I RBCONSTRDCTIQN.
jttr trotn thr lion. Urrnthtl '
Johnnon, ot Georgia.
W I, 1 1
il fif I'd it or of tin' Tribune:
Silt : Several days' ahscnce from the
v, and business engagements, have
i-vented an earlier acknowledgment
vour courtesy, in publishing my
ii'. r of iIjo (itli ult. I respectfully
4 place in your columns lor reply.
It in very dosirablo that A better
it. Upstanding between the Northern
i l Southern peoplo should ho brought
bmit. Tliiscun bodonoonly through
'lie press, which your liberality, in
ji instance, teiulH to promote. Por
a. each section misunderstands the
jlirr. In the North, the South is sup
M'd to be contumacious, and untrue
j the Union. In the South, the North
J regarded as untrue to the Constitu
jbu, and detorniiiied to impotio on us
jrniH of reconstruction that aro de
ruling and despotic. It may be that
sulual misconception exists, and,
iewing each other through the media
if passion and prejudice, the obstacles
harmonious and good understntid
iig ure greatly magnified. If they
paid, a it were, be brought tace to
in-e, and consider the causes of disa
greement and discontent in the spirit
' candor- and- rmcilretiorf,who can
jay that some common ground of
'reenient, satisfactory to both, might
I t be discovered ? J t is in this teia
jtr venture again to trespass upon
ur kind indulgence.
The quarrel between the two sec-
mis bus been as bitter since the war
the war was fierce while it ratted.
Inrely this ought not to be so. The
ght Laving ceased, the quarrel should
fiase. lite vanquished areentilled to
agnanimity and justice, and the vio
rious can afford to practice these
utile virtues. That war has decreed
lit we shall live together nnder the
irne flag. We are the successors of
common political ancestry ; we have
common interest in the memory ol
or past career; we are inevitably
i.ked to a common destiny. For
hatpver shall be tho fate of the South
rill liunlly be the fate of the North.
So long as we continue to be one peo-
fple, under one Government, its bless
ings or its curses will ultimately be
fdistributcd throughout the entire ex
fient of our territorial limit. The
North cannot permanently enjoy more
liberty than the South, and the mi
fguiiled policy that ahull oppress us,
Miiougli it may, for a time, be unfelt at
ft tie North, will finally result in the
loverthrow of the Constitution, and
end in despotism. The cancer that
jappears on the smallest extremity,
may connne nscii in mo poini oi at
tack for many years, but it will vitiate
the blood, and at last produce death.
The North, in its power, may force its
policy upon the desolated, overpow
ered and almost impoverished South ;
it maydictutc to us Stale government
repugnant to the wishes and sonli
menl of the great majority of her in
telligent people; it may enthrone the
negro race in the position of superior
ity and dominion over the white, by
the power of the bayonet ; it may
open the doors cf Federal legislation
to members who will represent igno
rance and depravity, and call this re
construction of the Union. But 1 fear
it will bo merely crusting over the
smothered fires of tho volcano. Ag
gression never relents ;,its appetite is
never satiated; and when it has riv.
eled chains upon us, and has nothing
more to do, think you it will pome in
its march or return to the track ol
wisdom, justice and moderation? Not
unless human nature is changed ; not
unless all history is a fable ; not unless
the philosophical relation between
cause and effect has ceased. Aggres
sion is never at rest until, like Alex
ander, it has accomplished its scheme
of aggrandizement, and then, like
Alexander, it weeps because there i
no other field for conquest. The only
safety is in arresting it, if possible, in
the beginning
While 1 thus characterize the policy
of reconstruction which is being so
fiercely pressed, as nggrcssivc.J shall
not assail the patriot sm of its authors.
1 combat erroneous measures of ba4
statesmanship. 1 protest against them
as oppressive and unconstitutional,
whether so designed or not. I enter
my feeble appeal in behalf of good
government. J plead fur constitutional
rights, lr tho equality of the Stales,
fur a Union of consent not of force.
In my Ictterof the K.lh ult., 1 called
tho ten States, under military govern
ment, 'proscribed Mates." Von lake
me up on that. Well, suppose I used
the wrong term, docs that prove they
are not entitled to self government f
Does it show they should be put under
neuro dominion at the point of the
bayonet? According to Ameiiean
ideas of liberty, the right of eclfgov
frnment is inherent in ibe people, and
its disregard i tyranny.
