m -IF W
B 4
5bWg?odlani)er."-
VOL. XXXII. WHOLE NO
1686
TO MY COAT.
f KOJI THE FRENCH OF HEUANf.FR.
Though hardly worth on paltry groat,
Thou art dear to mt, my poor oM coat;
For fullton years tuy friend thuu'st been,
For full tu yean I'v brushed thee clean j
And now, like me, thou'rt old and wau,
With both, the glow of youth ia gene j
llut worn aud shabby ai thou art,
Tbou and the poet thall not part,
Toor coat.
I've not forgot the birthday ere
V'hon Crat I donned thy glossy sloevo,
When jovial frienda.iu mantling wine,
Drnk joy and health to me and mine.
Our indigence let some despise,
We're dear as ever in their eyes ;
And fur their lakes, old ai tbou art.
Thou and the poet shall not part,
Toor coat.
One evening, I reinembar yet,
t, romping, feigned to fly Lisette j
She strove her lover to retain,
And thy frail skirt was rent in twain.
Pour girl, she did her best endeavor,
And patched thee up at well as ever
For her sweet sake, old as thou art,
Thou and the poet shall not part.
Poor coat.
Never, my coat, hast thou been found
lending thy shoulders to tbe ground
From any upstart "Lord" or "Uraoe,"
To beg a pension or a place.
Wild forest flowers no monarch ' dole
Adorn thy modest button-hole;
If but for that old as thou art,
Thou and the poet should not part,
Vout coat.
Toor though we be, my good old friend,
No gold i hall bribe our nacks to bend ;
Honest amid temptations past,
Vi't will be bonoet to the last ;
Far more I prise thy virtuous ragi
Thin all the lace a courtier brags;
And, while I live and have a heart,
Thuu and the poet ahull notpart,
Poor coat.
Roads to Ruin,
tt is the cuieet thing in the world to
find one of those roods, for they run in all
directions over the social plain. They
pruse.u, as me u'lveriiseuienis uuve n, n
wide field for choice." Thoy comprise
highways and bye-ways, round-about
roads and cuts across lots, smooth paths
nJ rough paths, ascents and descents;
ami as ilioy iuterseot esch other at points
innumerable, travelers to the common
terminus can turn out of the rod they
have started on into a new one, nt their
pleasure. The outfit for the journey, be
it long or short, is not of much conse
quence, ainca destitution and despair
irrait ull w ho persist in pursuing it, Sunie
Kt out with pockets full of gold; others
rith their pockets empty, hoping to fill
ihem by flic, way. To some tbe Fiend
Speculation plays the Cicerone, marshall
ing them to seeming Dorados in the dis
tince, that melt into moonshine as they
travel on. The Will-o'thcwisp, Gam
Uiii)!, with his paateboa.'d signals, be
guiles others to t ho brinks of prcipices,
whence they tumble headlong intoit rem
ediable shame. The Goblin liuin, heads it
caravan of sclf-tlestrucliotiuU whoso
Dsnie is legion.
All "easily besetting sins" pull eneicay,
tnl betray their victims into one or other
of the many roads to ruin. The only
trust worthy safeguard against their en
ticements is resistance at Ihe outset.
When morbid appetite or inclination
pulls ruin-ward, brace the moral system
against it ; put manhood against tempta
tion; ask help from Heaven. Christian
obstinacy it more than a match for Satan
and all his agents. Misfortune is not ruin.
In that terrible word, in it true interpre
tation, is involved loss of character, of
elf-repect, of moral courage, of all '1'ft
renders life valuable. Beware of the first
step leading to such a consummation 1
A Tocgh Onr. A correspondent of one
of our cotemporaries, writing from Web
iter, Western Virginia, tells the following
Mher tough yarn;
"While out scouting." he says, "a cap
tslnind sixty-four men were surrounded
by three thousand secessionists, so he
tretched his mon out in a long line, and
Msoon as thev (ired Ihev would jump be
hind a tree; :it the same timo the captain
a bellowing out at the top of his voice
for Col. so and so to bring up that bat
Wion, tell Captain so and so to bring
Uiose cannon here, and kept holloing at
uhs fierce rale that the secessionists got
frightened, and a general stampede took
flsce. In their flight they threw away
blankets, knapsacks, revolvers and swords.
