all MK-n
1-H
it.
n.v
7.7
,
ST 6.' B. QOODLANDER & CO.
'-?; vo.. xxxi. whole no 1G53.
PRINCIPLES, not MEN.
TERMS-ll 25 per Annum, if paid in advance
NKWSEMKS VOL. 1. NO
CLEARFIELD, 1A. WEDNESEW, MAY 8, I8GI.
I iWT'Tll 0'
X CM
V u ; r ; va vw
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WI1EN 1 MI'.AN TO MAUKY.
17 JOUM 0. HXK.
' Ntben do I m.tnto marry ? Well
TU idlo to iliiputo willi fate ;
If you choota to here me tell
tnj liaten, while I til ths dut,
Whsa daughteri baato.with eager foot,
A inotner'a daily toil to bire ;
Cu muko the pudiliug which they eat,
And mend tlio itotkingi which they wear.
When maiileni lock upon a man
Ai in liiialf what tbey would marr,
And not at army eoldiera icaa
A lutler ora couuuiaurr.
When penHo ladioi who have forgot
The offer of a lovor'n hand,
Content to aliaro bi "earthly lot,"
And do not meun bit lut of laud.
, When young mechanics aro allowod
To find and wed tho fanners' girl
Wbod't eipect to be endowod
With rubies, diamonds and pearl.
When wive, in ahirt, ahall freely give
Their hearts aud h&oii tuai l hiiuuioi,
And live aa thoy were wont to live,
Within tlicir airua' one story huuaea,
Tktn, tundara if I'm not too old
Kejuioo t quit tbia lonely life,
111 brush ray beavor, ceaae to acold,
And look about me for a wife !
fFrom th" Pnnrillo Quarterly Review.
OUE COUNTKY: ITS PERIL: ITS
DELIVERANCE
Jlj Biff RoiiRnT J.
Danville
Biui&sMtinuE, 1). I).,
Kentucky,
OncuiVrt'.
IV, I In attempting to develops, tho
topic which remain, wo are fully aware
of the dilliculties of tbe task. Both at
tb North and at tho South, there are
great parties thoroughly orgaaized and
acting in pieciiely opposite lUicctions n
to opinion, but one direction as etl'iic'ivo
as the other towaid tho common object ol
their labors namely, tho tearing of tho
nation to pieces. They who agree in no
thing clue, agroo in the common desiro
for that reeult, w hich involves our nation
al ruin. In tho meantime, the i nniense
fan popular masses at the North which have J
only partinli)' co-operatea with the organ-1
ned parts bent on Uus'.ruction, or iiaveji)et(vPnn, different nations, ot war
fallen -into minontuB oponiy lesisung,
Jthat party aro neither organized in pari,
nor 01 on 3 accoru amongst inem-eivcs.
except upon the single point, that they
are suddenly awakened to the extreme
jeril of the situation, and are rapidly set
tling into a resolute purpose to avert the
danger, if it is still possible. In the
whole South, the condition of all'.iirj is
ajimilar, but moro perilous. Tho disrup
tion of the Democratic jiarty at Charles
ton ndat Baltimore, if auseeptiblo of but
three possible interpretations: it was an
jet of mer passion or it was an act of
' deep intention, designed tj produce ex
actly Jbat Jias followed or it was an act
looking to the reconstruction of tht.t par
ty and to new ende.ivors for its pernio.