But 1 think I designated them "thr
trn proscribed Males." In your judg
merit they are not "proscribed," but
that their non-rcprcsciitulion in Con
gress is their own net, because "they
went out on tlieirown motion." It is
true they attempted to "going out ;" i
but tho North said they should not, I
nd maintained their resolve by the
'word. Hence these States were never
out of the Union. Congress has al
ways so held and so legislated. The
laws of taxation, pi ssed during the
ar, aro being enforced. The Federal
Judiciary is regularly organized and
ITt. inning it appropriate functions
M.in these Stales. They are for-,
not'.ly called upon as State of the
. ' .. .i .i .1
of tho Coi.stifution. There is, I be-
""ii, mi rainy propose! aiiienm". '"
1'cve.not a sinuln net of Con -'re,
from the dav of .ecession down to the !
Pi'sae of the military supplementary recognized authority oi wio vmon in
ll'l, which does not recognize them as the Mate of Georgia lo give mo pro
Sum, is rt I'nios tection? Do you not know that there
In au earlv staie ef tho war. Con-
fess, almost unanimously, adopted
tlie f'.llosring resolution :
"iV.i'iYif, That this war is not
L'ed. fin i,rt t-,f,ft in nnt- aiiirit rif
"Ppreskiim, nor for any pnrpos of i
"nqtirt or subjugation, nor for the I
purpose of overthrowine orinterlering !
will. i i . . 1 1 ,. i .:...
WM,f the States, bul to defend and
.main the supremacy of the on- .1
ilh all ?h. rrrrIn"iLl "Til
riirl.i. e .i ": J' .
CLEAR
GEO. B. GOODLANDER, Proprietor.
VOL. 88-WHOLE NO.
accomplished, the war ought to cease."
From all this it appears that the war
was waged to maintain the "suprema
cy of the Constitution, and to preserve
the. Union, with all the dignity, equality
and riyhts of the States unimpaired."
Hence, viewing the question from the
Northern standpoint, (and surely by
thut you aro willing to be bound,)
Congress is estopped from denying
thut those States are in the Union.
Then, if States in the Union, they aro
entitled to representation in Congress,
in obedience to the Constitution, be
ing refusod this right, are they not
"proscribed ?"
Your second comment i upon my
use of tho terms Southern people,"
and you say the context shows that I
"regard the whitesonly as constituting
the people." On the contrary, you
say you "contemplate the whole peo
ple ol the South," white and black, and
"insist that the rights and well being
of thuni ull should bo tared for." On
this poiqt, there is no disagreement
between us. Wo difTor as to the modo
in which this shall be done. You aay
it must be done according to the Con
gressional scheme of reconstruction.
1 object to this scheme.
I. Because it is unconstitutional,
and admitted to be so by its authors.
II. Becauao it is in direct conflict
with tho resolution just above quoted.
It proceeds upon the idea that the
ten proscribed Slates are conquered
States; whereas, that the resolution
says the war was not waged for "eon
quest or subjugation." It "overthrows
and interferes with the rights and es
tablished institutions of the States;
whereas, oceording to that resolution,
the war was prosecuted to maintain
these. It destroys the "dignity, equal
ity,and rights ol the States ;" whereas,
that resolution declares that the war
was waged to "preserve them."
III. Because, its inevitable effect
will be, if not so intended, to place
these States under the dominion of
the negro race; so that, however de
sirable it is to have the "well-being"
of all the neople. white and black,
' cared for,' it will place the white
people, at tho mercy of the black, who
Are being instructed that the latter
havo grievances to avenge against the
former. In lanauaqe., you embrace
"tho whole people," white and black,
in the arms of your tender care ; but
in practice, by enforcing the Congres
sional scheme, it seems that tbe" well
being" of the whiles is being disre
garded. IV. Because it is based on the as
sumption that Congress has tho power
to diclato to these Slates that their
constitutions shall contain certain pro
visions, looking exclusively to the en
franchisement of the black race, ana
to exercise a supervision over the action
of the K'ople of these Slates when as
sembled in primary convention to or
ganize their governments.
Y. Because the principle which
alone could justify such action, by
Congress, as that scheme embodies,
ignores the separate existence of tho
.Slates .clothed with the inherent rights
of self government, and converts our
Confederate system into a vast con
solidation. It is true, the scheme, on
its face, give ns the opinion lo accept
or reject. But wo are distinctly in
formed that unless we accept it, we
may expect worse terms, coupled wilh
confiscation and more general disfran
chisement. Your third comment, being a per-!
sonal animadveision upon my courso. '
deserve a few reflections. I repeat
what I said in my letter of the (it h
ult., that "I never, in my whole life,
cherished a sentiment or did an act of
hostility to tho Constitution of the
United States or to tho Union of the
States based upon it, according to my
honust opinion of it spirit and mean
ing." On this you remark that I re
pudiated tlie authority oi tne rcuerai
Constitution, and waged a long and
bloody war to disrupt the Union. Thie
I respectfully, but emphatically, deny.
