much to
condemn in the action of tin two
houses of Congress for the past two
coin, uuhiij; which time mey nave
nem control oi to tiovernmonl, itwlll
be safe and wiso to suspend their now
er and arrest for the next two years
tnoironwara, ana, l think, downward
progress.
If we look to the action of Congress
or tne past two years we cannot tail
to perceive a striking change in the
codo of political morality by which
they aro governed, and that gcnorally
acts are dono and means aro now re
sorted to to effect political obiocts
wnicu a iew years ago would have
been condemned and rejected as ille
gitimate and dishonorable. This new
code of political morality is not mere
ly acted upon, bnt was recently avow
ed and characterized as new, by Sen
ator Morton, one of the ablest, and
heretofore esteemed one of the most
conscientious of the Republican lead
ers of Congress. He spoke of it as
something which was just taught bim
by tho war, and be likens those who
have not learned the lesson, but adhere
to the old opinions of faith and morals,
to "mile post on a deserted road."
Under this new teaching it is learned
to teach, as absolete errors, certain
inconvenient rules of political action,
which were heretofore received and
reverenced as the restraints of truth
and honor. Indeed, much of this new
teaching has extended to the wulks of
private lilo. Men learn, and teach
each other to despise, those moral re
straints, once held sacred, which Bland
in the way of the largest'freedom of
action. But there is this difference
between the demoralization of legis
lators and of men tho one acts on
individuals in limited circles merely,
the other disturbs tho peace and har
mony of nations; often ruins and en
slaves them.
I need cite but few examples, nor
go back beyond tho current year to
show the practical effect of the code
of political morula, newly taught and
adopted in our two houses of Congress.
And first, as tbo most prominent in
public estimation, I will consider their
uction in the late effort to impeach
and remove from office the President
of the United States; and I will en
deavor to show how fur, generally,
and in its more important details, they
hove conlormcd to or departed lrom
that conscientious regard to personal
truth and political justice which were
heretofore looked for, not in vain, in
our legislative bodies.
When the rebellion was fully and
effectually put down, and there was
no longer any organized resistance
to the authority of the Union John
son, who was suddenly called to the
1 residency now in the otnoe and
having about him the experienced
Cabinet of Mr. Lincoln, did, as might
well have been expected, adopted his
and their already initiated policy of
restoring, as promptly as might be,
the States lately in rebellion to their
formor position in the Union. Ho is
sued a proclamation of pardon com-
Krchending most of those who had
orne arms in the rebellion good in
li- I - .1.. I 1 .7
imoii, uut uamttgcu oy exceptions oi
numerous classes, which seemed to
me ill judged, and, as I then thought,
dictated by an unpatriotic spirit, and
arising from tho remembrance of per
sonal wrongs. So thought the public
at largo, but many, pcrhnps, most ap
prover ; and at the same time 1 hei.rd
pious men express the opinion that
the assassination of President Lincoln
was a special dispensation of Provi
dence that tho government of the na
tion might fall into the hands of one
who would be less merciful and more
stern as an avengor. Hut they were
mistaken. President Johnson soon
forgot his private wrongs in the high
er consideration of his public duties.
Ho invited, and aided in, thoronrgun
izntion of tho State governments on
their ancient basis, modified to accord
with tho changed condition of things
and ho acknowledged them all States
of tho Union with all their ancient
rights.
Congress when It met, angrily re
jected theso conciliatory measures ;
relused to admit the radiators and
lieprosoiitativos from tho ten Slates;
framed in their abscence, and while
these Slates were wholly unrepresen
ted, a ricw constitutional provision
especially to control and bind them
and endeavored to compel them to
adopt it by threats of severer penal
ties, and proscription moro sweeping
and intolerable than it involved. The
President did not esteem this the prop
er niodo of framing or amending con
stitutions; indeed, ho bad many sup
porters in Ins objections who had wit
nessed, and denounced as atrocious,
the attempt to force a constitution on
Kansas against the will of the poople :
and ho opposed its adoption so lar,
and so far only, as bis expressed opin
ion could oppose it. This made the
breach between him and Congress
complete. Uo was attarked with vi
olence, accused of drunkenness, of vi
olation of pledges, and of political
apoatwy, and ho was unwise enough
to engage himself, alone, in a war of
words with two or three hundred Sen
ators and Representatives, controlling
three or (bar thousand presses. The
situation of a spirited horse tied in a
yoljow jackcU' nest, or a nervous man,
"whippsd and aoourged witb rods, net
tled and stung with pismires," were
enviable compared With his. He
could not, or, at least, did not accent
the situation find adapt himself to it.