Tlis captain hadn't a man hurl, but kill
d seventy of them, found over one thous
and blankets, about two hundrod and fif
ty knapsacks, swords and revolvers.
Am Investkiation Demanded. It is aid
Hint General Patterson has, at length de
manded a court of inquiry, and wo are in
formed that the nectessary papers were
wt to Washington more than a month
ince. It is said that no response has as
fet been received, ltocently the matter
Jm again been agitated by the General,
tut, as before, without any definite results.
B reason for this delay, a Washington
'respondent states that an investigation
Jiglit affyct the character of lien. Soott.
The friends of General Patterson, on the
thcr hand, allege that the demand for a
urt was preferred before Gen. Scott left
e country, and doclared that an official
report of the campaign musts be obtain.
l.-l'hila,lclfliia Press.
laHIow quickly Domocrats rally to the
tipport of the President when he places
birjself upon the platform of the Consti
tution, U shown in the general acclama
tion of tho Democratic press, sustaining
"win his controversy with Fromott.
man who likes ti hear a woman
oold has just hired a eawfilcr(orly him
to sleep. '
THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS. ,'
SPEECH OF MR. PENDLETON.
The following :s a full report of the
speech of Mr. Fendleton, delivered in tbe
House of Representatives on Tuesday the
10th inst., a brief nbstract of which ap
peared in the telegraphio summary of the
proceedings :
Mr. fendleton, of Ohio, moved that the
memorial of Messrs. Howard, Oatchell and
Davis be i referred back to the Committee
on Judiciary, with Instructions declaring
that Congress alone has the power, under
the Constitution, to suspend the writ of
habeas corjms. Mr. Fendleton said : "Mr.
Speaker: These memorialists are members
of the Hoard of Police of the City of Bal
timore. On the 1st diy of July lust, at
the dead hour of the night, they were ar
rested and conveyed to Fort McIIenry by
a detachment of U. S. soldiers, under the
command of Gen. Banks. They were in
the performance of the duty assigned
to them by the laws of their State.
The peace of the city was then un
broken. The Federal courts were in
full operation within her limits. Judges,
Marshals and the District Attorney were
in the exercise of their accustomed func
lions. The process of the courts, if I am
ruhtly informed, had not been interfered
with, except in one memorable instance,
and then by tho authority of the Presi
dent of the United States himself. These
gentlemen were arrested without a war
rant. They haye been detained -without
an indictment. They are deprived of
their liberty without due process of law.
They have rot been confronted with their
accusers. They are not informed of the
nature of the accusation against them.
They have been denied the right to a
speedy and public trial by an impartial
jury. The Presidentof the United Slates,
in his message to this House, in response
to a resolution of it, has declined to fur
nish the grounds for their arrest. On the
Very same duy when he did so, while their
petition for redress of a gieat grievance
was pending before the house, the Presi
dent had them conveyed out of the dis
trict and State in which they had been ar
rested, and where, if at all, they hud com
mitted the crime, first to Fort Layfayette
and then to Fort Warren. They are arbi
trarily held by military power. They
have presented thoir memorial to Con
gress, asking thai Congress may examine
their case or that it may be remitted to a
judicial tribunal, to be legally heard and
determined, and my colleagues on the
Judiciary Committee can find no more fit
ting rotona to a reasonable request like
this than that this respectlul petition
i-hall lie unanswered on the table. The
writot habeas corpus was invented for the
purposo of meeting the exigencies of just
such a case as this. It commands that the
uody of a prisoner shall be produced, that
tho cause of his commitment may be in
quired into, and that he may be discharg
ed if lie is illegally held, or remanded it'
he is held by competent authority on a
charge of crimo. These gentlemen would
have been glad to avail themselves ol this
writ, which the President commanded his
general to autpend and to hold them at
his own sole will and pleasure.