Thnngli believing in tho right of a
State to socedo, yet 1 opposed the se
cession of Georgia to the utmost of
my feeiilo ability, and voted ngaiust
it in tho convention. It is true that
I signed the ordinance after it was
passed, in conformity to a resolution
requesting that it be signed by all tbe
delegate. But my Mgnaiure gave it
no additional validity. It was the act
of the cnuvention without it. If my
signature had boon necessary to make
invalid, I never would have signed it.
But I signed it to give as much more
moral power to tho action of the Slate
a possible, in the hope that it might
ilii:titiiuti llm rirrilifiliilit V uf a war for
coercion. As far a the L nion was
disrupted, it was done by iho ordi
nance of secession. Opposing that, I
oppoxid 4)froption. It is unjust, then,
to say that 1 "repudiated" the Con
stitution. Nor d'nl I wnge war to dis
rupt the Union. The war, on our
purt, was defensive. When secession
Lad become a fixed fact, I yielded to
it as the mandate of my State, unwise
and fatal a I then believed it to be
uillimr In alinm tin! fortunes of her
noble people. And if I had not felt it ;
to bo my duty to do so, what cise
could 1 have done ? Win there any j
was a total lailure on me parv oi me
Government at Washington to coun
teract the secession impulse ? : That
it authority in the Stato was entirely
OVCTl ll TO W n ?
Hut when the war lor
c oercion was inaugurated by 1 resident
Lincoln, I sustained as fur as I was
able the Southern cause, believing it
.. i. i in .,ri m.ttilv. hut wmiiff in
policy. For 1 did ..ot-h;m
in'"'r7'r "i ' Ci:: I
riZro; B.nr. :
' ' . '. ),. loth of .
MELD
2011.
following sound sentiments, which
were received with delight in the
South :
"And now, ii-the cotton States con
sider the value of the Union debatable,
we maintain their perfect right to dis
cuss it. Nay, we hold, with Jefferson,
to tbe Inalienable right of communi
ties toalteror abolish forms of gov
ernment that have become oppressive
or injurious; and, if the cotton States
shall decide that they can do better
out of the Union .than in it, wo insist
on letting thorn go in peace. The
right to secede may be a revolution
ary on o, but it exists nevertheless;
and we do not see how one party can
have a right to do what anolher party
has right to prevent. Wo most ever
resist the asserted richt of any State
to renmin in the Union and nullify or
aeiy me laws thereof; to withdraw
from the Union is quite another mat
ter. And whenever a considerable
section of our Union shall deliberately
resolve to go out, we shall resist all
coercive measures designed to keep
them in. Wo hope never to live in a
Republic- whereof one section is pinned
to the residue by bayonets."
This language, from a gentleman of
your acknowledged talents and influ
ence, tad a powerful effect upon tho
people of Georgia. When I warned
them against the folly and danger of
secession, I wasdenounced asunlrue to
my section, I was cited to your senti
ments as thus expressed, and told that
you were sounder than I was upon the
mighty issue winch then agitated the
public mind. To tho extent of the
influence of such utterances from vou.
(and it was very wide,) the people of
Ueorgia were induced to believe there
would bo no attempt at coercion, and
if there should be, that you would
never give your influence in its favor.
Aow, 1 put it to your candor, if yon
had been a Georgian, entertaining the
opinions which you and I did as to
tho right of secession and the absence
of any right to coerce a seceding
Slate though deprecating the expe
diency would you not, like me, have
linked your fortunes with tho destiny
ofyourStatef But we both now live
"in a Republic whereof one section is
pinned to the residuo by bayonots,"
and I have lived to be reproached by
you for acting upon principles which
you promulgated.
It is argued by many mat tne etteel
of the attempt to secede was extinc
tion of tho several governments of the
seceding States a sort of political
suicide ; and that the defeat of it by
the Federal Government merely pre
served the territorial integrity of the
United State, withoutrivitying them.
To my mind, this is a most absurd
proposition. 1 lie Mate oi this Lnion,
by virtue of tho sovereignty of their
people, are sell constituted political
organizations. They derived their
existence from no higher power than
themselves. 1 hey are unlike corpo
rations which are created by the su
preme power, and may, in various
ways, forfeit their Irancnise. in
other words, they are incapable of
political suicide incapable of forfeit
ing their rights of self-government.
The people may volunturily change
the form of thoir organization. They
might disband it altogether. But
does even such a radical change as
this deprive the people of the sover
eign right to reorganize in their own
way ; jjocs it comer authority upon
any other power under the sun to
take them in band and force a new
government npnn them without their
consent? I challenge the production
of a single respectable authority,
ancient or modern, who has ever
written upon pol.tical or international
law, in support of such a doctrine.