Ie was not at once courteous or king-
lf .9 Pf Ui Hi S9 !Y?9
PRINCIPLES
CLEARFIELD, PA, THURSDAY, SEPT. 21, JSCS.
the tailor," but accused tho two lions-
en of "hanging npon the skirts of the
Government lorull which high erimos
ana nnsiiemounors ' articles of i tit
poaenment wore prelerred nitainst
him; bnt a majority of the Housed
itepretentalivos. not vet sutllc out v
taught in the new school of political
morula, held the reasons insuthVicnl
and reieclod tho articles. The Prosi-
dent, who did the right thing, huhitu
any ana always, at tho wrong time,
or omitieu it tut it became im uracil
cable or nseloss, suffered tho Socrotary
of War to remain in his Cabinot us
ono of his Constitutional advisers for
more than a year after ho know him
to be a truitor to his counsels, leniriied
with his enemies in their attempt to
disparage and degrado him.oratleast
willing to stand by in silence and sco
mm unjustly disparaged and degraded,
when n word of truth from him Would
have placed the conduct of the Presi
dent beyond repronch. In proof of
mis, asingio example will sumco.
Tho Secretary of War had timely
oflicial notice that a mob was assem
bling in Now Orleans, and a mussacre
wus threatened. Thero were troops
enough ucur the spot to preserve the
poaee. ibe officer in command asked
instructions, but the Secretary gave
none, ana withheld the lnlormution
from the President until after the
massacre had taken place. A thous
and public papers accused the Presi
dent with knowingly tiorniiuini', or
even of abotting, the massacre. The
Secretary preserved a profound si-
lence. Here was ono socrot which
he did not disclose, namely : that ho,
not the President, with full knowledge
of what was threatened, stood by and
suffered the massacre, when three
words from him, "urrest the riotors."
sent by telegraph to the commanding
officer, in reply to his dispatch asking
for instructions, would have averted
tho mischief. The publication of the
truth, which tho plainest principles of
official duty and manly honor required
of him, would have disabused the pub-
no inina and reliovea tho J resident
from the charge of a crime of high of
ficial atrocity. The Secretary made
no explanatory publication, and the
chi.rge was suffered to rest on the
President. It was not because oi dif
fidence or habitual tardiness in com
ing before tho public that ho failed in
this. Whon General Sherman, after
marching through tho Confederacy.
captured Johnston with the remnant
of tbo Confederate armies, and applied
to tho President for instructions ns to
tho terms of capitulation, a day was
not Buffered to pass until Secretary
Stanton prepared and published a bul
letin accusing the sui ceessl'ul General
of treachery, and containing a narra
tive churged witb more fiction and
falsehood. Hut let the accusation
against the President pass unnoticed,
and witnessed silently tho censure
which it brought upon him. This
was perfidy; it admits of no excuse,
no extenuation ; but notwithstanding
this, the President retained him in of
fice. Hut when, at last, owing to
the promulgation of Cabinet secrets,
which could bo traced to no other
source, his longer continuance as a
confidential adviser, became impossi-
si bio, the bint wis taken, a bill was
introduced ami passed tho House
which, if it had become, a law, would
have enabled him to set the President
at defiance; but it was so amended
in the Senate as to allow the President
to remove a Cabinet officer not select
ed by himself, and whom ho felt un
safe to trust. It was declared by the
leading members of the Senato, and, if
remember well, generally assented
to, that tho Prosident ought to retain
the power in that class of cases, and
the amendment was made, for the ex
press purpose of leaving it in bis pos
session. This amendment of the Tcn-
ure-of ofllce bill rns tho last act of
fairness toward the President in either
of the two bouses of Congress. The
now rode ol political morals which
Senator Morton declared htmsclfstiidy
ing, spread in tho houses like tho rin
derpest in the infected Stales of Hol
land, until ul I the parly, with a few
raro and most honorable exceptions,
were touched with the contamination.
