rut r.ut.vr.n nr.rruLic.
fpi-r.rii of
HON. GEORGE H. TENDlETON.
Kriun tlic Cluinlu (Ohio) l'rii.
Tlio following mid res, ly tho Hon.
George II. Pendleton, wits delivered
Mure a very large audieneo in tlio
Court House at I'rbuna, Ohio, on the
Itfth of April last, assembled under
the auspices of tho Democratic Club
of that place, and was listened to with
marked attention, and was rapturous
y applauded. Jlr. Peiidleton tiaid :
When I received tlio invitation to
address you this evening, I hesitated
to accept it. I am profoundly genui
ne that we are in tlio midst of a rev
olution, attacking the essential spirit
ol our system of government, whose
courses and limits no human sagacity
can predict; and I feel th.it no one
oii"ht lightly to assumo to give coun
sel to his countrymen iu such an
emergency.
let, in a Republic, where every
man, ly his vote, participates active
y in tho government, tho State may
rightfully command from every eiti
zeo the performance of any duty,
whother of counsel or of arms ; so,
also, may his fellow-citizens, who
alone wield tho vital power of the
State, call on every member for his
opinions, und the reasons which sus
tain them. The demand at once con
fers an honor and enjoins a duty it
is none the less iniperutive becauso it
is made on tho humblest of them all.
An opinion it is liis duty to have !
It should be formed with whatever
ability God has given him, under the
influence of pure motives and high
purposes, of a calm and candid and
truthf ul spirit, of a conscientious effort
to be right, of modest dillidence in
one's self, of duo appreciation of an
other, of perfect toleration for all.
And 1 confess I have always admired
the patriotism which, invoking these
influences in the formation of opinion,
gives, with becoming moderation of
expression, a prompt and ready ro
uponso to the summons to announce
them.
You have licro the reason for my
hesitation and of my acceptance of
your invitation.
I intended to have spoken to you of
the measures of tho Congress which
has just adjourned, and of the various
questions connected with tho present
canvass, when a single sentence from
a speech delivered years ago chanced
to meet my eye, and changed tho cur
rent of my thoughts. The sentiment,
tho occasion, and the author, arrested
my attention, and led mo from tho
consideration of special acts of legis
lation under tho Government, and
nppropriute to times of jieace, to that
of the mighty changes in tho organic
law of government, whose arbitra
ment is usually the sword. I shall
consider parties and politics, not in
their chaiacter us tho administrators
and subjects of government, but iu
the higher character of tho founders
and destroyers and restorers of gov
ernment. In tho spring of 1802, almost boforo
tlie active operations of the war had
commenced, a gentleman addressing
a New England audience on its causes,
purposes and progress, said :
"1 warn you that nono of you will
ever again sco the Farmer Itepublic
under which you wero born."
Ho is an accomplished speaker, an
eloquent advocate, a learned scholar,
tlio typo of a Class, mo pioneer oi v
ihoul. Wealth and leisure had dia
lled him for many years to consult
his tasto in tho mode and purposes of
Lis lile ; and, as ho himself boasted in
a lecturo in tho city of Washington,
in tho presence of Mr. Lincoln and
members of his Cabinet, ho had devo
ted it for nineteen years to tho dis
ruption of tho American Union, and
the overthrow of the Constitution
which formed it.
"I warn you that nono of you will
ever again see tho Farmer .republic
under which you wero born."
Why not T Tho war then being
waged was avowedly to maintain this
Farmer Itepublic. The seceded States
claimed to dismember its territory,
but-olhcrwiso to leave it untouched.
The Administration asserted its pur
pose to maintain territorial limits, and
declared that its form and spirit were
in no event endangered. Tho leading
Member of tho Cabinet, speaking to
tho world through the ministers, said :
'The rights of tho States, and tho
condition of every human being in
them, will remain subject to exactly
tho sumo laws and forms of adminis
tration, whether tho revolution shall
succeed or tail. In tlio ono caso the
States would bo federally connected
with the new Confederacy; in the
other thev would as now, be mem
bers of tho United Stales, but their
constitutions and laws, customs, hab
its and institutions in cither case will
remain the same." And this was
nccessnrily tho theory of the war on
the part of tho Federal Government.
Otliorwiso it would have accepted the
issue of revolution ; otherwise it would
havo taken up arms to affect a change
in its own form and nature ; and thus,
transcending all its power, would, in
the forum of conscience and morals,
liavo released its citizens from all tho
obligations of alleirianco.
Whilo Mr. Seward thus, on behalf
of the Government, portrayed tho
issue of tho wur, this prophet
"Phroplift, mid it, thin of eril I
lhropliel Hill, if hird or ilwfil,"
proclaimed that tho revolution
progressing that its result was cer
tainand warned his hearers to bo
rendy to sco that "old things had
passed away, and all things had be
conio new."
1 do not question his motives, nor
impeach bis purposes, nor inquire in
to the sources of his information. Did
ho speak truly ? This is tho question
to-night.