The President, in his inessngc nt the ex
extra session of Congress, gave us his rea
son for his action in the matter, lie says;
"I have authorised that tl e writ of habeas
corpus be suspended," and before he did
so he talked considerably of his right and
the propriety of his doing so. Tho privi
lege conferred bv tho habeas corpus is to
institute and command ait inquiry as to
whether a person is held by competent
authority under a charge of crime. If a
lersun is so held hu is remanded, and if
in is riot he is discharged. That provision
of the habeas corpus act has never been in
vaded by the executive power till now:
Sir, the object of this suspension and the
ellectulso of it is to prevent inquirios into
the legitimateness of I lie imprisonment
under military power. The object of this
evasion of the great charter of liberty is
to enable military officers or others who
have like power to arrest and imprison
wen though they have committed no
crime against the liws of the land, and to
punish them, not as the law prescribes,
but in whatever way those who have the
power may ordain. If I rightly construe
the message of the President, he claims
authority to seize, to hold and detain all
persons not engaged in the land and na
val forces, not men engaged in enterprises
against tho Government, but all persons
whom he may suspect, and to imprison
them without regard to the provisions or
process of lavf. The President further
claims the authority of the Constitution,
of which it is a complete violation, to ar
rest whoever in his judgment he may
think ptoper. The President says his
authority is derived by implication, .nd
lecause, I suppose, he deems it inconve
nient to have the right to suspend the
writ of habeas corpus vested in Congress
alene. Now, the only clause which refers
to the subject is one which provides thut
the writ of habeas corpus shall never be sus
pended except in coses of rebellion or in
vasion, or under circumstances when the
public safety demands it. This is un
doubtedly the only implication that can
bo derived authorizing the suspension of
the writ of habeas corpus. Who shall sus'
pend it? That is the question. It is
not veted in the executive exclusively.but
in all the departments of Government. 1
giant that, under the arbitrary .-tile of
Elizabeth of England, and during the ear
ly part of the reign of Charles the First, it
was exercised by thoe monurchs, but
Charles was compelled at tho price of his
throne to assent to the Bill of High ts, by
which he bound himself nover to imprison
a man without due process of law. Charles
did not stand by hu interpretation of the
anoiont confutation, and after ten year of
struggle with his people he lost hit throne
PRINCIPLES, not
CLEARFIELD, i?A. WEDNESDAY, DEC. 25, I86L
and his life as the penalty of his infraction
of it. His successor tried all means and
every kind of scheme to retain this arbi
trary power, which was at last swept away
forever by the great charter. We are told
by the eminent historian, Macaulay, that
Charles II sought to repeal tho habeas
corjms act, far that he hated it as only ty
rants can hate whatever stands between
them and their own despotic wills. And
this habeas corpus act was the most string
ent curb ever imposed by a legislature on
tyranny. When William and Mary came
to the throne they declared that the crown
did not possess the power of suspending
the writ of habeas corpus, and from that
hour to this, one hundred jears before the
adoption of the Constitution of the United
States, England had no monarch during
ull her foreign wars and intestine troubles,
wayward and wicked enough, though some
of them were, who dared to suspend the
writ of habeai corpus, or whoever claimed
that they had power to imprison a citizen
without duo process of law. All history of
which 1 have access confirms this view to
the case Ilumoand Macaulay claim this
right as tho principle in thegtcnt struc
ture of the English constitution. But
here, according to tho novel theory of
Government, the President may suspend
the Constitution and the laws of the Uni
ted States made under it. lie may, as it
is claimed, do all this, supersede them all,
disregarding the limitation enjoined for
the exercise of his perogatives. Ho may
abolish all the laws of the land, and sub
stitute in their place his own will. He
may abolish the whole system of govern,
mint built up and bequeuthud to us by our
revolutionary fathers, and he may build up
for himself a new and entirely different
system. All this he may do, it is claimed,
rightfully legitimately, und without inter
ference. I hold this assumed position is
untenable and indefensible; that there is
no wariaut for it in the Constitution, or
in the principles which underlie the
theory ol our government, tier in the ge
nius of the American people, nor in the
spirit of liberty which is the boast of our
institutions. Such a proposition will des
troy the luiv. It will reduce tliis nation,
if deliberately adopted to the theory of
government to the condition of slavery,
and 1 say that any nation thut will wil
lingly -wlopt it is lost to ull sense of manly
independence, is lost to the appreciation
(.fits own dignity und national rihts,and
tor them the yoke of tho slave u the only
tilting emblem.