At lust, after long cuduranco and
delay, the President, by a formal of
ficial act, removed the Secretary of
War, and appointed one of the officers
of the department mi interim, to take
charge of the papers and business of
the ollice until a successor should I e
regularly apKinlcd and qualified, and
he, the next day, nominated a succes
sor to tho Senate. For this the
House at once, by a party volu,
impeached him. In their articles
they declare as high crimes and mis
demeanors separately, the removal of
Secretary Stanton, the -nppointnionl
of an ulllcer to perform the duties of
Secretary mi itifuma that Is, to take
custody of the otlico, tho books, and
papers, and correspondence, until a
successor could he confirmed and com
missioned. Thoy reverted to past
acta, and impuached him for having
replied with bad temper to their
taunt and insults. They impeached
bim for having expressed nn opinion
unfavorable to their power of framing
an amendment to tho Constitution to
bind ten Slates which they would not
suffer to be represented when they
framed it; they impeached him for
doubting tho propriety of compelling
the ten States to accept the arlieles
so prepared for them under a peiiulty
or under the pressure of inilitary
force; and they impeached him for in
quiring of a military officer what bad
been done with a certain regiment of
troops ol tbo United Status which Con
gress had, by an act passed over his
veto, taken from under his command
and disposed of without his knowl
edge each of these, and others too
frivolous to name, (be House, by a
party vote, found to bo a high crime
or a high misdemeanor. .They sol
emnly preferred theso articles to the
Senate, and devoted months of time,
and spout more than a million of the
public mopey, in their efforts to pro
duce a conviction. I beg you to refer
to the articles, if you are not ashamed
to read (hem. The embodied whole
look like what, in legal parlance,
used to be called a case of malicious
proewutiuo j mi tler? w"
j NOT MEN.
in iu progress to change its character,
out aiiicn to connrtn it.
Helbre the pnssnge of tlio Tenure of
Civil Ollice law no man doubtod thut
the President had a right to remove
tne oucretury ol v ar. 1 he amend
ment to that act, according to tho ex
psHsud opinion of many lending Sena
tor, sequioseed in by tho whole Sennte,
reserved to him still thut power. No
man who reads tho act can doubt it
so e'uir was tho case thnt though the
Hon made It their first article of
impeachment, tho Senate passed it by,
and declined to put it to vqte, Stan
ton, Ihoreforo, was lawfully romoved;
he ws out of ollico ; but the President
of th Senato told him to "stick." So ho
cnteird nnd held it for months in
oponi contempt and dufianco of tho
rrvuont, certainly wun no more
rig it there thau any atrongec who
walkodtbe street. For lhis"iinnudent
and hiwlons net, ho received a voto of
thanks or the two houses of Congress.
Nor was this alt ; weeks were spent
on tho impeachment tiial, in an effort
to got proof that the I' resident had at
Umpted to expel iho insolent intruder
by force which, if proved, would have
been convincing to the ethics of the
two houses, a high crime or misde
meanor for which the Presidentshould
le removed from ollice. To the of
fense of expelling by force, a trespas
ser from an cxecutivo office, would
have been added, in this ease, contempt
of the presiding officer of the Seuuto,
wno hud bade tho mtruder to "stick."
Proof of an intent to uso force, if neces
sary, to repossess himself of the dopart
mont failed, and with it the articles of
impeachment charging it.
It tbo 1 resident had beon in the ac
tual possession of bis constitutional
powers, he ought to have been ira
petchod for suffering the intruder to
remain a singlo day in possession of
tne uemarttnent. Uut he was not.
The two houses, backed and supported
by the Ucneral-in-(..liiel, had lett him
utterly powerless, and incapable even
of self-protection. If a rohbor had
eir.ered his mansion, by night orday,
hecotild not have expelled him, espe
cially if be had been told to "stick."
1 list tho Oeneral was in full uecord
Willi the two houses, and that he had
learned something of their new sys
tem of morals, widely different from
what is taught in military schools, is
proved by his last letter to tho Prcsi
derl, in which he tells him thut ho did
not intend to surrender to him the de
partment pursuant to the conditions
on which he received it, lost the Pres
ident should so use it as to defeat the
action of the Iiudicals in Congress.
In truth, be not only surrendered to a
nio'o trespatnur tho department, with
its ;.apers and seals, and all the muni
ments of office, which the President
had confined to bim, but ho gave the
intruder a guard, detailed for the pur
pose from the . army of the United
Slates, which was kept up, day and
night, for months, to protect bim
ngainst a pnssiblo attempt, on the part
oi tbo President, to i ecover possession.