1'urmtr Hrpublicnol free republic,
not powerful republic, not warlike
republic, not growing republic, not
magnificent republic, not lilieriy-iov-in-?
republic but Firmer linmbUc,
It iR an expressive namo. Farmer,
tho synonym of honesty, simplicity,
frugality, abundance, independence,
tlio ideul of labor without exhaustion,
of luxury w ithout effeminacy, of prov
idence without corroding care, of ac
tivity without hurry, of leisuro with
out idleness, of fieedom without li
cense, of purity without bigotry, of
independence without intolerance, of
CLEARFJ
GEO. B, GOODLANDER, Proprietor. PPJNCIPLES NOT MEN. TEEMS-S2 per annum, in Advance.
VOL. 38-WIIOLE NO. 2022. CLEAKFIELD, PA., THURSDAY, JUNE 0, 1807. NEWSEniES-Y0L7,N0. 15.
t'uit spirit lit onco hopeful nnd hum
ble, which grows out of the ever
recurring realization, at all times and
in all vicissitud , of the fulfillment of
tho promiso that "whilo tho earth
reinuineth.sced-timo and harvest, nnd
summer and winter, and cold and
heat, nnd day and night, shall not
cease."
Farmer life ! Freedom from the
noiso and turmoil and dust ami smoke
of the crowded city ; freedom from
the daily struggle and daily anxiety
for brc .d; . dom from competition
with the crowds which throng every
avenue of commercial and mechanical
industry j freedom from tho close and
daily contact with vice and crime,
which tho temptations, and opportu
nities, and sufferings of a city life de
velop; freedom from tho small rooms,
.he crowded tenement houses, tho
tainted atmosp'.iere, tho contagious
diseases, tho u'-nuti nil hours, the un
dro excitement, t'.ie exhausting pleas
ures, tho glittering splendor, tlio ab
ject squalor, tho artificial life of the
city and in their s.c d the pure air,
the aiiuudant food, the deep sleep, the
refreshing dews, the cool br ezes, t'
peaceful order, the umplo lion cs, the
health ul hitbils, tho cleanliness, the
contentment of tho country, and that
t uiot exaltation of spirit which springs
.oin tho contemplation of tho beau
ties of nature, and tho process of its
live beneficence tho absenco ot the
shrewd cunning und tho aculo seliso
which the com petition of trudo engen
ders, und tho presenco of that lurgo-
heartcd greatness with which our
mother Eari'i rewards thoso who call
on her munificence for tho returns of
their labor.
''In anirii-nt time the pai-red plmich employed
Tl'e K Mid awlul fiithe of iuiinkinl.
And touie, i-oiiipaivd with nl-nm your insect tribe
Are hut bellies ul a luniiuer u:iy,
Hnve held tlm dcale oi' enn.ire. ruled the Rtorra
of migily warj then, wuli unwearied band,
DtMliuiiuif hule Ui-lic:u-u-l, sine-l
The plough and greatly independent liicd.
And all these qualities of individual
life find their representative and coun
terpait in national character.
Go, scan with curious eye the struc
ture and history of the Italian Repub
lics of Venice, of Florence, of Genoa
when, as frco cities, they sought the
control of tho commerce ot tho world,
and so far succeeded that their mc -chant
rulers competed with nay, far
eclipsed the wealth and splendor of
the nionarchs of other lands. l!ead,
again, tho history of tho Netherlands;
when Ghent, and liruges, and Ant
werp exhibited imperial power, nnd
held within their grasp tho treasures
of tho land and of the islands of the
sea. They wero rich and powerful,
and, for a time, prosperous ; but the
noisy turbulence of their Democracy,
the wild passions ot their iicklo popu
lations, the uncertain energy of their
public will, as it rose and bill with the
changes of tho bourse, or with tho
emotions which were communicated
as the citizens crowded to council at
Jio tones of tho great bell lacked
that clement of calm reposo and un
disturbed deliberations which is essen
tial to the duration of republics. They
could in un hour call their citizens to
gether, nnd, by appealing to their pa
triotism, or cupidity, or hatred, so stir
tho blood as li evoke an opulenco ot
resources and an energy of will which
could conquer tho world but they
could not, (i licit tho passions which
they had aroused, and private rights
wero sacrificed, ana puunc interests
were betrayed and anarchy ensued,
und Democracy took refuge under the
shelter of a stronger aristocracy ; and
this, rent in twain by like causes,
sought tho stronger arm of the mon
arcbs, and tho Itepublic became the
snlcndid footstool ot a tlirono.or dwin
died away in poverty, obscurity, and
hot
ess weakness, mey wero mo
commercial republics of tho world.
Compnro them witn ftwii.e'-iuna,
whoso mountain fastnesses hnvo pro
duced a raco of shepherds, and hunt
ers, and graziers.
Compare them with San Marino.