We are told, in defence of this theory,
that it would not exist only in cases of
rebellion against tho Government. Wo
are aNo told that it was not intended that
the Constitution of ' United States
should not be operative in times of civil
war. Our fathers hoped that civil war
might never befall us, but they knew hu
muu nature too well tu expect that wo
should forever enjoy profound repose.
They had freed themselves from the yoko
of oppression, they had successfully con
quered enemies without and lories within,
ami then they formed a constitutional
government, recognizing in them thai hon
esty una good sense which marks the pa
triot. Is it to be supposed that they would
adopt a constitutional government only in
time of peace, anil that that Constitution
should be superseded whenever discord of
var would present an opportunity to set
it aside and substitute for it the will of
military power? The Cor.stitu'ion givs
to the several departments of the Govern
ment all tue power ever intended to bo us
ed fr any purpose. If the laws of the
United States are too lenient, they may be
made more stringent. If judges aie im
becile, let them be impeached. Let the
whole machinery of government be revis
ed and improved, if you will ; but whoever
goes beyond that to support tho govern
ment, would destroy the Constitution un
der the pretence of preserving them. The
government has no right to break down
the Constitution to uphold itself. It nev
er wus intended for a moment that the
Constitution under any circtimstuuces
should be superseded. Tho President
holds office under the Constitution, you
sit there under it, the judges sit und
pass judgment in virtue of the provisions
of that instrument alone, nd if you su
persede it, neither you, nor the judges, nor
the President himself, p3ssess.-s any more
power than the humblest man in the land.
Supersede the Constitution! You might
as well try to repcul all the laws for the
guidance of society, and let the nation go
adrift to ruin at onco. The only way to
preserve the government is to preserve the
Constitution, to observe its limitation and
to obey its prohibitions. Whea the Con
stitution fulls, (hen indeed the Govern
ment falls. This is not tho way to pre
serve Governments. At-b'tion makes its
own opportunity, and under this system
of superseding the Constitution in times
of public calamity, the public mind will
become degraded, the people on every
fresh occasion for the exercise oflhis pow
er will yield still a little more to these en
croachments, till the public will will be
destroyed, tho public intellect wnrpcd.the
national character tarnished, and the na
tioiittl lifo ot liberty and independence
overthrown. They will become the play
thing of every tyrant, and each succesiive
invasion of their rights and freedom is
forever lost. 1 1 is in vain to say that this
ia an idle droam the realization of the
fact is beforo us. Six months ago, when
the habeas corpus act was first suspended in
the case of Merriman, who wos held on n
charge of treason, the put lio mind was in
tensely excited. Now what is the fact ?
Citizens are committed anil imprisoned
because in the publio newspapers they
dare criticise the acts of the Government.
Newspapers have been susper.ded.and the
wholo power of the Government despoti
cally exercised without a publio murmur.
We are told that when this public dan
ger shall have passed away the Constitu
tion will be restored to its pristine vigor,
and the people will be allowed to resume
their accustomed liberty. Whon was this
MEN.
ever ? When were the invaded and re-:
stricted rights of a people ever restored to !
ineir exact position except by the sword ?
When was liberty, once surrendered, ever
restored except by blood ? For tho will
ful surrender of their rights no nation ev-
rroii,morillmi,inlil.. i .1
of To ut on Z y In g , "B IT
11 'Vi?in ?tVJ .f ,U. CT0.1 "mke
n:ZJ.Z . l"',.ll,,,""eu
danger possesses no rights. ou cannot
mcroaso and strenaUien virlue. und cour
?f?e,.ft"A'n!tic.n.ce' I,ellle '.0'. Caching,
r, ,1 T l , SCU.mi"tered to convey troops and a battery of
?n-a.u.J:n-e.Cr. '? thetftt. l'y must re- artillcrVi aru) wu, l0 ail on ,he letll
and cou raise, and constancy, but on the
" .; y i . 1
power and good will of their rulers. No
tre nation ought ever to listen for a mo
ment to the argument of Stale necessity.