1 lie seizing and holding possession
of Fort Sumter against the constitu
tional authority ot tho Luitcd Slates,
was an overt act of treason. Is this
Iphara? T.nnlr At it. Tn it less so?
The two acts were dono under pre
tense of right. They were equally
illegal; both committed by military
force, actual or monuoed tho fort and
the department each held by an armed
band ugaiiist the lawful authority of
the United Slates.
When the trial of tho impeachment
was ut length drawing toward a closo,
it was ascertained that some of tho
ltepublican Senators held their official
onth binding them to do impartial
justico paramount to tho party man
date to convict, right or wrong. This
caused much excitement in the par
ty ; it struck loaders wilh amazement
and moat strenuous efforts were made,
by threats and entreaties, to compel
or pcrsuude a voto of conviction.
Senators w ho sat as judges were as
sailed by members who had voted for
the impeachment, nnd by constituent
who were waiting to get office tinder
the new President. All senso of pro
priety, all respect for the obligations
of a judicial oath, were lost in their
eagerness for succoss; they had, in
deed, rejected both in their new sys
tem of political morality, and held
that a pledge wilh tho inevitable sanc
tion, it help me. cavcut, was paramount
to an oath wilh the hackneved sanc
tion "S help me. God." Tho latter
was "played out ;" "an old milestone
on an abandoned road." (ien. Schenck
chairman of the Republican commit
tee, endeavored, by a circular, and,
as time pressed, by telegraph dispatch
es, to avert the threatened evil. They
were all in the sumo spirit and all in
the same high tone, of political and
judicial morality, in which ho seems
to have been sutlii'ieiilly taught. The
following disputcb will serve as an
example :
V. AniniTi.,, p. c., Mr n, lir.T.
"T P. W. W ild.r. ,r P. II. AnlboiiT I
Tltow 1 rrvnt fUiit-r it I lit- poiae i,f th. (on
trrnTi'l Hi hf'ul'l,',fti. cuii"- II inii'c-tim-o1 f.i'.
HJ l yi-or iM-imliir, brf,ii hftlurd-T. publp
iijniiiin, lij rr.iltiticn, li-tn-ri .nil ilrlf.nc,ns.
ltuRUUT 0. Si-ar.i'K, I'h.inuan.
This wns responded to Immediately
by the parties addressod ; in. ono in
stance in the following terms:
LrTFiwiinTH, Kasbai, May IS. 1S6S.
T TtnWrl t Srhcni-k :
W. h'.i ami prar Itior. will I no rim.tnfi
tmnnir llic S-nt"r im I b contiriinn of Anttrrw
.Iihn"n. a, flier i, mm. whatever among the
Itriialillrati. of kannal.
II. K. ATM,iT. P. W. Wnliea.
M. J. fan nun. - H- BlsTn.
(icneral Schenck communicated this
telegram to Senator li'ss, for whom
it was intended, who dispatchod the
lollosiug answer :
WahSImitiiS, M ic, lms.
To II. It. AnttiiiTiT ami otlmr. :
(liilli-wi-n 1 ilo not roroffnira ynm rldht to
Jr-mauit that 1 .hall Tote eitlirr tit oraiTKinl rou
rifUon. 1 have taken an onth to do Impartial
,iuMir. aroitnliric to th. IVnMituOon anl lawa.
atid Inert that I .hail have the oouraircaua nonnp
ty to i.le aooor.linn to the di' latea of bit judg
ment, aud lor tue tug-heat good of m.T oountrv.
b. u. H i...
This was not to bo endured. What '.
Hold his oath superior to a caucus
mandate! His presumption elicited
many a abarp robuke. uereisoneoi
them
Turd. M7 16, IMS.
To E. 0. Hoa.1
r-nibaMy the mpa with whlrh Jnilaa hnn klro
elf i. loiit. but the pi.uil wnk whion ha lawe
oumiiu-d iu!ilt ii at tou service.
111 Pi I4Ti
P
"PC T
J.