nentt'iumph as 11 national party. Re
cent eveuts tend to show, that the disrup
tion was mado in tho lixed senso of the
acondof these three possible interpreta
ttioui ; or at any rate, in the contompla
.ttOB, and perfect preparation of many
leading men to tako that alternative,
Ten it Ibey are not chargeable with hav
ing intentionally procured it. What oc
curred was, that the cotton growing South
auddenly awoke to a consciousnes, that
great nd perfectly organized paity in
her boeoui, as precipitating Slate after
Hiate into secession : while in every seco
rting State -even in S.Carolina ni.vscs of
the people, stunned by tno suitUkuness
and vehemence and thorough organiza
tion of tho movement, were borne along
by it, or made resistanceonlycollater.il
points, of remained in dissatisfied si
lence at the storm swept over them. And
jit all the remaining slave Stales, State af
ter S.ate became suddenly the theatre of
a concerted agitation propagated original
ly fmm South ' Carolina, at.d lendin;
everywhere to the sanio violent result by
the same seditious proceeding, in the ven
erable names of Stato sovereignty and
constitutional power. In these latter
Statei, the resistance on tho part of the
community to this revolutionary fanati
cism, wos more in accordance with what
became a free people ; and whatever the
issue may be, tho most of them, possibly
every ou'o of tuom, will reach it with a
decorum, a gravity, and a public decency
inseparable even in death itself from all
true crealucFS. on all great occasions.
But these great Popular masses through-
out the fifteen sluvo States embracing all elusion, and under it have been precipila
men who were not icady to rush into im- ted, by the force of a trained and long or
mediat secession, and embracing, there-' ganized conspiracy, unto fatal proceedings;
fore, the immense majority of the peoplo ' are able to render reasons for their want
in that half of tho nation were taken by ' of confidence, to which coming ages will
surprise cut up into three mutually hos-lsay, (he North ought to have given ear
tile political parties disorganized by an lier and more considerate heed. It is idle
infinite diversity of opinion und dssti-, to attempt here, a statement of particular
uta for the moment ot great leaders to ! aggressions, upon n case so large, so long
whom they could turn with a common ! continued, so aggravating, and so palpa
,consent. Kapidly, and bj a movement ble. If there is one sentiment perfectly
almost spontaneous, public, opinion, over 'cordial, ftn(j uilnim0us throughout the
'borne f r tho moineiit in the six seceding flfteenslavcStites.it is that they have
'States, and trembling in the balance in just cause of complaint ; a sentiment in
'vera other States, appears to us to bo 'which it. i aiIwiupW nrobable. that tho
consolidating in the greater number aod
,th most powcriui 01 mose .mies, v a
.determinate manner, and upon fixed
points. In them there is none of that
jfrautic hostility to the Union which has
a)v mnnifntp(l ill ft til or
place.; but on the contrary, an avowed 3. Then, are two points upon which 5. That is precisely what the whole ; wise things actually accomplished by our
ttaohtneU to tho Union, and a declared the South has made un its mind and 1 South demands. I'lanled on thcCorstitu- ancestors. In tho balancing of tha powors
PVrpose to maintflin it, if it can bo done w hich are decisive, one way or the other, I tion loyal to it and to the country tho o: the 1 cderal arid Mate Governmeiit.and
oonisteiitly with thei fecurity, their of the whole matter; and upon which ! evidence of the wrongs she has endured in denning and ordering their mutual
honor, and their rights. In them, thero the course which tho North mav take. written on the whole face of society North spheres and extent, lies that wide do
lt no deposition to contend lor extremo ' will either arrest tho further spread of tho ! and South, Mr. Lincoln himself has long batable ground over which statesmen have
rights, or to demand conditions which in secession pestilence and under firm and 1 ago spoken the brave and true word ; the fought their battles, and organizod par
chaucid circumstances thov would oot temperate treatment, as wo have before ' South is entitled to an elective law, and ties. Amongst those battles t.ooo have
grant themselves, much loss to fly to arms
by way of preliminary mcnaco, or to look
a Jrf 0 foreign tiatiom for aid in tho execution
of any designs present or future : but on
tlio contrary, there is an upright and nn
'outspoken dosiro to adjust nil existing
I troubles, iinil if possible to secure the fu
; ture, upon terms of perfect equity und c
1 quality, audi as ought to satisfy true, nwn,
uuniliv, tutu M UIILIU lu sniiniT II n ,
'an.l a.;8uch true men ought to grant. Now
litis not to confirmed Abolitionists of the
North, nor U it to confirmed SeeM..ioniU
; nf 1 1, a siniitl, . unv .,,,i,r'i.ni. nf niK
neeu be. made, nor any terms of honora
ble composition need be propounded,
which look to the preservation of a coun
try whioh they do not profess to love, and
tho salvation of institutions which they
owu they abhor. But it is to th grvat,
(rue, and faithful people of tho glorious
American Nation that must not be des-
troyed.no matter of wt-at sovereign State
they may be citizens, and no matter how
much Miey may now appear to be scatter-
i i.i:. .I.. i:. .