But admit, for tho sake of argument,
that theso states, by secession, did
commit an act of forfeiture ; to whom
did they forfeit? To whom did their
right of selfgovernment secure or
revert? Will it be protended that it
was to the remaining States, or the
Federal Government? What is the
Government of the United State?
I it not the creature of tho States?
Was not its organization subsequent
to that of the several original States?
Is it not a Government of limited
rowers, oV6ned in tho Constitution ?
low, then, could it succeed to tho
rights of tho several seceding States ?
Who ever heard of the creator forfeit
ing lo the creature, or tho principal
to his agent? Where is the word or
letter in the Constitution that even
remotely squints at such a doctrine ?j
ur suppose it were in me . onsuiu
Hon, would it not toe incumbent on
Conires. in reconstructing thce
States, to proeeod according lo Iho
Ucnstituliou, and on me grcai princi
ples which underlie the framework
of our political system ? Would they
not bo bound lo preserve tne privi-
lego of the writ of kalxas corpus, the , hazard, which signifies that the no
right of triul by jury, and recognize j groe shall be universally pntran
the sacredness of proeriy, lile, and chiscd, as the means of "guaranteeing
liberty? Can they substitute for these ' equal rights and equal laws," and
military supremacy ? Dare they ig-1 ihat thon the reign of prosperity will
nore the sovereignty of the people of ' begin at the Soulh. Do you vainly
theso States, and the fundamental expect that the white people of the
idea that all governments uor e lueir
ju p..wc irvm n.""-
governed J Po yon nnd any auinori-
ty.in the Uonstitulion lor piacu.g
these State under military governors,
and adopting such machinery for reor
ganization a sulKirdinato the inicui-
irent and virtuon to the ignorant and
depraved? A well place the doiuin
ion over eight million of white peo
ple in tho" hand ol four million of
negroc ?
But thi theory of Slate suicide or
forfeiture is a false In fact a it is In
urincinle. Thee State never did
,,ntegra --an -rgai.
Z.... that existed at the lime of
Secern-in full and vigorous opera- j
tion The c on ot the wai lounu ;
" Th'
principles-n6t men.
CLEARFIELD, PA., THURSDAY,
that tho Executive of the United
States required, and sought earnestly
to return to their former position in
the Union, but were irejectcd, with
bitter abuso and denunciation bnansd
upon thoir people as bauds of rebels
and traitors.
Beside, how could they commit ui
cido when Congress resolved they
should not, and waged war for four
years, according to resolution previ
ously quoted, to prevent it "wilh no
purpose of conquest or suljugat ion,
nor ot overthrowing or interfering
with tho rights and established insti
tutions of tho States T'hut to main
tain them "with all their "dignity,
equality, and rights unimpaired !"'
Thongh fHito may rtOY commit sui
cide or forfeiture of sovereignty to
the Federal Government they may be
subjugated ond overthrown by tyran
ny and despotism ; and it is in this
way only that the Stales of the Amer
ican Union can bo destroyed.
Those, however, who do not main
tain this theory, insist that these
States have been engaged in a wickod
rebellion, the suppression of which
cost the Federal Government thou
sands of millions of treasure and hun
dreds of lives. The nssertion of the
cost is true; and, whether properly
styled a rebellion or not, the remem
brance of the war must bring a pang
of sadness to every feeling heart. But
we too have to mourn over our im
poverishment, as a people, the graves
of our gallant dead and the w oes of
widowhood and orphanage which have
cast their shadows into many once
happy homes. After a struggle so
unnatural and so grievous between
this greut family of Washington's
children, in which both sides exhibited
heroism, courapo and endurance that
must challenge mutual respect, these
common sorrows ought to mult the
hearts of both sections into forgive
ness of the past ; be waters of Lclhc
should wash out the memory of our
sufferings and wc should come togeth
er in the spirit ot magnanimity and
justice the only foundation on which
permanent pence and prosperity can
be restored i - But tee, tbe powerless
and unarmed vanquished, must be
punished by the triumphant victors 1
but can you punish Mutes: I ublio
ists, who treat of war powers while
war rages, maintain tho ri;it of one
side to punish tho other. But I cual
lenge the production of a singlo re
spectable authoritj' to justify the pun
ishment of tho vanquished, in their
character as States, aier llic' have
laid down their arms. At the time of
surrender, the victorto"us party may
dictate the terms of surrender. But
it can never, thereafter, superadd oth
ers, by way of punishment, or fornny
purpose. Such un attempt is treach
erous and despirablcand is so consid
ered by all civilized nations. Whence,
then, does Congress derivo tho author
ity to punish these States, as States ?