The history of those poople who have been
so deceived is written in the wreck of free
institutions. It is marked with wrongs,
with high hopes destroyed, and noble us
pirations violated und trampled upon. If
we look over tho pathway of desolation
thus exposed to view, we may easily imng
ino that we see the spirit of American in
dependence and American freedom hover
ing over this day, tearfully praying it, loo,
n) not be added to the long list of vic
tims immolated on thsuitar ofstute ne
cessity. This argument of state necessity always
proceeds from the executive power. It is
the voice which issues from the throne
itself, and unless speedily tinvroied un
less answered now ere lopg comes the
mandate to surrender to military power,
An imperial throne rises on the ruins of
an overthrown republic; oaths ure viola
ted ; liberties swept uway ; rights trampled
on, and a nation is prostrated in the dust,
This is but the familiar picture which pre
sents the dire ellectof a people $ubmillin
to the plea of state necessity. We nie
further told that in times of great public
danger the people ought to sustain the
bunds of their rulers by confiding in (heir
integrity of motive and disinterestedness
of action. Yes, sir I won, d sustain with
the public confidence wliilo they adhered
to the provisions anil principles ol the
Constitution ; but 1 would paraly.o them,
sit, with distrust, whenever they com-
mence the work ol usurnnlion. It was
i,... ... ,.v .i.r.r.4 "
told the Athenians that tho surest defence
ot a free people r gainst tyranny was dis- j Tho t,oml(1ll jM s;iva nn ftCv nowledgo
trust. Ihe Athenians did not heed his; , r ,i ,, 'Proii,l..r r,r n.o ii.
wurinn,
ami troin mat hour to tbi lire -
cian independence
nint urecian liber t
have been but a name, u ill ain, 1 nnce
of Orange, wisely taught tho same lesson
to tho I utch, w hen Philip of Spain aked
their confidence in his administration, and
they wi-fly l,ctlel llio lonnon, cu.,1 llil
Immortal glories which clustered for two
hundred years around tho Dutch republic
testifies to the truthfulness of the axiom.
I, sir, speak not in behalf of the memoi U
alists upright and honest men as they
ore, and unjustly deprived ol thoir liberty
as 1 know the.n to bo I speak in behalf
of the Constitution, I (.peak in beludl of
the liberties of the nation, I speak in be
half of aiy constituents, 1 speak in behalf
of myself and in behalf of you, my col
leugues on this floor. And 1 say here that
the pioposition that the President has the
power to suspend the writ of habeas corpus.
i ui bitrwri'y and without reason, without
regard to the principles and provisions
and process of lew to detain thecitizen
of any portion of this country, is utterly
and entirely indefensible. And' I further
say, thut it becomes every member of this
House, in virtue of his on III taken here
before ihe tribune of tho people, to sup
port ami preserve the Constitution, and
in virtus of the position wo hold here to
support .ho framework of tho Govern
ment, and as representatives of tho peo
ple, solemnly in the face of heaven and
of our responsibilities to protest against it.
WllERF. ARE YOU WoiNllED? It littd be-
conu a mat'er of he bit with tho fair ones
lo qien conversation with tho very natur
al iiquiry, "Where are you wounded?"
and accordingly w hen 11 party of three 01
four the other day approached our cell
thej launched out in the usual way. Pad
dy Made believe that he didn't Imar ex
actly, and leplied, "pretty woll I thank
ye..'' "Where are you wounded ?" again
fired away one of tho ladies. "Faith, I'm
not badly hurt at all. I'll bn thraveling
to Ilichmond in a wake," replied Pat wiih
a peculiarly distressing look, as if ho was
in a tight place. Thinking that lie was
deaf, one of the old ladies in tho back
ground put her moLlh down closo to his
ear, end shouted again, "Wo want to know
where you art hurt."
Pat, evidently finding that if the bom
bardment continued much longer be
woull huve to strike his Hag anyhow, con
cludsd to do so at onco, anil accordingly,
with a face as rosy as a boiled lobster, and I envoys they would subject tho vessel to
with angry kind of energy, ho replied : seizure and" forfeit ure in a prize court.