Such was tho Republican estimate
oi the sanctity or a judicial oath, and
tho order and proprieties of a judicial
trial. Six other Republican Senators
seven in all held the invocation,
"So help me God," paramount to its
opposite "So help mo caucus " All
had to pass throuih liko ordeal with
Ross, but none of' them except him
gave to mo public any ol the dispatch
es of their beseochors and assailants
Something was known as to Senator
llender.ion, of Missouri. A friend of
mine v.as riding in tbo F street car
ut the time the excitement ran high
est,, ana there Chanced to bo on board
an elderly gentleman of decent appoar
ance, who talked very loud, lie was
declaiming against Ileuderson'santici
pated vote of acquittal, and said if he
gave it ho would bo hanged on bis
retum-lo iluwouri. .A member from
one of tho Eastern Ktates, at homo a
judge, who sat on the other side of the
car, went and sal ncur the vehement
gentleman, and said something to him
in an undertone, to which he replied
loudly and emphatically : "Oh, damn
him, I have told him so." Now, what
snys the bench and bar of our country
to this mode of conducting a criminal
trial in this our highest tribunal, whose
judgments are irreversible, and whose
action challenges the judgment of the
civilized world f Would you wish
that our Minister in London should,
iu your nstut, avow and defend it t
This was the same, though on a
world-wide tlieutre, as if the prosecu
ting attorney, when trying a criminal
case before a traverse jury, should, by
public advertisement, cull npon the
friends of jurymen and ask ilium to
prevail on tiie jury, by entreaties or
threats, to find a verdict of guilty.
I he action ot Ucn. bchonck amusos
me. 1 have known him for hall a life
time, an honorable member of the bar,
bred and practiced iu the high morali
ty of tbo profession. The wild tale of
the German students who, through
diabolical influence, changed souls.
must have been verified in him. Five
years ago, or at any time when his
soul was bis own, be would have
moved to exel a member of the bur
w ho committed such professional atro
city, and be would have felt dishonored
by sitting with him at the same coun
sel table.
General Schenck signed these let
ters and dispatches us Chairman of the
Rcpublicau Central Committcti. It
was not 1 is act alone, but the act of
the party, in the House, and indicates
their sense of professional morality.
1 find quite appropriate to the matter
the following item from the Cincinnati
Vummcraiil of yusUsrday :
Juilga Ptowe, of riltaburs. on F.tunl.v ren
dered a deeiMon, g-rantiriK a lo w trial in an Itn
purlaut caee. on the gruund thai the plaintiff.
ta.inp.mt wilh one nf tb. jurora. The caa. faa.
been tried throe time before."
Judgo Stowe is evidently "a mile
post on a dworled road. lis has
not been taught judicial morality "by
tho war."
Mont of the leading members of the
Senate, by their speeches, and nearly
tho whole body, by their vote on tlie
lenure-ol Ollice Act, were committed
to tho proposition that the President
had a right, by bis own mere act, to
remove the Secretary of W ar. He
did formally remove him, and the next
day as formally nominated a successor,
and sent, with all duo dippatcli, his
nomination to ttio Senato. Some do
lsy, however, occurred, by reason of
the early adjournment of that body.
The ofiice of Secretary of War was
now vacant ; tbo ollice building, with
its books, papers and seals, and other
muniments ol office, were iu the hands
of a lawless intruder, who was instruct
ed to "stick.
In this state of things tho President
appointed one of the officers of the
department to take charge ol it pro
tempore, until a regular nomination
should be confirmed by the Senate.
This fact was charged in one of the
art icles of impeachment as a high mis
demeanor, and the Republican Sena
tors, all except soren, including those
who declared and votod that the Pres
ident had full power to remove, votod
this attempt to take caroof the depart
ment, Us seal, it correspondence, and
its archieves, during the two days of
inevitable vacancy, a high misdemean
or. It wus not a trivial oU'eiico, this
attempt to take earo of tho executive
office, but a high misdemeanor for
which bo ought to be removed from
office, nnd give place to the man who
had told the intruder to"stick." This
vote was given under tho solemnities
of an oath to do impartial justico.
1 he like is not to bo lound in any tri
bunal anywhere, certainly not in our
own or in Knglish history. Stafford
wns impcoched by the House of Com
mons at u time when party spirit ran
Inchest and wildest in ICnglund, but
thuy failed to provo him guilty
f any crime known to tho laws.
This being settled, tliev knew convic
tion impossible, as the Peers, in enter
ing on tho trial, pledgo their honor
that they will do impartial justico.
The articles of impeachment were,
therefore, withdrawn, nnd a bill of
attainder substituted, which, as it in
volved no oath and no pledge of hon
or, wus readily passed.