suggestions ot
pence, an. (justice, ami traternitv, looKing
to endless and boundless ghy Rnd pros'
perity. may be offered, with a good hope
through God, that they may enter into the
mass of human thought, and be felt ac
cording to tho wisdom that may be in
them.
2. Let it be observed, that tho free
m ...... o,.. : '
amies ana me sihvh omina m i uiy 111 '""!,lll. i, i,
fospects tr.tallv diirertnt positions, ro1a-fu "y l"
n....i.. n, ,i:mi(; ,i.L'ar on.l . nave inc.a 14
II,, IV l' HIC ll lll.U 1
to the ground on which those difficulties
aro to bo adjusted. With tho North, tho
whole affair is a sentiment an opinion.
With the South, it is an a flair of life ami
death. The North has not ono dollar of
lit iuriM Ilil?1 lll'l VIIW U'liirn , 1
estrtto at slake the South has four thou- 1
sand milliors of dollars invested in slaves
Tl. V..ll. 1 .!!!. ... nf innnnio
1 nu .-..jiiii u. n ihju i.-iiu i'iii,i.i ui i,v-.'i... I
,. ., , , . a. .,1. I
urccny t.epen.ieni on Mav.-ry -w ,
na an annua, ncomnn .M. m,., .
fifty milho.s dependent directly on slave
laW. Moreover, there are no negro 1
slaves among the nineteen millions ofi
nennle in the eighteen free States so
. r CI I
that all questions of a national aspoct
fending to influence slavery, are perfectly
void of force as to theinleiior ponoe,n,tiiet,
and security, of all these eishtecn; where
as fhe fifteen slave States have four mil
lions ol slaves dispersed throughout their
eight millions of white people, and every
national ouostion that can. in anv ot its
bearings, either agitate or quiet this vast
iaVo population, is of itsolf a question.
nr pCll00- Still furthnr. tho institution 01
slavery has no necessary bearinc what ever,
upon fhe social, economical, personal or
political condition of xnv State 01 individ
ual nl the. North : whereas it is thoroughly
interwoven wi:h every' fibre of society at
tho South ami a an institution is so
perrading in its effects whe:ever it exists,
thai, a community long trained in tho
forms of life connected with it, does
not incur the chango involved in
its destruction. except under fame
most powerful impulse. An 1 again, this
nation was once a nation composed exclu
sively of slave States and if m toe pro
cress of erents fhe trreater part ot tne
States Inceome free States everv consido-
ration of decency and good faith obliges
thoso thus clunginc their condition to bo
more and morn, instead ot los and less,
observant of the duties ami even the. pro
prieties they owe to those who remain in
tl e condition once common to all. And,
f3sii2gnst nothing more, the prepondera
ting power of the free States in the Union,
ad Jed to the unscrupulous and disloyal
principles avowed and propagated, to a
greater or less extent, in every one. of
them during the last thirtv years, oblire?