Its population is eight thousand ; its
area is not five miles square ; its little
Capital. perched upon artigg"d height,
can look down with gt.ardian care
over every foot of the country. It
was founded in tho last flashes of the
declining glories of Imperial liomo.
Itt has outlived tho darkness of tho
succeeding ages, the temptations of
the commercial success of tho twelfth,
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries,
tho convulsions nnd wars of those still
nearer to our day, and her peasants
boast, with cntiro truth, that they
aro to-day the free citizens of tho old
est and smallest republic of tho world.
Compare thcin with our own re
public. Tho history of our race, from
die landing t Jamestown, and New
York, nnd 'Plymouth Rock, till the
doom which I have cited was pro
nounced, muv well excito nn honest
pride. It has its dark spots, its pages
of folly, of weakness, of crime, but, on
the whole, it has a record of great
virtues and of grent success of indus
try, frugality, simplicity, intelligence,
aptitude for government, nnd love for
freedom. Naturo had dono much for
our country. Circumstances have
dono much for tho development ofnt. 9 boforo tho cfiiilgem o shed upon
virtue and tho depression ol vice, lint , the present. A mystical "Ingiicr law
to our countrymen is due this measure j md itccn discovered ; by its uncertain
of commentlulion that they w iscly standard our institutions in tho future
profited by theso advantages, and j wero to be regulated. Tho Coiistltti
stcadily maintained their position in : tion in certain respects infringed it,
the advancing ranks of tho progress j n, in so far wos the Constitution to
of tho ages.
These were tho Farmer Republics.
Theirs wero
'The foftenintt rl of Vttrn
tiMle'er tlie humnnilinf nme ti-c!i t
The UmlMU i-lm A Hie li mper d hreMt:'
Pr..rrei-e truth. pnprnt f'lre of thought,
Invi-Mieminn ralia. ' "lrnt
Ci.miran.l the jfl.l: the l.trlit thai le-l to Hrarrn ;
Kin.l, equal rale! the jr-iernmriit of Inwd
And all prowling frwdi'm. which alone
HuMaini Ike nama and dignity of man."
wua mir own ine least remara -
,bof?r
Nor was our own the least remark
171 II
Ijj.Ij.RJ
tentatious, strong, it, was founded on I
tho maxim that tho true object of all
government is to secure to all men
the enjoyment of tho greatest amount
of liberty ; that its chief unction is to
keep tho peace, in order that each
man may be i-eo to develop to the
largest extent his own aptitudo for
happiness. Thereforo tho subjects on
which it could act wero few, and tho
powers with which it could act were 'nfiittiutioii.
limited. This discontent finally took form
It partook of tho character of the land action in secession und coercion,
men of 17S7. They wero practical I These wero but tiio manifestations o
men. They had been educated in the! an " .crlying spirit. On the onesi-'e
lievolutiminry war, or in the civil and the other it wag t ss led that the
service of their States or of the con- j struggle wits fur teri'tteiul limits only,
"cdo.-ation.- They had acted in life ; I Nei'hai wu-tiw)ly ;r. et, fwhu
.hey wero not dreamers; they in-1 wero i ctu cd by the revolution
dulgcd in no vain speculations or fan- spirit, n id tho firing of the first gen
cil'ul theories; they sighed after no : on Fort Sumter s as the voice of
imaginary
to l'vo wc
lerfection. They preferred I
in a land of actuality and i
fact, rather than to struggle fur a
Ltopiu which has hud no existence
since the pr' ul curse.
They adapted their institutions to
their country und times. They con
ied neither ancient nor modern repub
cs. 'j hey nveuted a system differ
ent from that of Athens, or Sparta, or
Home, or Venice, or tho Achoean
jeaguo, or tho Dutch .Republic, or
the Knglish Commonwealth. It was
a federative republic; or, as Kossuth
called it, a "republic ot republics,
w ith checks and balances. Us sane-
tion was not the popular will express
od in tho simplest form; it placed
limitations and restriction! on tho
I lower of the people, for its uuthoM
mew that "tyranny may flow from
the workshop ot tho artisan, as well
as from the palace of tho sovereign."
1 ho dreamers of tho J' reneli Jievol
tion, and tho liberals of other coun
tries, before tho reaction from that
wonderful event took place, found in
these chucks and limitations treason
to liberty. No man respect moi-i
than I tho J'cpublicuus, and Demo
crats, and Hcfoni.ors of Europe, by
whatever numo they may bo know n ;
their heroic courage, their unshaken
faith, their unswerving allegianco to
tho cause of progress. Lut how im
measurably do they 'all behind Wash
ington, and Franklin, and -Madison,
and Jefferson, und Hamilton, and Jay,
in practical knowledge ot mankind
and in the wisdom of its application.
Honest, inlcHiireiit ami wise men o
7f7 I I fear it will bo long before
the world will again seo your canals.