"Sure, leddies, it's dafe that ! am; bull They made no remonstrance against tuk
sinc you are I'eteriuined to know where ing them on board, as they were bound to
I have been wounded, it's on me sate. . do, but secretly plannod tho outrnjro for
The bullet entered behind ov me breech- hich we r.ow seek reparation. Messrs.
es. Plate to excuse me feelings aud ax
me no more questions."
Comiiisatio.v to Prolono the War
The Cincinnati Commercial Mate that a
conspiracy has been entered into by Gov
eminent contractors, ond others, who
I r-x.-r1 -.-
1 all their power in making it a long one,
'and thus filling their own pockets at the
I f xp nse of the people at. large. The im-
niense power that can ho wielded by a
heavy moneyed interest is notorious, and
will be felt by tbe redersl Uovr rnment.
ftrtjuA terriblo accident occurred near
llonesdule, Pa., on tho Mth inst., at the
coal pockeis of the Delaware and Hudson
Canal Company. A car fell through fifty
feet, killing four persons and wounuing general impression was that ample repar
six others severely. j ation must be made to prevent a collision.
,; Communications have taken place be-fetf-Why
is life the riddlo ofall riddles ?lween tia English and French govern
Because we must all "give it up? ments, and a good understanding on the
TERMS
NEW
IMPORTANT FROM ENGLAND.
Gate Race, Dec 15. Tho steamer city
of Washington passed here at 11 o'clock
this morning, w:lii antes by telegraph the
Sth inst.
4 110 bill!) IUUV rioril I.DIlUOn lO ieW
York, put into Plymouth on the 3d inst.
he look fire the same night and was scut-
tied to extinguish the flames. Some
s,i, .f';.,..,i .., i ,
. . , .
JL,teaInep Autrdasian has been char -
& jacii.to
affair monopolizes the
attention of the press, which denounce it
. ' . .. .
in strong terms, ami active navat prcpar-
atmns are making.
the latest l,y telegraph to Queenstown,
to tho Sth instant, suys the excitement Is
unabated.
Tho Paris Temps says that Napoleon ha
tendered his services as a mediator.
At tho banquet at Hockdale, Mr. Pright
miide an elaborate speech on American
affairs, but declined to give a decided
oi.inion in the Trent nd'sdr. Ha beliei ml
alitor.
that if illegal, the United States will make missioners having reuched a S panihh port
fitting reparation, lie strongly condemn- j "nd embarked in aneutral English steam
ed any warlike reeling, and scouted the pf. could not bo lawfully seized by tho
idea t hat tin American Cabinet had re- North.
solved lo pic a quarrel sith England, and
made a brilliant peroration in favor of tho
North,
A letter from Gen. Scott, in favor ofthe
maintenance of friendly relations between
Er.sland and Amuiku, attracts much at"
lc,'Von' t- ...
Ihe export of arm", ammunition and
lead to America is prohibited.
The Paris Pa'.rie has an editorial fore-
shadowiiig the disposition of Franco to re-
cognize the Southern Confederacy if Eng..
land sets the example.
When the Europiv sailed there a more
hopeful look and consols and cotton slight-
ly improved, but after digevting the tone
of the American press, a reaction set in,
and fears were entertained '.bat the W ash-
,, Il: .:r,.,,.
inglon Government would justify the seiz-
ure of Masrn and Slidell.
The English jou "mils ure very bitter and
hostile, continuing to treat the allair us an
intolerable instil i.
The instructions to Lord Lyons, 0:1 which
I the Uuninel wis
n,i ,iio.min,il
ununimoun, are explicit
, nnr, ...;m i10 rirvoft wit I ,m o ,i iv. hut.
grout joy, but
if the Federal government fads to comply,
no male in England will blind his eyes to
the alternative that England must do her
duty.
The London 'Fonts continues to assort
Unit it has been Mr. .Seward's policy to
force a quarrel with England nnd calls for
energetic military preparations in Canada.
A serious
lecline is daily taking place
tiiUiiu
in inadian secui 1 tics
amounting
to IS
per cent.