the North, by every consideration of pru
dence, ofequlty, and of magnanimity, to
concede to the South all that the spirit of
heir rrutual engagements require, instead
of striving to rob her of every security
vhich is not expressed in the narrowest
letter of the law. So e'ear is this con
trolling aspect of tho snbject.and so deep
ly does it enter into fhe convictions of all
jiist men. that, on the one hand. the. whole
feeling of loyalty to the Union in the
South, is connected with an abiding con
fidence that the North will net as bo
comes her in this emergency ; and on the
other hand, with an unshaken purpose,
in the Union or out ot it, to vindicate the
security, the equality, and the rights, or
slave States. It is upon these two points
can the South rely upon tho North
and can tho South maintain her vital in
terests in union that public opinion in
th't slave States which have not seceded,
is struggling at this moment. For our
own part, thoroughly convinced that both
of those question ought to be answered
in tho affirmative, wo must not disguiso
that the thousands of loval ami patriotic
men who have reached an opposite con
tctual majority of the entire North would
to some extent concur. Nay, the vor
form of anv amicable settlement that can
ever be made, reveals the true nature of
the case as every possible statement of
it must show.
3. There are two nnints iinon which
shown, will probably bring back the sece
cling States j or will probably throw the
wjjolc nation into a state of political con -
vubhm, th end of which no nmn
conjecture, and no living man " ill
Those two points relate, 1. Tlio fair
nee.
(1
complete execution of tho provisions ot
tho Federal Constitution, mado expressly
in favor of property in slaves and most
t I'.'
wpyciaMy tli pTovwion for tha rend; ion
ottuguivo slaves : 2. lo ho recogn.tioti
V11 " , , ,
toe tree Mates
undt'r tho Federal Conxti
tution, in all lliuijw and most especially
in tho matter ol Federal Ti rritorios. We
rv ill briefly treat each ol these points op
afately. And as it appears to us very clear
that adecpiate power exists under the
Federal Constitution to settle both points
in a fair, complete aud nalisfactory man
ner we will not enter upon tho discus-
'" ?' 01 116 lirolw" faanS '
Lai instrument 1 here are also several
ino u.airici, ui innmuiii. nut
tho D'.Htriet of Columbia, tho migration
of slaves from ono i'.avoStato to another,
and tlio like, which to shall mjt discuss:
since, as wo doubt not, tho settlement ol
the real (juestiun will draw after it the
settlement cf the rest ; and a refusal to
settle them renders all discusion of the
others idle.
4. If any one will compare the unques
tionble right of the owner of slaves, se-
rederal Constitution, to
livered to them in the
States to which they may escape, with
what has occurred during many past ywjrs
with reference to th fair and sincere en
forcement of this right, in any Northern
Stato where its enforcement has been at-
. . , ,, .
. . 11.. 1 1 ,1 I h A DVitrn ( njifrni, a i ft
" ' ZV'c .1... "i. v " ..?.. . V.l
IvIIUUUb KJl lliu n IIU1U .IVI bll UJ'Ult iliv
subject ; he will be slruk vvi-llj asto)ish-
, . : .. .
ment, tr. proportion as
ho gets a com-
k,(.,-o -vh.lt ,()r,,er s);tve
j of dom()rali a
mm of ;, Rt )e Xorlh on hh
. . , .
, . '.., 1 . , ,. ... .
IJ.V IJ ILQ l''lll.l I,I,V;. lVllll'.l IliJS
been systematically canied on. Mark
the Constitution of the nUion expres.-lv
lequires the rendition of slaves when they
esc ipo. Then observe, that along the
border common to Ohio ami Kentucky,
slaves have leen fystcma'.ically enticed
from their owners, by organizod societies
in Ohio, and carried oil by arrangements
so extensive, so complete, and soellnctual,
that along tho entire border between
those States, two or three counties deco,
slavery is totally insecure in Kentucky.
Along the frontier of all tho other border
slave S'.ates, a similar system of organi
zed plunder has beeu in active operation.