Ibis vote ol our Senators on im
peachment, sworn, as they were, to do
impartiul justice, as ono of tho legiti
mate consequences ol the new codo of
morals which Senator Morton boasts
of having been taught by the war, it
developed itself in ether instances
most worthy of note in logic as well
as morals, lie says in his speech of
January 4, 1 W!, that President John
son s proclamation, under which the
seceded States were reorganized, was
more radical than that prepared by
Mr. Lincoln ; more indeed, than the
projoct of Winter Davis ; and if it had
lioen submitted to Congress beforo it
was carried into eflei.t would have
been well. Hut the Constitution re
quires thnt the United Slates shall
guarantee to each Stale a Republican
form cl Government; and Mr.il ortyn
says "it was not until a year and a
half after the passage of the constitu
tional amendment through the liouso,
that Cungrcss tame to tho conclusion
that we could exocuto tho guarantee
without raising up a now class of loyal
voters in the State." Now, wherein
did, tb,o geFf conetutiocs of those (eo
CAN.
TERMS-$2 per annum, in Advance.
NEWSERIES-VOL. 9, NO, 10,
States recognir.ed upon a model more
intensely Republican or Radical than
President Lincoln's or even Winter
Davis project wherein did they do
part from a Republican form T That
which tho Constitution authorizes and
enjoins us to guarantee is tho form.
It gives no authority to touch the in
ternal administration of tho govern
ment of any of tho States; on the
contrary, it reserves that powor to'the
several Stutes. This pretense of right
to interfere with tho local governments
of the Stales is a iniseruVilo sophism,
resting on a falBO assumption. - It is
not true, ns is assumed, that anv one
of these States, when interfered with
by Congress, had not a republican form
ofgovernmont, or that any ono of them
attempted to adopt any other form.
The forms wera various'bnt sll rnpnb
liaan.Mkelaedonstitntioiisof the orig
inal States at hB time they adopted
this guarantee; m, Congress, when
they interfered, under tarotense of exe
outing this guarantee, destroyed the
actual republican form, and imposed
on the Stales, in its stead, a military
despotism. It were idle lo"assort the
contrary ; the events nre recent ; they
occurred in the presence of us all, and
stand for tho information of present
and future ages, recorded in our annals.
It is strange to bear it pretended by
intelligent men in tho presence of a
thinking, reasoning public, that the
placing of ton States nnder absolute
military rule is a legitimate carrying
out of the constitutional provision,
which requires the United States to
guarantee to each State a republican
form of government. The appeal to
the guarantee was simply a false pre
tense ; the object unmistakably was
not to secure to those States republi
can forms of government, but a gov
ernment in form and fact which would
secure their seventy votes to continue
the Republican party in power. To
excuse the arbitrary measures taken
to etlect this object, tacts are pervert
ed, language wrested from Us true
meaning, and the rights which the
Constitution was trained to secure are
scouted and despised.
.Mr. .Morton admits that tho Cntr
tenden resolutions amounted to a
pledgo that, having put down the re
bellion, we would not disturb the do
mestic institutions of the States, but
restoro them to their constitutional
rights in the Union ; but be say, in
discussing Mr. Lincoln's emancipation
proclamation, that if we stood by the
pledgo we could not restoro the Union ;
"wo must cither stand by the Union
aud let the pledge go, or stand by the
pledge and let the Union go." j
Admit this to be true; '.hen I
thought, and stil! think it a mistake,
and that as a war measure it did not
strengthen, but weukencd us. It di
vided the North united the South,
and alienated hundreds of thousands
in the border States. Yet it was no
breach of faith it was resorted to as
a war measure, flagrante Mlo, and no
more a breach of the pledge mado in
the Crittenden resolutions than any
other act ot hostility. That pledge
rotated to tho uso which we would
make of victory, having achieved it
not the moans wo would adopt to
achiove it. Mr. Lincoln, therefore,
did not violate tho pledge, bat it was
violated when, after the rebel armies
surrendered or were disbanded ; when
all the rebel governments were dis
solved j when having restored their
republican State constitutions, as
members of the Union, they claimed
to accept tho duties and enjoy the
rights of States ; then when Congress
relused to receive them as States, but
treated them as conquered territories,
subjected them to military govern
ment, pnrscribed nearly all tho intel
ligent men men of tho States by a
sweeping bill of attainder, and "raised
up" in the languago of Sonotor Mor
ton, a new set of loyal voters planta
tion slavos who could not tell their
names nor read their tickets, but
oould voto a Republican ticket whon
given them when Congress did these
things, they violated that solemn
pledge which brought at least half a
million Union volunteers into the
field. It was a deliberate breach of
faith, prompted by interest, not neces
sity. 1 do not think the parly profil
ed by it; men, that is untaught men,
love faith and detest falsehood. Bo
side this, it bas involved the party in
complications lrom which they never
can bo extricated until they are mer
cifully rolieved from the cares of gov
ernmonu For myself, I confess to a
lack of progress ; I stand as one of
Senator Morion's milo posts on a do
sorlod road, having learned by the
war no moral code releasing men, as
individuals, or legislative bodies, from
the obligations of tho Constitution,
or law or personal truth and honor.