Point, if you can, to u singlo word in
the Constitution to justify it. If indi
viduals have committed treason, you
may punish them, and it indicates the
mode in which it shall be done. It
must be done by the judicial tribu
nals, after a puhlio trial and convic
tion by an impartial jury. But it is
adding cruelty to injustice to punish
the whole peoples of Stutos by abro
gating their governments and impo
sing upon them governments against
their consent, thus involving the inno
cent with the guilty, in the odium of
tho alleged crime. And do you not
know, there were thousands in all
these States, that deprecated and de
plored secession ? and who took sliol
terunder iheCoufedcrato flag, because
there was no power here, for months
after secession ay for yearn to
protect them under the "Slurs and
Stripes?" Such treatment derives no
support from international law or tho
Constitution. Christianity and the
civilization of the nineteenth century
revolt at such a wholesale system of
primitive retribution. Impartial his
lory will brand it; the enlightened
world will condemn it. The triumph
ant North ought not to persist in it
It is due to rhemsclvos and to the
churarter of our Government to aban
don it. True statesmanship act can
tiousfy, justly, upon principles, with
out tho influence of vindictive temper.
In your eleventh comment upon
my Ictter.you sny: "There are many
good men at tho South, some of whom
were Rebels; but puhlio tranquility
and public justice can be secure only
when guaranteed by equal rights and
equal laws. Yet they must
be guaranteed, nay, irrt be; and then i
capital, energy, enterprise, and pros
perity, will abundantly bless the
South." This I understand to bo.
an announcement, quati authoritative,
that the Congressional scheme of re-1
construction will be carried out at all ;
South will havo "equal richt and
equal laws" when subordinated to tho
d iminion of the black ra e ? Does, it
lonk like "guaranteeing equal right
and equal laws" to disfranchise a suf
ficient numlierof whites to secure tliif
result? I agree wilh vou that tho
scheme will be executed, and 1 pray
that your promised good times for the
South may be fulfilled. But I do not
expect il, for the simple reason that
the legitimate and necessary results J white over the black race, you say :
of tho programme in turning over'Ao wan has a riqld to rule another
these Stales to negro rule will defeat merely because of his greater mental
"equal rights and equal laws" forever, i capacity or intellectual cultivation." I
in the Mine comment you aay, do not controvert this, as nn abstract
"and these (equal right and equal
laws) Mr. Johnsons party, when
restored to power, by President John- j
son, reiusea lo guarantee or enaci. ,
this I einpl reply, that we did
m mi
ll
NOV." 7, 1 807.
NEW
ull that the President required, and
by our legislation, enacted the princi
ples of the Civil Rights Bill passed by
Congress. Wo made ull men, black
and white, equal before the civil law.
We did not confer political rights
upon the ucgio ; first, because the
victorious power, represented by Gen
Grant, at the time of surrender, did
not demand it; and secondly, because
wo did not believe, as we do not now
believe, thut it, is compatible with
good government. The President and
the Republican party, not having at
thut time quarreled, wo wuro nut ad
vis'.id that the latter would demand
more at our hands. W e had every
rcahOU to believe that ho not only
represented the Government of the
United Suites, but also the policy of
Hie 'tonnnant power. Mill, however,
if that party, in a spirit of candor,
magnanimity, and justice, had offered
a reasonable programiueof' reconstruc
tion ono that was consistent with
me avowed oniecls ol tne war, as
expressed, in the Congressional reso
lutions, previously quoted as a final
ity, it would havo been accopted. The
occasion, us well as w ise statesman
ship, ought to have euggosled to the
Republican party tho policy of the
utmost frankness and cxplicitness of
detail, coupled with the indication of
a sincere desire not only to restore
these States on a Constitutional basis,
bul, ulso, of good fouling and confi
dence. Suppose thut Congress, as it
could or mould not admit our Sena
tors and Representatives, had invited
friendly conference with the Southern
Slates, through their intelligent and
representative men ; suppose, in such
conf.'rencc, they had said, gentlemen,
we find ourselves in au anomalous
condition one not provided for by
the Constitution ; you aro overpow
ered and at our mercy, but wo do not
wish to deal harshly wilh you; four
millions slaves have been emancipated
by tho war; their riirhts and welfare
must bo cared for, iu any scheme of
reconstruction which wo may adopt ;
it is a question deeply affecting your
political and social structure, and
therefore we desiro yoyr views and
your eo-operalion iu devising some
scheme, just to both races and pro
motive of good gnvcrn'nrnt. Can yon
doubt that such a eonlorence would
have resulted in eome plan which
would havo harmonized the country
and given ample protection to the
black people? . Knowing tho then
temper of tho Southern mind, 1 am
sure such a course would have been
most beneficial, and that, to day, in
stead of quarreling over the negro,
we should have been united and culti
vating a good understanding between
the North and the South. But this
would not do. it w-as undignified for
the victors lo hold parley with the
vanquished ; wo were deemed vile
rebels and traitors, and to bo trcntod
as a despised set of outlaws. It mat
tered not whether eight millions of
trhite people were pleased or not, if,
by force, tour millions of negroes be
put over them. H'e have the power,
and the rcbds shall feel it. How sad
is the temporal tho times! Noeil'ort
at conciliation when the well-being of
the whole country demands it 1 Tho
Republican party may havo thought,
aim doubtless did think, wo did hot
deserve it. Be it so, if yon will it;
but do not the higher interest of nil,
and the loflier claim of statesman
ship, plead for it? Was it not, .mil
is it not now, required by tho very
genius and spirit of our form of Gov
ernment ?