To what extent the system penetrafes
the interior regions of the slave States, it
is difficult say ; but it is known that emis
saries from the North have systematically
pervaded tho entire South, in every im
aginable disguise, schoolma-tcr, peeler,
agent, quack, preaoher, laborer every
thing making known to tho t-lave.s the
routes and method of escape, and instill
ing into their minds principles that re
sult in house-burning, poisoning, murder
ami rape, if escape is impossible. What
success has attended these diabolical pro
ceedings, with regard to the whole num
ber of slaves stolen, wo havo no better
means of knowing than the published
statement of journals that advocato the
robbery; and after allowing for much
boasting on their part, prompted by very
obvious reasons, tLo number can hardly
be set lower than a yearly average of ten
thousand slaves worth little short of ten
millions of dollars for some years past,
nor must it bo forgotten, . that although
large sums of money are contributed by
fanatics throughout the North, to tho
yearly support of these operations, yet,
the immediate agents of the work make
it very profitable. We, and many hun
dred persons, have personal knowledge
of a caso which occurred u few years ago
in Kentucky, in which between fifty and
sixty negro men were attempted to bo run
oil at one time, from Lexington and tho
surrounding region ; in which the fee of
tho white orgar.i.er and leader of tho
company varied, according to the success States. e have no nation but as we a scheme. Moreover, the political impos-, thut the refusal to come to such and un
rtl.. n,.o n Linnliiwi I'rnm i wmiv.fii'a ! hiive these States : and we have no States 1 sibilitv is C itmdetO : and the actual slate derstanding. will throw unnn thoso so ac-
to one hundred and fifty dollars each In
that caso tho party was surprised when
near tho Ohio Biver, and the slaves recov -
ered : find the white man is now in the
Kentucky Penitentiary instead of being
lynched, as ho would have been any where
but in one ot the finest communities 111
the world. Now let it be further obser
ved, that this stato of horrible perfidy,
though notorious at the North, instead of
awaking the universal horror of the com
munity, finds the fundamental principles
which underlie it, gradually penetrating
in all directions; widely influential jour
nals advocating them ; supporters of them
sitting in many Stato Legislatures, and in
both Houses of Congiess : nolitical narties
impregnated with them ; the laws of many i now existing is the Federal Constitution.
Slates changed 8) as to give them securi- ' And the broad distinction between that
tv i the current literature deeply imbued Constitution made for tho nation, which
with them; and to crown all, the mini.-ters by its nature and its terms is supremo ov
of religion, to tho extent almost of whola ' er all in its ptop6r spfiero, and tho Con..
sects and denominations, making them stitutions made for the States rcspective
tho chief themes of their instruction from; ly, is simply this ; that by the former
the pulpit. We do not enumerate tho 1 no powers ore conferred on the General
election of Mr. Lincoln us the climax, and Government created by it excent such as
final trinmiih of these nrincirdes? on the I urc expressly enumerated and such us
contrary, it is clear to us that his nomina
tion for the Presidency is to bo Account
ed evidence of a reaction against them;
and we know of little in the modern his
tory of parties, braver, or more manly,
than his unflinching and reiterated decla
rations, that the South is entitled to an
effective law for the rendition of fugitive
slaves, and to its effective execution.
5. That is precisely what the wholo
j to its effective execution, wheroly these
outrages shall be put down forever. The
' time to discuss the propriety of putting
canjmic.li ft clause in the Federal Consti
jt:me to ploiid conscientious
union, loiuiinaieu seventy year a. I lie
scruples for
breach ol laitli founded on the leitod
immortality of property in slaves, will
come after it is shown that a nation can
exist much lews that u frco people can
tranquilly sust:.;n u common government,
for tflc sake cl "Sibling ono half to id wil
der and degrade (tie other hall". One of the
wornt symptoms of thecaao it manifested
in tho indirect manner in which many Nor
thern States have endeavored to defeat the'
execution of public law by unfriendly leg
ishu ion, directed in somo instances against
their own citizens, n somu against citizens
of the South, und ii some ug.ilnt both ;
and in, not only a apparently populur
approval of such laws, und the most t-tolid
indifference to the mutter on the part of
those who diil not approve them, but ev
in theii careful and well considered de
fence by some of the ablest and best men
; n the North, us being without serious ob
jection in principle. Thut ij, all Jhp peo
ple in Massachusetts boing both citizens
of that State and of the United States, and
there being nobody there to act ir. either
capacity, except thoso who must act in
both ; what follows under this now polit
ical nioiclity, aud what is attempted un
der tho pretext of religious scruples is
that the people of Massachusetts as citi
zens of the United States acknowledge the
obligation resting on them under the
Federal Constitution for do rend tion of
fugitive slaves in Massachusetts ; and ut
the same moment as citizens of the State,
they pass laws re:using the uso of their
prisons and make it criminal for their of
ficers or even their citizens to assist, and
gontrive remedies whereby the owner who
seeks to recover his slave may bo arrested
us a trcf parser,. or even impiiscned as a
Iclon. It is an exceedingly palpable in
stance, on a largo scde, of what resources
were possessed by those fortunate and un
scrupulous gentleman of a past age, who
were princes and bislicps at the sanio time.