It is held stupidity now I believe it
is classically called Jiouruou:sm to
admire their w is lorn, to regard with
nflcelioti the work of their bunds, to ,
believe that all changes in it are not
reforms, to doubt that every village
schoolmaster, or godly preacher,
apiring lawyer, and above all, evo-y
"loyal man," is a bufer statesman, a
more skillful arcbite.t of government
than they.
1 will not nnalyzo moro closely
their system of government, it en
dured from 17tS!l till D:ti).
Shall I recount its history f .Shall
I recall its results!' Shall I remind
you that at first it met with serious
opposition, but that, wisely adminis
tered, it proved its beneiieence and
fixed itself firmly in tho hearts of the
people that it wagod wars of con
quest and wars of defense that it to'
the evils of domestic dissension thu
it encountered the perils of neutrality,
and all the dillicullies of a struggle for
coininereial supremacy, und all tue
vicissitudes of national life, and that
this constitution of government was
Biiltkicnt for all of these ? Shall I tell
you the story w hich hangs on my lips
thut obeying lawful authority, ob
serving tho precepts of paternal affec
tion, exercising moderation and kind
ness, and, uliovo nil, revering tlie pa
triotism and tho virtues of tho fathers,
and seeking to imitate them, these
Slates and this people wooed the
genius of wisdom, and found, indeed,
"its ways aro ways of pleasantness,
and all its paths aro peace;" that lib
erty was in mansion nnd cottage, in
city and country; that prosperity
crowned tho labors of the husbandman
and tho artisan nnd the merchant;
that wealth nnd power, and science
rud ait, nnd learning and religion,
and the kindly charities of a robust
ni.d manly philanthropy, did constant
homage, in their rapid development,
to tho beneficeneo of tho Fanner
liepublic. And has it passed awayf
Why shoulu not this system, so ull
of blessings, have satisfied tho aspira
tions of our people? Why tho per-
lunl longing of tho human mind to
lenvo tlio well known tract, aim to
encounter tho perils of innovation and
experiment 1
During tho closing years of this
period great dissatisfaction with our
political system manifested itself. It
was popular to propose radical changes
in the government established by tho
fathers. Tho declaration was made
that tho union of slaveholding and
non-slavoholding States could not cn
duro, although such a union had been
so brilliantly successful for three
quarters of a century. Eight bad
suddenly broken in on tho mind. The
wisdom ol the past liud become uaiK-
be spurned and disregard
This policy might bring discord and
perhaps aimed collision into a family
of Stales w hero all bad bee i harmony;
but tho suggestion was received vitli
contemptuous incredulity, nnd tho
result -was deemed unimportant in
comparison with tho moral and po
litical reforms which wero te make
tho Government resplendunt in the
lustre of a now-born philanthropy and
1 uioiic ut no -ww. ii i"nMmi --I-
Ihis r"rl"r distemper!
m$m
continued to incrcasoand togivo moro
vnulent matufc tntions.
We seem to have emulated the mad
ness of tho Jews when tbeyusked iroin
Jehovah a government of kings in
plat e of that div'tie pri "sthood wbie'r
ii id brought them out of Egypt and
li ado them prosperous timid t vnl-
sol Canaan; unit like l iem,we hav.
u en delivered up to our follies and
a Seer, declaring thai a revolution had
been accomplished.
i no old political system passed
away in IK ',and nnother was adopt
ed. Its 'little fiii'TO.- is heavier than
tho whole bod' of that which it super-;
ded. .No longer do wo ask have
wo a government. Its Argus eyes
seek every w "re the accumulations of!
bur and capital, ami its liriareau
ins are ever grasping ull those eyes
can see. Its vast military and naval
establishments have risen with pur
Icntious mein, and overshadow tho
civil administration iu nearly one half
tho country, lteneath tho blows of
their iron sway popular government
res.tng on the consent ot tlio people,
bus thero cumplelely fallen. Its vital
energy is apparent wherever wo see
strife mid contention, and violent pas-f
sioiu und antagonism of raco und
sect'o and Stales, its genius and
immunity aro conspicuous wherev
er healing Wounds uro mado to gape
ii.'resh, und to receive a new infusion
of gall und bitterness. Thero is no
doubt that wo have a govcrnmcii.
'ong one . rong in fie number of
len whom it can conscript strong
'I tho treasuro it can raise by taxi -tion
strong in its power to invade
ilie lights of tho States and the liber
ties ot tho citizens stronir in ilsca-'
pitcity to override the Constitution
strong as liomo was strong, both cast even though it bo that of the giant
..nd west, under tho Emperors strong mastodon. No philosopher exaiiiin
as France was strong under the Keign ing tho United. Stales of li7 could
of Terrorand the Guillotine ; but wen
us tiny wero weak when tho Goths
nnd Vundals avenged on tho seven
hilled city tho wrongs of Germans, or
when tho blood of the murdered Dan
ton choked the despairing linhc spicrre.