But the negroes have been emanci
pated from slavery. Tho Congress
has conferred upon them Slato citizen-1
ship, without the shadow of a shade
of Constitutional authority, and insist
that they shall bo universally enfran
chised, upon the assumption that they
will not lie reprcsonled without tt
an nssuinption not sustained by the
theory, history, or practico of our
Government. Our system has never
contemplated, nor does it recognize :
the principle of clans representation.
Its representative feature looks to
communities, and a communities aro
composed of ull their classes, orders.
and occupations each is represented
when tho whole is. Organized as our
system is, class representation is im
practicable, llur mechanics, manu
facturers, corporations, foreign-born
citizens, aro not represented as classes,
but., each boing integral parts of the
whole, they are reprwited by the
representative of tno community, be
it town, counties, or State, cacti in
its place, bcinj' subordinate to ti e
whole. According to this theory (and!
right or wrong, it is our theory, and
lien at tho foundation of its fundamen- j
lul law.) there is no reason or prinei-
pie that the colored race should be
represented, much less that these
State should now be reorganized i
should now be reorganized I
upon a plan which will givo them, as
a class, Iho supremacy of political
power. But tho Republican party
have resolved that this shall be so.
whether inst or uniust. wise or unwiso.
It being their fixed purpose, not lo be
thwarted by any means of which 1
can conceive, that tho black people
shall be enfranchised, it would bo well
to inquire, if there be no plan by
which they may exercise the right of
ballot, nnd lie thus represented, w it!i -
out jonpnrdiziii" the interests and i
rights of the white race.
In your eighth tomment on my for-
mcr letter, touching the superior men-
tnl capacity nnd cultivation of tho
proposition. , But is not the converse
of ,t entitled to consideration T
Aro j
negroe. because their skin, aro black j
anu mey ignorant anu ucpravca, en-
titled to govern th, wbite.ce, who
BLTCAN.
TERMS-$2 per annum, in Advance.
VOL. 8 NO. 1 0-
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: .. v . . - ..-
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are superior in "mental capacity or
intellectual cultivation ?" Vou must
answer in the negative, according to
your own principles. Then, is it wise
lo force upon the Southern people,
white Anil black, the admit inn (if
Sluto Constitutions and (.'overnniniiis1
which ill lead to this result r Such jjeetionablu featnres of tho scheme it
will bo tho effect of the Congressional lf, k you wonder that the South
scheme'of reconstruction. er" States hesitate? Can you be
Now, one word upon your prnposj. j surprised at their oarnest and decided
tion as a practical question. While it j opposition to tho scheme ? When
may bo true that the educated and in- Congress repudiated tho Executive
tclligont have no abstract right to P 1:1 11 of reconstruction, it was their
rule tho ignorant and depraved, in the duty to proposo one of their own
sense of curtailing tho rights ol per- promptly, cordially.and in good faith.
sonal liberty, life, nnd properly, but it
is equally truo thut a republican
government cannot exist where the
political power is in the hands of tho
latter class. Intelligence and virtus
must govern, from the necessity of
tho case, or tho Government mtiBt
full, and fail to protect the citizens of
ant' class. Ii rests upon no abstract
or natural right, but upon the right of
sell preservation, which is as applica
ble to communities as it is to individ
uals. Our system rests upon the max
im that the people are capable of self
government. This prosuppouc intel
ligence to know how to govern, and
virtue to givo that intelligence proper
direction. It is the highest interest
of the ignorant that the functions of
government should bo wielded by the
intelligent. In populargovcrnments,
a'l thut is valuable to man, socially or
individually, depends upon it. It is
no enslavement of tho ignorant to be
under such guardianship. It confers
no misery upon the educated to he
thus clothe I with tho political powor
of the Stato. But it conserves tho
liberty, life, nnd property of all.