In puint of moral-1, such pretexts aro sim
ply scandalous. In private life, no man
who resort, to them can bo held to be a
gentleman or in pecuniary transactions,
can be considered honest. In public life,
such attempts are chargeable with tho fol
ly and wickedness of begetting conflicts
of civil and political duties in nioro wan
tonness or with boing. as we Laro before
shown they aro, the organized results ot
that seditious spirit of anarchy which is
destroying our country, and which a bet
ter publio sent'oicnt inujt crush wherev
er it exists, before lociety can be safe in
any part of it. Tho peoplo of tlio free
Stales, vvhereier and in so far as they
have been seduced into such legi-1 tion,
owe to public morality, to their own char
acter, and to their highest interests, not
less ihan to their constitutional obliga
tions us citizens tf tho Unite 1 States, and
the mutual relations' of the Slates to eac!i
other under our nollo indtutions ; to
ciaso at onco all Mato enactments that
cast obloquy on the:r own national ohliga site extreme opinion anu claim, 11 in its
lions, or look toward the dishonor or tho nature equally incapable of being realized,
obstruction of the just and uiiquestiona- Admitting it to bo true, that by the Coll
ide claims of others upon them. And we j stilution of the United States, every Fed
rejoice with all our heart at the indication oral Territory is dedicated to slavery, un
til so many portions of tho North, tliHt ' til on becoming a Stato, the people abol
what is right will be promptly done in . ih it by a sovereign act ; and admitting
this matter ; and by this means, ono of that the Supreme Courl has the power to
the steps indispensable to the permanent ' establish, beyond reversion, this sense of
maintenance, of our institutions bo firmly the Constitution, and that it has dons so
taken, and the friends of tho Union every ( in a case regularly before it, and demand
where, but especially in the South, havo ing for its decision tho settlement of this
a lublo vindication of their resolute con- point; still the practical enforcement of, do not anpear to us to be matters of
fiduiice that the nation was yet sound at ' tho thing, is both morally and politically very high' impr.rtanco in 'themselves, or
heart. impossible. We have not the least idea, , matters which it is necessary that wo
0. Tho olhor point of the two which , that a congress composed exclusively of should discuss horo. An cllcctual law,
the whole nation perceives to bo funda Southern men, could be gathered by pop ! and its efjectuaj executiqn, concerning the
mental, relates to tho equality of thojular election, thut would entertain a ' rendition of fugitive slaves ; a sincere reo-.
Slates in the Union, and especially as that 1 proposition to rob f reo States weaker than 'ognition of the common right Cjf oil the
bears upon the question of slavery in the themselves, of their share of a common ( States in the national domain, and the
Federal Terri: ries as we have already I inheritance, upon any plea that can be. mutual aoaudounjent by the North and
stated. The great idea of all our institu- imagined ; wo do not believe tho 'ninori- the South of al( claim and attempt to
tioi's, though complex, is porfectly clear. ' ty of any slave State woul I enforce such a J make ull tho Territories either free or
We constitute one nation, whoso peoplo, I proposition ; we di not believe that any t slave: it is upon these points that a good
however, aro divided into manv sovereign Southern gentloman would executo such ' understanding will settle all the rest and
but as the" make this nation; and our
people are citizens both of the nation and
' of some particular Stulc and strictly
speaking
to bo one involves tho other.