No government can bo really stroii j
w hich does tint appeal to tho interest.,
and alleclions of tho people; which
docs not attach by tho bciictk-enco of
Us acti as well as by its depeiidenco
on their will.
Tho equality of tho States was the
basis of tho Fanner Kcpublic. Is it
lllitint' ned f
Tho answer comes to ns from tl
Reconstruction Hill, which puts tcr
States n.idcr martial law, und subjects
them to the w ill of a military officer.
The strict confinement of tho Fed
eral Government to international and
inter state atl'airs was an clement of
the Farmer Republic. Is it cnorced f
Tho answ er comes to us from I ho
Civil Rigiits Hill, wiiich intrudes Fed
eral authority upon tho States, ami
iii ierly overrides e most sacred con
stitutional guarantees.
J ho inainlenanco of tho co ordinate
j branches of the government, tho dis-
tribution ol power, tlio separation Ol
constituencies from which it flows,
wero imlispensablo features of the
Fanner Itepublic.
The'r doom was written in ' the
Tcnuro of O.hYo P.ill, wh'ch deprives t constitutional amendment from the
the President of tho power of reinov-' constitutional amendment to the re
ingeven members of his Cabinet, and construction of 1SH7 from that to
thus subjects the Executive o tho
control of tho Legislature. Their
doom was written in be attack on the
Supreme Court, because of its decision
in relation to military commissions.
All power now centres in u single
bund, nnd is conferred by a consoli
dated majority.
Keverjtce for tho Constitution
nitf. ked the era of the Fanner Repub
lic, and warmed tho hearts of all its
children.
Now, who so poor OS fo cnlc.'tait
this sentiment! it was rolled up und
packed away by lr. Lincoln; un
Kept thus dishonored, it has fallen into
contempt, and to u"-go its authority
serves only to provoko a sneer, or to
call out a joko. It forms no barrier
to tho projects of parly rugo or party
tlesiio. its provisions uro entirely
disregarded, or immediately altered
to justily the enactment proposed, or
to command tho attainment of the
c.id. Tho highest respect shown to
itsrcniuin-4 is to amend them. The
s' rile of parties, which was once under
tho Constitution, is now over and
above it.
Pow ers granted to tho Federal Gov
ernment! Is it not true that every
power which is desired to be exer
cised is found to be granted, un I that
moro would bo found if necessary ?
Onco w o believed in a fundamental
law, guiding legislation ami contain
ing thcjnunimoiit of personal liberty
so sacred that under nocireuinstnnccs
could it be infringed, or even amend
ed, except in the method prescribed
soesscntial to free government. Now
we havo willingly dispensed with it.
and committed unlimited power to a
lcnirorary majority, and this wo call
flippantly Iho Will of the Nation.
Tell ni.v does one sieirlo feature of
the Farmer Republic remain ?
Wo had a plain and simple nnd ceo-
mimical government. Wo have n
magnificent, complex, obtrusive, cx-
tittvauant government. We hud an
army of L'i.DUO men; wo havo an nr
my of HW.IMO. We had light taxes;
wo have enomotis burthens. Wo had
irold and silver us legal tender; wo
have a depreciated Government paper
.. -. - -
currency. We had trial by jury and
HE
71 im
personal liberty ; wo havo militur
commission made valid by law, and
arbit-ury arrests justified.
Wo hud a government whoso exac
tions of money or duly wero 1,0 light
oat wo scarcely felt its existence. We
avo a government whoso st-ength
glitters in tho light of tho burnished
bayonet, und is reflected in tho resplen
dent lustre of tho bwurd.
Wo had l.urmo ,y ami fraternal con
cord, and due respect for Slates and
people, and opinions und habits. We
liuve a bitter sectional strife, subjuga
ted pcop o, overthrow n Status, and
an un'inosity of parly warfare never
icibro known.
-' -bad iioedoiu of .thought AVft(
have an intolerance w hie lir-lriui down
independence of opinion, and pro
scribes political differences us a crime,
and establishes a searching scrutiny
into the hearts and couciences of the
coin m unity.
Wo heard in our bitterest struggles
the voice of Itcuson ; now that voice is
drowned in the c1 ngor of the trui
pet which inursha prejudice und rage
end bate, to intensity the party strife.
We had a peaceful confederation.
Now, whil Natioi.al unity is inculca
ted as the highest duty, t iio perpetua
tion of geographical divisions nnd
National hatred isrowardud with the
highest praiso.
Congress, which was tho thcatroof
intellectual debate, is now tho registry
uf the decrees of a party caucus, and
hesitation to record them is treason to
ho reigning power, und involves loss
of personal preferment, even of polit
'eal liio.
Wo have broken down the barriers
which hemmed in that vat array of
power.. ' losely akin to mere brute
force wv'c'i wo believe tho govern
ment, un" even society, co ild mil, in
any event, justly exercise, und have
given them as the plaything of every
pasnion. Wo hud a republic ; we have
an empire.