Your tenth comment upon my pre
vious letter, as to qualified suffrage
given to negroes in tho Northern
States, is nothing but tho correction
of an error into which 1 fell, upon a
point of fact. I stand corrected. I
said what I believed to be true at the
time, but I cheerfully. recognizo your
better information. But tho correction
of fact does not touch the question I
presented, which was that consisten
ey required Congress, if they think il
so sacred, to enforce the principle of
universal suffrage, in tho Northern as
well as tho Southern States. But
they fail to do it, because the- dare
not attempt it. Tho bayonet is not
supremo there as it is here. You enu
merate the Stales in which unqualified
suffrage obtains, and say if'soon will
in other Slates, Now York included."
But how ? Is it in obedience to Con
gressional dictation or by tho volun
tary act of thoo States ? To this we
of the South have no objection. It
tho peoplo of those States desire it, it
ifi their perfect tight to confer suf
frago upon tho colored freidincn in
thoir midst. But ns equals iu tho
Union (which equality "Congress, by
its resolution, declared tho war was
waged to maintain and defend) havo
not theso ten proscribed States tho
same right to decide this qnestion'for
themselves? How can Congress con
sistently leave tho policy of lreo ac
tion to the -Northern but deny it to
the Southern States? Do you sup
poBO tho Northern States you name
would ever havo thus extended suf
frage if by so doing they would have
put themselves under negro domin
ion ? And if that would bo the effect
and Congress to attempt to force it
upon thein, would Ihcy yield without
complaint? But the down trodden
and overpowered Soulh is lorccd to
submit, at tho point of tho bayonet,
and her honest cnmpluint nre con
strued into disloyalty nnd rebellion
The 'Northern States can afford, if
they choose, to enfranchise thoir col
ored population, for they are too few
in number to constitute a potent ele
ment of political power. How differ
ent is il in tho Southern States?
In most of fhem the colored popula
tion predominates; anil if they did
not, the Congressional scheme dis
franchises a ul!icicnt number of the
whites to doom them to a helpless mi
nority and negro domination.
To appreciate properly tho "situa
tion," we should look back to Iho
events tbnt have trancpirod. After
maintaining the struggle for four
years of bloody conflict, the Confeder
ate force surrendered their arms on
tho simple condition that they would
return to tho pursuits of peace, nnd
obey tho Constitution and laws of
'the United States. They did so, iu
good faith, aud from the policy which
Congress had avowed, in tho resolu
tion above quotod, ns to iheir object j
in prosecuting the
ar; Iho pooplo
of theso Stales never dreamed that
they were to bo treated as subjugated
that their Stato governments wero
to bo ignored or superseded that their
'"dignity, equality, and rights," as
ouuos oi me u mon, were lo no ae
Suites ol the L mon, were to
nied them ; but, on tho contrary, bad
ovory reason to believe luat they
would bo permitted to resume their
constitutional relations to the Union,
land to bo represented in the Federal
' Congress. But the President of iho
L'uited States issued bis proclamation !
'citing forth terms on which they I
might do so, which terms wero the j
, abandonment ol secession, tho repudi- j
' ntion of their war debt, the repeal of
! all law and ordinances in conflict !
witli ttio Constitution ni d law ot .
the I niled Stale, tho ratification of I
tho amendment of the Constitution!
abolishing slavery, and tho adoption j
of a like amciidinuiit to their Slate j
i onsuiuiiona. i ney uid o in jroou
faith, and therefore expected resiora- !
lion. Thev regarded iho President i
as iho representative of tho senti
ments and policy of tho North, and
entortainod no doubt that Congress
would cheerfully accede to what had
been done, and thus give harmony to
iuo uisirnci-cn country.
time, there bad been no
breach bc-i
I
jtween the ( President and Congr
I and the great I'epliMlesn plrty. No
J authoritative intimation bad been giv
jen that other terms would be exacted,
! and it remains fur history to record
j the disappointment, chagrin, and
'mortification of Iho Southern States
when they ascertained that their
I hope and expectation were doomed
1 to defeat. But the Congress and the
I President got into a quarrel, and Con
'gross visited upon us their wrath, as
il wo were responsible lortho broach.
I Restoration has been postponed; and
UP t0 Coiigres stand un-
! pledged to our admission -without
j qualification, even if wo adopt the
Shorinan scheme of reconstruction.