The fundamental principles of ou.- liberty
' is thu sovereignty, not of governments,
but of socieh itself tho peoplo; and the
deepest loundat on of this sovereignty of
tho people, is their right to change, to or
der, and to interpret, their political and
civd institutions by voting; to do this as
separate States where tho matter rel ites
' crc'us'vcly to the particular Stalo to do it
I in concert where it relates to tho nation.
' In tho exercise of this sovereign power the
I i.nnnl.i nf this nation havo made ull their
'constitutions tfce very oldest of which
1 -1 '. . v ., . .. V
lire inciiieniai una nvtcscury mere
'to; and that by the latter all powers
residing in society are conferred on
i tho Stato Governments created ly
'.t hotn, except such as are expressly with
held by bills of Bight, or some similar de
1 vice. Wo do not mean that these results
' are inheient and inevitable ; but we mean
! that these are the facts tho great ond
I.., .1 . 1
been more Hotly fought, or more perilous
to the country, than tho one which has
been waged over this quedior. ot slavery
in the Federal Terri lories. What wo pro- by the loir darie-of any existing State,
poso is. not to enter into a history ol'tliee amounts to one and a half, or two millions
uifficnltios nor to discuss the soundness of squure nides ; nn met njuclV greater
of any of the conflicting interpretations ! than that covored by all Sttes lying 'ho
of the Constitution, upon which the cx- tween the At antic ocean aiid the Missis
treiuo claims of hostile parties or section? 'sippi Kiver ; not much less, perhaps, than,
rest ; but to accept the actual and. ro.or- tho area poycrsd by all the present Stale ,.
ions posture of the whole affair and liuv. Thut the peoplo of the larger and mora
ing pointed out. in the nature of our sys- numerous frco State should combine to ex
tern of government, tho ground ond char- elude thoso oft he weaker and less numer
acter of tho reul difficulty, to statu tho'ous slave States.from theenjoyment of tho
piinciple? on which fclono, as it npj ears to whole of this iinmenso inheritance, is' an.
us, tho integrity of tho Lnion between
slave States and free Slates can be preserv
ed. 7. There tre three possible results to
t matter, rjatnely. all the Territories
may becotno free States, or all may be
come slave States, or some may become
one and somo may become tho other.
No one who has a grain of common sense,
can suppose it to be possible for either ql
tho first, two results to occur, by any
peaceful menus, or that the general gov
ernment can throw its influence svste-
malically in favor of either, without break-
ing up the confederacy or that extensive
combinations of States on either side to
secure either result, can terminate other.