It is said that learned naturalists
have pushed their researches sa far
that from thu inspection of a single
bone Ibry can determine tlio species
of tho uniinal, and reproduce his form
iiossiblv reproduce, without the aid of
. ....
history, the Farmer Re public of Istj-I.
The change has been of tho most rad
ical character. It i the change which
converted tho Koine ot Cttto into the
Rome of Cu'sar; nnd no less than that
is it a change wrought by the power
of tho sword.
Nor do 1 wonder at it. In the first
Congress eft' the war .Mr. Lincoln just
tied his suspoiu'on of the hnlnui. cor
put, on the ground that ho hud the'
right to infract ono provision of the
Constitution in order that ho might
bo able to compel others to obey tlie
residm. He ridiculed his constitu
tionul power to issue his proclamation
of emancipation, yet in a week's timo
ho issued it. Ho asserted, in bis let
ter to Mr. Greeley, that ho had dono
and would continue to do so much, and
no moro than ho deemed necessary
to preserve tho Union. This was the
true revolutionary spirit. It took
possession of tho party in control of
iho government. They becamo rev -lulionists.
They wrougnt these chair;
es 1 have described. They are work
ing out still greater changes. They
seized with avidity the sword. The
cessation of war will not give them
rest. They will go on from ono point
to another from tho reconstruction
o 1M1-), which met tho approval ol'
Conirrcss nnd tho President, to the
ilie conuscuiion ot i nuueiisti. sieven
irom that to whatever worso the iron
ty of the times may prompt, till the
reaction shall come; und tlio people,
sated with cnipirineiit, wearied with
uncertainty, shall drive them from
power, even though it bo through
blood. No success will satisfy their
no attainment will irivc them re
pose. The measures struggled for to
day ns all they desire, aita ned to
morrow, aro instantly forgotten in
some new demand. Neither National
unity, nor tho suppression of the re
bellion, nor tho inainlentincc of the
l-nion, nor iho abolition of slavery,
nor cqiiulily of political and social
rights, nor tho exclusion of whilo
men from the ballot, nor confiscation,
nor corruption of blood, will for one
instant, exhaust their restless activity.
"For it isa law which knows no ex
ception, that the leaders of revolution
are cooslalilly advancing before the
fires which they themselves have light
ed. The moment they pause, they
are enveloped in tho flames."
And this same orator told us tbnl
iu addition to the loss of the Farmer
Republic, wo would incur a debt which
would add two hours each day to the
labor of every working man in the
country; and that the gain would be
considered amp'o compensation for
this toil. What was the gain? The
abolition of negro slavery at the
South. For this consummation they
were to perlonn and sutler all things;
lor this the Constitution was to be sub
verted, tho liible was to be ro-wrilten,
a new God was to be enthroned I
Mavery has perished ; all history
tells us that it cannot be re-establish
ed in these a ges in this country. It
is our bi'timleu duty to recognize this
. trreal social change; to ameliorate
I whatever evils may bo incident lo it.
and, so far as possible, to prepare the
freedineii for the discharge of the new
duties which nro being devolved upon
tbeni. Rut, gentlemen, if this revolu
tion is to go on, and tho present sys
tem of government is to be continued,
then has our liberty perished with it ;
Slid we have realized the prediction
of a proibund thinker and a brilliant
. ,
! writer, who, twenty year. pre
J
dieted that it would bo written over
the gravo of our political institutions :
"Here lies a people, who, in order to
givo freedom to three in'llions of Af
ricans, destroyed their own liberty."
I do not say these things with pleas
ure. 1 uO errors of our countrymen
tho misfortunes of our country tire
not tho fit subject of flippant coin-
mcnt. or of partisan und at rimonious
criticisms. I have avoided hursh epi
thets and the imputation of improper
motives. 1 know personally many of
the lenders of this revolution. 1 re
spect their intelligence their puro
lives- lie r sincere love ol country.
They themselves would have stood
uiliast, live years ago, at tlie work i
they have wrought." They did not in
tend to go so far, but stimulated by
the length and severity of the milita
ry struggle, stimulated by the ardor
of more zealous or less honest spirits,
stimulated by tho popularity of ex
treme inca Hires, tkey have reached
conclusions of which they did not
dream.
They havo obeyed ; ie inevitable
law. 1 would not unkindly criticise
them. 1 havo purposely avoided per
sonal coiitroveiTiy. I havo with do
sign refused to enter the field of mere
parly strife. I have avoided an ex
pression of opinion us to the merits
ol any ono of the great measures of
administration which divide our peo
ple. Power lo adopt them all resides
somewhere- in our system, cither in
tho -Stale or Federal Government.
Opinions will dill'er us to their wis
dom. Tho attainment of the re
sult is only a mat er of expediency.