Mr. Morion shows very clearly that
the guarantee of republican forms
of government to these ten Slates
was all a pretense. You wilt remem
ber thut President Johnson, at tho
close of the war, issued a proclama
tion dictating provisions to be adop
ted in the constitutions of the ten
Stales which would adapt them to
the changed condition of things, and
that tliey modified their constitutions
according to the terms of the procla
mation. Mr. Morton, in speaking of
the proclamation, and il was toe
same subsunsliully as if he bad been
speaking of each of the several consti
tutions, says :
I did .how that the PMliernf Utet penolamalion
waa even m ire ra.liral than tbat of Mr. Lincoln.
I ilut .hiw that it iu more r. lu-al eten then Ihr
W inter Pavi. lull of the .nmmer nf 14. lint,
air. it we. all np.m the di.tinet ur,dor.t. ndina. that,
whatever the I're-iueiit did, hia whole p -ln-y or
ei-tu-n w to 1 wiii.iiiitt-.! lo C'nrv foi if a run
rvderation and dee'"i"n ; ami. a" I belorrrraarked.
if that bad haea don. all would have bees WT-U.
That is tho proclamation was
right, even toexooss ; the constitutions
modified in pursuance of it were right
and would have been acic.epted it sub
mitted to Congress ; but this etiquette
was neglected and ten stales were
kept on l of the Union, tinder military
government, end eight millions of
American citizens denied tho protec
tion of tho Constitution and law in or
der to arengo the insulted dignity of
the two Houses ol Congress, liut this,
also, was a pretense ; the real object
kept steadily in view was, and is, to
control the rotes of the ten States,
so aa to strengthen, to the uttermost,
the bifida nf (lis IvVj nl lu pny,
and In enable them to meininin Ka,r
nprems por ever the Gvm.
merit.
The statement nf Mr. Mnttnn ttial
he and his party wttw evtnrstd 10
new rtortnnes hv the war, snd that
they learned rapidly, Is trim, in point
of Isel, and il sn Vouor, a very re
spectable precedent It in like in
spirit, hut moM mode, in langtiso,
than ths boaal of ilr D laiseli, in
Parliament, last summer, that he had
educated his party into the acceptance)
of doctrines rnpuirnant to their moat
cherished conviction. Hut this pro
cess of education, unluckily for the
precedent, threw the Premier and
his party at once into a total minori
ty. And such may, possibly, be Ibe
case here.
When the Impeachment failed, tho
ootnmittoe of the House appointed to
oonduct it was not discharged, but
continued to sit under the guidance of
Gen. Duller, who had boen from the
first its actuul, though not itn nominal
bead. The continuance of the inves
tigation was founded on nothing, and
tended to nothing except party spite
and party calumny. One point in
his report deserves notice not be
cause it wns ha report, but because it
was adopted by the committee, and
published by order of the House.
tne fourth amendatory aiticle or
the Constitution provides that "the
right of the people to be soenre in
their persons, houses, paper and ef
fect against unreasonable searches
aud seizures shall i)l he. vmltd
no wuiiauid. nuaii uui uu proua-
hie cause, supported by oath or affir
mation, and particularly describing
tho place to be searched aud the per
sons or things to be seized." Now
notice the construction of this clause
of the Constitution by General liutler,
peaking in the name of a CQrqmitteo
of Congress, if indeed It occurred to,
him or them that we bid a Constitu
tion. The impeachment has ended iq
a failure. There was no question
pending before the House, on which
that body had a right to call and ex
amine witnesses under compulsory
process, but General Butler "supposed''
that the Senators who voted for so-
3uiltal were bribed, and on this fuuu
ulion and no other, he in the name
of the committee and with the concur
rence of the House, proceeded to in
vestigate the matter of bis supposition.