It is not offered to us as an uncondi
tional finality; prominent Republican
members say it is not a fiiiuli'y, un
less the action of theso Stales shall ex
hibit satisfactory Republican mnjori-
ties. Aside, therefore, from the ob.
ii mey uau ouereu buch a piun con-
stitutionul and just in its terms with
tho assurance that it was a finality,
it would havo been accepted. But
they wrangled for nearly or quite
two years threatening impeachment
of tho Preside ut and confiscation ;
and at last concocted the programme
now on trial; degrading, as we think,
to tho manhood of our peoplo, uncon
stitutional in every feature, aud evin
cive of deep hatred toward us, on the
part of a ma jority of the Republican
party. Tho programme will be exe
cuted even beyond Hie exactness of
its letter and tho vengeance of it
spirit. How sad, that the victors re
fuse to bo just and mngnanimous in
the hour ol triumphant success ! That,
o far from listening, they become en
raged, at our earnest protest nor
hear argument, nor give us utterance,
even through thoir presses (except the
Tribune) much less iu Congress I
How lamcntablo that, in a time of
peace, habeas corpus is suspended, and
tho civil courts prohibited from hear
ing our complaints that an unarmed
people aro kept under the surveilianco
of military garrisons, at the cost of
millions to the publio treasury! How
exceedingly mortifying that, when
we plead the benefits of our common
Constitution, wo are branded with
disloyalty and gravely told that we
nre without tho pale of tho Constitu
tion 1 Oh 1 there will come a day of
retribution! It may bo that, we of
tho South, in tho eye of tho just God
of nations, are unworthy to bo res
cued from the fate which casts it
ominous shadows before us. But lot
the words of Him, "who spake a
never man fpako," read all a lesson.
"Those on whom tho lower of Siloam
fell, think ye they were sinners above
all otlur mon ? I tell you, nay." We
havo been crushed by the fall, but we
are "not sinners above all other mon."
Permit mo lo reason with your read
ers a little concerning tbe grounds on
which Congress justifies its harsh pol
icy toward the Southern States. It
is assorted by its leading and most
distinguished advocate that the con
dition of these States presents a case
outsido of tho Constitution one for
which it does not provide That
proposition, if the Slates wore not
Sutes in the Union, and had gotten
out, as the legitimato result of the
war, would bo plausiblo. But they
did not get out of the Union. They
wore held in, by force of arms, and
Congress, as I have above shown, wa
ged tho war, not fur subjugation or
couqucst, "overthrowing or interfer
ing with the rights or oslablished in
stitutions of the States." "but
lo preserve the Union, with' all the
dignity, equality, and rights of the
several Stales unimpaired. Did Con
gress fail'to succeed in the object for
which it prosecuted the nrar ? Did it
preserve the Union ? Il it did, thon
it also preservod the States these ten
proscribed Slntos with "all their
dignity, equality, and rights unim
paired." How is it poasiblo, then, for
their condition to bo such as to place
them beyond the benefits of the Con
stitution ?
But suppose them to be outside of
the Constitution, whence docs Con
gress derive power to reconstruct
ihcinntnll? Congress has no power
not conferred by the Constitution. It
has no inherent powers ; it can excr
ciso none but such ns are delegated to
it by the several States that formed
the Constitution.
It is true, the Constitution docs not
provide for secossion, for no govern
ment provides for it own disintegra
tion. The riidit of secession is not to
bo found in the Constitution, but it
results from the very nature of the
compact between the States. 1 Can
not put it In better language than
you did in your language previously
quotod : "The right to oceda may be
a revolutionary ouo, duf if exUls, ncp
ertliclrss." The Constitution, not
having provided for secession, did not
provide lor coerciou ; and 1 cannot
put tin proposition in any better
language thau you did, iu tho same
extruci : "We do not sco how one par
ty has a right to do what another par
ty has a right to prevent. We must
ever resist 1'ie asserted right of any
Sluto to remain in the Union and nul
lify or dely the law thereof. To
with Irair from the Union is quite an
of Air miiHiT." Therefore tod. being
Judge, tho right of secession exists ;
nd. yourself being judge, tho rightof
coercion doe not exist. Hence the
war waged by the Federal govern,
monl was unauthorized. No wonder,
then, that the present condition of
theso Slules is anomalous. They are
coerced State "pinned to the resi-
uue ny nayoncis unconstitutionally
employed. Hence, Ihcy are reduced
lo ibeir present anomalous condition
by tho w rongful action of the Federal
Government. Bul doe that justify
Congress in doing any and everything
to and wilh tho overpowered State
which passion may debate? Doe
one wrong justify anolher ? or do two
wrong make a right ?
But 1 will concede, for tho sake of
argument, that secession was wrong
upon principle, and that Congrv bad
Uo to that ' the right to resort to coercive mcas
. . . i . . , . i t . jt
i.pnccflMi ewyiiM ftgi i