Their adoption or rejection would not
affect the system of government. And
1 did t w ish lo divert your attention
from tho fact that a great revolution
in tho lramework of government has
been accomplished, by any discussion
of tho wisdom of particular enact
ments or of tho desirableness of tho
ends which they propose lo attain. 1
have, therefore, s ken oi ly of the
tendencies of great movements, and
illustrated them by the general effect
of measures of litigation.
And 1 havo dwelt on theso so long
only that 1 might ask you w hether we
have indeed lost ihe Farmer Repub
lic lorever. Did the aposllo of iiadi
culism read the portents aright ?
I call not certainly answer. All
history is written litr our instruction.
It tells us that liberty lost is with dif
ficulty regained; that constitutional
law once dragged t the dust by the
passions uf men is rarely again raised
to govern them in the sumo genera
tion; thut when violence and arbitra
ry arrests and destruction ot the
press, and disregard of law, enacted
:tuu uisieuaru ot law, i-nui'icu
ignorance or prejudice or pas-
The people ot.ce destroy Uio j
PPrecitttiun i f the value and
by the I
Mull ot
pure nppr
safe guards of liberty, it is difficult to
restore the lino of beauty when it is
scarred, or to revive the lustrous pu
rity of inuocenco when it is defiled.
ilr. Webster, years ago, had occa
sion to discuss the same subject, nnd
with that pomp and splendor of dic
tion which marked all his political ad
dresses, he said :
"Other misfortunes may be borne,
or their effects overcome. If wur
should sweep our commerce from the
ocean, another generation may renew
it ; if it exhausts our treasury, future
industry may replenish it, if it deso
late und lay waste our fields, still un
der a new cultivation, they will grow
green again, and ripen to futuro har
vests. It wero but a trifle, even, i.'
tho walls of yonder Capitol wero to
crumble, if its lofly pillars should fall,
u:id its gorgeous decorations bo cover
ed by tho di'it of the valley,
"All these might bo rebuilt, lint
who shall recoi. struct tho fabric of a
demolished government? Wlio shall
rear again the well proportioned col
umns of Constitutional liberty? Wno
shall lranie together the skillful archi
tecture which unites National Sover
eignly with State Eights, individual
security and public prosperity ? Now.
if these columns shall fall, thev will bo
reared not again. Like the Coliseum
and the Parthenon, they will be des
tined to u melancholy, nioiirnf.il im
mortality, liittcrer tears, however,
will flow over them than were ever
shed on the monuments of the Roman
or Grecian Art, for lluy will bo the
remnants of a more glorious tdifico
than Greece or Rome ever saw tho
edilico of Constitutional American
Liberty."
Gentlemen,! feel tho force of these
words. 1 know that others feel them
more deeply, perhaps, than 1. 1 Bee
among many good men n tendency to
despair. 1 see among my ow n friends
thoso who agree with me generally
on public affairs a disposition to give
up all for lost. They have lost hope,
tlu-y have lost courage their despon
dency counsels inaction. The pews
papers, the public speeches, but above
till, tho private covcrsntions, indicate
this feeling. Gentlemen, I do not
sympathize with it. 1 havo h;gh
hopes for tho future. I sec the dan
gers which are before us. 1 sec a long
and weary way. 1 seealongand ex
liausting struggle in which success
will vary from ono side to the other.
1 do not conceal for myself that il may
be a struggle of the 'sword. Many
of us may go down with harness on
in the midst of the fight, but lirpe
tills my heart, and tho magnitude of
the prize nerves my arm.
1 havo painted to you our progress,
from a republic to a conoiiiIatcd im -
per'uilisui. 1 painted it purposely in
dark, though truthful colors, that you
might see that I understand tho in
niltnlo of tho revolution and the immi
nence of our dangers; and that you
might tho better bear my exhortation
to hope and courago und activity.
The highest virtue is not to despair of
tho Republic.
I sympsthir.o with every progress-
ivc inovcmt M in the Infi-ri s( of hu
manity. 1 will not I lindly cling to
the prejudices or traditions of the past
w hen they stan I ill the way of useful
relorin. I will not, in any sense, ho
conservative of trior, 1 1 reject truth
because of prepo-M-ssion, ur yield my
credence to tho dogma that the bunt
ol human progress lias been attaint d.
Governments und tmiions arepmilicd
in ti e fires of revolution. Tlu-y tako
shape, and sympathy, and strength
from the collision of mighty loiccs,
even as tlio molten iron from thcunvil
and the trim hummer. Out of tho
storm, and the tempest, and the flood,
arches the rainbow of promise nnd of
hope. Alas! that it must bo so'.
These revolutions of society and
government spring out of high mental
und moral exaltation out of an en
thusiasm for progress which will hesi
tate at no eilort, and shrink from no
experiment. If man were capable of
sustaining his position in this activity,
und ot ullaining absolute truth w ith
out an alloy of error, then, indeed,
would he cease to be man and become
like unto God. This can not be. Tho
reaction must strike off the errors
w hich havo accumulated on the pro
gress of revolution ; und this, too, liko
revolution, may strike too close and
cut too deep.