He says in his report, which was
agreed to by the committee and pub:
lisbed by the House, Qj. J j
Learn ina that Ban. telerraphie aeeaara rel
ative to iraieecnmeat bad been Bent and reoeirfd
by the partie. euppoeed U be implicated In fraud
ulent practice., your eommittee leaned a aubpwna
rfweet lamia in die nana form to the manager, ol
the eevera! telegraph, eompaoiee In Ihi eitr and
Baltimore to prodaee taleprapble di.palobei dur
ing a oertain period ; and I hen directed die wiuo..-
ea, officer, of the telegraph eompaniea, lo collect
each telegrame aj were aappoeetl would throw;
"Thi. exercise ol an ordinary power ounfldisj to
every juatioe of the neaoe of the country who baa
a eaua. pending before him, wna the only em care
of teh-rrajnl bade by your ootniuiuee. wbiuh kaa
been the auhjeot of much Kroner, and tuelei. vi-tuperetioa-'
Mr. Butler and bis committee as
sume that if somebody is supposed to
be implicated in fraudulent practices.
the papers of everybody may be seizd
and searched To cive that Bower to
the House of Representatives, no pen
ding suit, according to him or them,
is necessary ; no affidavit, no probable
cause against anybody or anything;
ii, is enougn mat someoody is "sup
posed to be implicated in some fraud
ulent practice, and the power cf a
committee of the House is complete
to seize and search ths papers ot any-
oooy aye, ana to seize ana imprison
the vaults ot tbo Capitol any per
son who refuses to explain his owu
private business transactions to tho
committee. The appeal to the Con
stitution, whicn forbids unreasonable
searches and seizures, snd provides
that "no warrants shall bo .nsued but
upon probable cause, supported bv
oath or affirmation," is characterized
as "senseless snd useless clamor."
private person, Colonel Wooley, whose
dispatches had been seized by the
committee, was summoned before
them, and denied, nnder oath, that
they related to the matlerabout which
the committee bad assumed to inquire,
but refused to testify as to bis own
private business, whereupon they im
prisoned him first in a wholesome
room, then, by order of the House,
transferred bim to a dungeon in the
vaults of the capilol.
Aliens seems to have been no mo-
live on the part of the House for this
act of arbitrary individual oppressioq
but to show their power over the Con
stitution and their con temp, cf its
guarantees. Or, perhaps, their object
was merely to sustain General Butler,
whom they had adopted as their load
er, and to indorse his acts. As to him,
he was so morally constituted that he
could not even transmit the truth
when be bad it before him on paper,
It changed its very nature under hia
eye while be read, or under his band
while he transcribed it: and thecoarso.
nessol bis porocpiioiis disqualified hira
from forming any just opinion on any
matter involving Constitution or law,
or the proprieties of official or profes
sions! action. Hence a case aa he
presents it is never the actual case,
and the Constitution, after passing
turuugu ma run. mental digestion, is
no more the Constitution as it is writ
ton than tlie guano of Alia Vela is tho
fish that was swallowed by the sea,
bird.
The Constitution declares that "no
bill of attainder or ex post fatto laws
shall be passed," w hereupon, as if the
hint were taken from the clause, the
last Congress, at thoir last session,
passed an ex post facto law attainting
a class of our citizens and depriving
them of citizenship an unworthy
class, 'tis truo men who bad violated
their oath to support the Constitution,
and wilh it their oath to render military-
service. These men wore proba
bly "acting outside tho Constitution1'
perhaps they had been "taught by
the war ' still they descrvod punish
ment, and were amenable to it under
the Articles of War. It was, therefore
of mere choice, not necessity, that Ibis
double injunction of the Constitution
was Tiolulod.
Hut this abuso of power was not
suffered to remain a barren act it
was made to bear fruit. One of these
attainted men happened to be one of
the three judes of election for Con
gress in onoot tho townships in the
Muskingum District, which gave a
lurge majority to the Democratic can
didate. The prosont Congress, under
tho prelonse that U,is law, doubly
unconstitutional, was biuding, disfran
chised for that election all the voter
of the township, removed Geneial
Morgan, whom tho people elected,
and apKinted Mr. Delano, whom tbey
did not elect, in bis place. The case
of Jack Wilkes and Lut troll, though
an outrage which sot all England in
blaze, was fair play, compared with
this. Wilkes had beet) expelled from
the House of Commons and was, there
for, declared Ineligible, but Laurel