Tho London Time; predicts three things
to follow an outbreak with the United
States, namely, tho destruction of tho
Southern blockude, the complete blockade
of tho Northern ports, and tho recognition
of the Southern Confederacy by Franco
and England.
1 i r it..i 11 . 1 n
1 lie iAii'y ,uu j nun 100 .mienuiii v.011-
gross meets beforo tho English . demand.
can gel uui.uim inqn's unu it win nui wuu
honor and dignity and that the golden
opportunity will not be lost.
A large number of naval vessels aro or
dered to bo ready for immediate commis
sion. The transport Melb.iurno was to
leave Woolwich Arsenal on the 5th, for
Halifax, with 30,000 stand of arms, largo
quantities of ammunition and Armstrong
guns. She will be conveyed by the Orph
eus ol 1 guns.
The iron-plated steamer Warrior is to bo
tuy lor.iomgn serwc.e .... num.... y. ami
her destination will depend upon the an
swer from Washington. Tho shipment of
rilles from England for Now York contin
ues.
The English funds fell per cent, on
the 3d.
The I ondon 7W gives a rumor that Na
poleon had been proposed as tho arbiter
of the question.
If II AT UKVERAI. SCOTT IS REPORTED TO HAVE
SAID THE ACT CONTK.M l'l.ATEl) IN CAIIINF.T
AT WASHINGTON.
lieferring to the report that the seizure
was the act of the American commander,
not expressly directed by the government,
the London Times says it lnea. j that tho
Federals had deliberately determined to
seize the Southern commissioners, and it
;s understood that Gen. Seott lias declared,
since his arrival at Pans, thut the seizure
hud been made the subject of Cabinet dis
cussion at Washington long before helelt.
The American authorities might have
warned !he English steamer at Havana
that it they took on board tho Southern
Slidell nnd Mason were, at the most, civil
servants to a hostile power, and were trav
elirg from one neutral port to another, in
a neutral vessel. If the government at
Washington declare them rebels, then the
right of asylum has Iippii clearly violated.
Tho Times concludes by adjuring the
government and northern people to do
juftico in tho matter
Tho London J'ost confirms the Times'
statement, and suys :
"Tho demand of Lord Lyons w;ll be
jlain and brief, ard if not complied with
tho diplomatic relations will b at once
suspended."
A French viw or the American Diprr-Pi-i.Tr.
Letters from Franco state that the
news of the American difficulty caused
1 immense sensation in Paris, and the fust
$1 25 per Annum, if paid m advance
SF.K1ES VOL. II. NO 23.
ubJect wa3 believe(l t0 Pxist as alrtaJy
does the question of policy to be cui ri, d
out with reference to tho Atueiican qucs-
"on generally
The Paris rairie maintains that the Am-
"iwii KuTuuuiriii im'i nu nllt lu nrresi
Ihe Southern commissioners while on an
English steamer, and asserts that the BriU
Mi government should be immediately
I nroimroil in rinfm-,v.n.. tn fwl
1 The same journal also cives a renort thnt
Admiral Mdno, commander of the British
East India squadron, on hearing of the
San Jacinto
affuir, detailed three ves31j
1 1 escort the steRmers bUwoen Havana
l,l Ci Tl, ........ r... ii.
-" mumim, iu, iimui'u m
Southerners travol'ine by that route.
The Americans in Paris paid a compli
mentary visit to Gen. Scott Mr. Djyton
acting as chairman.
Views of the German Press. The Ger
man press generally takes the part of En
gland. The Augsburg Gazetto says thut
the Blockade of Charleston is ineffectual,
otherwise the escape of the Theodora
would have been impossible
1 ho com-
PROCEEDINOS OF CONGRESS.
In iSenatc, Dec. 10, Petitions far the nho-
, l'lion of slavery, and for tho employment
of Jewish Chaplains in the army, were
presented I y Messrs. Grimes of Iowa, and
.
I Sumnor tlf MaM-
Ten Eyck ol N. J. ollerod a resolu-
' lion that the present war is for tho Union
llccoriil)g to the Constitution, and the ob.