The rea tion w ill surely eomo. All
history, all phi'unuphv -declare ic..i -has
come to nil other nations; i! v, ill
come to us. It has come suiucUm--s
clothed in the w bite robe of peace, und
sometimes with its garments died in
blood. In every country thero has
been a party oi power, uifd a party
against it. In every country thero
have been men w ho loved liberty as
they loved virtue and bonorand truth ;
men who would uvengu. its wrongs,
even us they would protect the virtue
of tho wile of their bosom, or tlio
honor of tho mother who bore them.
Liberty inspires the soul. Its saer d
tires forever burn amid its npesilcs
and defenders. When peaceful inenns
are exhausted, it draws tho sword.
Let its enemies, then, beware, whether
they sit in single solitude on a throne,
or crowd the market places. So will
it be with us.
Our people desire to bo w iso and
virtuous. Our country is young and
rich, and stiong. Experience will not
te. ch its puinlu! lessons in vain. Tho
splendid recollections of tho past havo
noi entirely passed away. Its ves
tiges aro not all buried iu the ruin of
tho present. Tho hopes of the future
are bright in the reflection of itsex-
iring glories. They will accelerate
tho counter-revolution. Let us dili
gently prepare tho w ay. It is wisdom
to accept accomplished facts. It is
folly to ubandon correct principles in
the moment of their adversity. Prin
ciples aro ctert, til institutions of gov
ernment are but instrumentalities
facts vary as tho days succeed each
other, und seem to change at tho bid
ding of the ficklo moon. Let us hold
fast to principles, let us modify insti
tutions. Let us recognize tho chang
ing phases of facts. It is tho oflico of
w iso men lo adopt just principles of
government by the aid of fit institu
tions to every condition of affairs.
Liberty is the great good. Confeder
ation is to be sought only because it
has aided lo maintain it. " Central!-
r.atio'.i is to be avoided only becauso
it bus always destroyed it? Jiut at
. , , ,
!l "'""J-?
la' 1,b"rl-v, t" '
government is tho
the soul, and
form, through
w hich it is developed.
Let us, then, gentlemen, look at tho
past only that we may select what is
good, an I avoid what i oil, that we
may from its experience catch tho in
spiiation of a w iso progress that wo
may so school our hearts with the les
sons of moderation und truth that pa
triotism and wisdom may guido tho
courses of the inevitable reaction, and
lead us back from tho pirils of cen
tralized imperialism, to tho safety, of
a confederation, founded, supported
and restrained by the ( hecks anil bal
ances of a w ise Constitution. Thus,
it we cannot restore the Farmer Ro
publie, we can nt least regain the bles
sings of liberty regulated by law, and
of law enacted and maintained by tho
spirit of virtuous liberty.
Vr'o l qunlity.
It is really almost incredible how
fast the wildest and most visionary
schemes of tho cxtreino Radicals aro
becoming sober facts. Had any ono
ventured to predict, at tho time of the
Chicago convention, that tho then so
called Republican parly would soon
make negro siifl'rago a plank in their
pla!l'onn,he would probably have been
pronounced crazy by nn overwhelm
ing majority. Hut it was done, never
theless, and we then predicted that,
having given the negro equal political
rights, bo and his iiiends would soon
insist on tin equal micLiI equ.tlity ;
that by admitting him to Iho ballot
box und forcing him upon tho hust
ings, we could not expect to keep him
out of our families, churches, schools,
benches, juiies, public conveyances,
hotels, etc. Tho Into disltii bitnccs at
New Orleans, Richmond, and other
places, both North and South, show
liow speedily this prediction has been
realized, mid also the fact that thero
is really no intermediate ground on
which tho .'iittu of tho negro can bo
satisfactorily settled. Having been
made tho full political peers of thu
whites in the South, tho colored por
tion of the population naturally claim
first the right to a scat in ublic con
veyances. It is no use that vehicles
are set apart exclusively for them, lor
they refuse to agree to such a compro
mise. They fed on raged at tho bino
! idea that such a distinction should bo
drawn, and attempt constantly to ob
tain what thev consider their rights
by appeals to force. Nor will the no.
! groes stop here, the next, step will
; be to demand ndinittaneo to hotels
j and inns, and thai upon precisely tlio
same principle. The law regulates
1 public hotels as il tines conveyances,
, and entitles every traveler to lodging
and fond. The negro can, therelore,
with th -i same propriety, claim a seat
'al our dinner-tables as ho can in tho
street cars. Stn an arrangement
might pelhHS no ocjectionaoie iu
sonio tastes, but this is not sullicient.
Tho question is w hether tho Ameri
can people are quite prepared for ac
cepting all the practical consequences
of thut equality of races which tho
leadingspirits of the dominant major
ity have perhaps only meant to assert
in theory. Ihtruit J'rre I'lttt.
I I .1. .... .. .1.1.- t A