I. . 7 ,, , , P
J was lo avo the former and enforco
j'bo latter. It was so in tho beginning and
should be so to tho end That extreme
J am radical measures, and in themselves
; ,. .....
disruptive, involving in a common fato
, ,
j he loyal and tho disloyal, should not be
resorted to ; and that in supprcbsirg trea-
son the Government cannot prove a trait
or to tho organic law. Laid over.
Mr. Wilkinson, of Minn., offered a pro
amble and resolution, aa follows :
UVurus, Josso D. fright, Senator from
Indiana, did, on tho 1st d ly of March last.
write a letter to Jcllerson Davis I tho letter
j WiW iere re.vt introducing a Mr. Lincoln
( (0 Mr. Davis as having an improvement
jn firearms.
I And whereas, Such letter is un evidence
' 0f disloyalty : therefore,
I;Cs.lved, That (be said Jesso D. Bright
be expelled from tue Senatoof the United
! States.
Mr. Cowan, of Pi1.., moved a reference of
the subject to the committee on the Judi
ciary. Mr. Bright, of Indiina, said that per
hapr. it was not improper for him to say t
word as to the troth of tho charges which
had been made against him 1 1 1 1 ' a : 1 1 a li
centious picas, it had been chaiged thai
he had absented himself Irom tho .-'orate
from fear of such a resolution of expulsion
1 j oll 'rtd It Wi
CA .ouLed to his
whs not so. Hp had
room. Ho had no
objection to tii resolution; He believed
that in a serviceo! seventeen year.- he h I
done nothing inconsistent with lnsu;;
us an American Senulur, citizen, or g .
tlan. IIo courted an invest's'ion into ml
his act.!, public and private, and n-k(.J to
have a letter read in answer to tin) one
already brought to tho nolioc nf the Sun
ate. The Utter alluded to wus then red.
It was addressed to Mr. Filch, his co!-
1 ..... . tl.nl ltn ,fa n. I., il.r.
, nit A,,,! hll,i always be ui f.-r
, .va!M1 pnJ jmci-rily of tl,9 Umou
lie was, however, opposed to the coercive
policy of the Government.
) Tho resolution ws then roforred to Iho
'committee on the Judiciary.
I In the House, Mr. Conway, of Hanf 's.
rising to a question of privile, a. hided
I to a dialog'io between himself and .Ir.
I Fouko. on Thursday. Tho former had in
eluded tho battle of Belmont u in the so
ries of defeats to our arms. Mr. FouWe
had ineffectually a-kod Mr. Harding, who
had tho 11 -or, to yield it to him that he
might in his own language nail the fahe
hood to the counter. Mr. Con way had
explained that ho obtained his informa
tion from the newspapers, and, as he did
not at Unit time hear the offenrive lan
gunge, ho now desired to kuow wheibei
Mr. Fouke intended to make tho eh&t v
of lalsebood personally opplicuble to him.
Mr. Fouke, of 111 , repliod that ho had
nover heard ol any newspaper pnragr ipli
to that eifect, excepting in the Chicago
Tnbuiie, which was afterwards conirr. diet
ed, lie then mado a brief statement ol
the battle of Belmont, to show thai it wa
unkind in Mr, Coiuiay to ir.-i.,l on char
acterizing it as a defeat, lie ivorU per
mit tho gentleman to make the spplicH'
tion o! tho h ii'juage ho i.nd hnetoire
iiileied, as he (Mr. C.) was the only juq;e.
in the matter.
Mr. Cbnway, in reply, said Mr. Fouke
had refused to avail himself of his gener
osity ; he submitted to the candid judg
ment of the House whether such conduct
did not clearly manifest, a deliberate pur
pose to bring on a personal collision with
out cause, and whether such conduct wis
not unbecoming a member of the House
but rather that of a blackguard and scoun
drel. (Sensation )
Mr. Richardson, of III., immediately
called the speaker- to order, suying this
was not the place to settle such difficulties.
Cries of oritur, order.
Mr. Fouke wanted to say one word in
reply.
Th Speaker informed Mr. Fouko that
no debate was in order,
Mr. Fouke, amid cries of order, was un
derstood to fny thnt Mr. Conway was u
disgraco to the nation and to humanity.
Here the matter ended in the House.