wise than in war. It follows, therefore,
that the practicti' enforcement of the "log
ma on which Mr. Lincoln comes into
pi wer, namely, that there 6hall bo no
moro slavery in the territories, is impossi
ble otherwise than by a d:ssolution of tho
Union, and the subsequent conquest of
ono portion Ql tljc country ty tho other,
But Mr. Lincoln and hl party, if tliey aro
insane enough to push their dogma to
that terrible issue, will to say nothing
of their olhor perils probably find them-
selves arrested, os soon as they show that
they are in earnest, by a counter revolu-
tipn at the North, which will crush
the
diabolical conspiracy. Admitting thut
the Congress of the United States has ab
solute power over the National Territories
admitting fh it the Northern States hud
the peruiaiunt control of both Houses of
Congress ; we have not tho least idea,
that a congress und a national adminis
tration in this, or uny other free country,
TouId encounter the peril, and
heap on
themselves tho degradation ot attmptiu
to rob numerous States and many millions
of peoplo, nil subject to tho same govern
ment, and ull portions of the same nation
with themselves, of their total Bharoin an
imperial inheritance. Such ideas may be
made effectual in tho organization of par
ties, and may assume prominence in pop
ular movements ; but when it becomes
necessary to give them legal form and va
lidity, to enforce t lie in at the point ot the
bayonet, to risk counter revolution in
support of them, to establish them upon
the ruins of society, and cover either the
triumph or the failuro of the attempt with
the detestutior. of mankind, their ova-ion,
in some way or other, is one of those un
controllable necos.-ities of responsii.o pow
er, before which ! -I'lian passions bow in
reverent awe. In nio manner, the unno-
of tho country as presented by the relative
1 number and power of the Iree and slave
i States, and us exhibited by tbj stato of
j opinion everywhere the notion of estab
lishing slavery in all the national Territo
ries as of constitutional right, has about
the s.imo practical value as the notion of
securing all those Territories for slavery,
by secession. ' Now, lut ,it bo bomo in
mind, that yvo havo taken theso claims
anil the demands on tlio ono side and tho '
other, as being founded on truths that ar? (
undeniable, and rights that aro unques
tionable ; and have pointed out the im
possibility of any just, practical, or peace
ful result, in the direction indicated on
either side. How immeasurably is that
conclusion strengthened, when it is con-
sidered that thci e is not a truth asserted,
a principlo hud down, or aclami advanced
on either si c, that is not vehemently re-
p-i tuvted py about halt mo popuiati m ot
tho nation I Well, may wo asert the
complete impossibility both of excluding
slavery Irom all the Tetritories, and ol
establishing it in them all ; and denounce
tho wickedness of all parties who persist
in such endeavors. Those Territories, if
tho nation survives, must necessarily bo,
and ought to bo, partly sla'vo and partly
free. Political necessity di m inds it, pub
lic justice requires it, all true statesman
ship points toti.at result, the undisturbed
force f events would terminate in that
issue, and all attempts to prevent it aie
founded in considerations forbidden alike
by wisdom, by equity, and by patriotism :
and will end in crime, and misery, and
dishonor, precisely in the degree that
they aro successful. If th: country shall
be destroyed, the chief importance of the
questions on which our ruin is brought
about, will afterwards bo, that nil men
may see how scandalous were the pre
texts upon which the noblest product
of human civilization was mado 1 esclate.
P.'The national domain not embraced
outrage so preposterous, that one is tho
lews B-sionuucd mat 11 snouu react in a,
counter combination to establish slavery
in the whojp of it ; and while the prstext
ol conscientious S';ruplps for ssifij'; fill
was tho natural, becausg the only one.
howevsr ignoble, which tho stroug
could uso tlio counter resort of the woa-
ker party wasolso natural, and the only
ono they could make but war, namely,
extrettM constitutional right, eountenan-.
ced by their construction of u political
juugtuont 01 tne supreme uourt. In ettn
lec.-t as there are but three possible relational
uf the cauie, us has j 1st been shown, .ao
; there are but three possible methods in
which the case can be solved. On ! is by
an equitable partition of the common in-,
heritunce, founded on the mutual reoogsi
nition by tho parties of the undeniable
fact that it is a common property ; a sec-
ond is, for the owners of tho inheritanoa
determining to fight out tUoir opposite
claims in each particular Territory
somewhat after tho manner of the Kansas;
affair : tho thiid is, to dissolve the Union,
und tight out tho opposing claims after-
wards, leaving the Ten itorios like every
thing else, in a ttateof anartihy, ijsaloss to
either party. It U indued concoivablo that
after dissolving the Union, men might To-
cover their senses, and be e.mable, as alien
enemies to each other, of acting with 4
degree of mutual f ; I i-afrco and justice,
which if practiced w h -n they wore unitci
by the most sacred I or.ds, would have kept
them friend- forever. Tli.' probability of
such a miracle, every on-s will determine
for himself; as well as tho probability that
tho future inhabitants oi' the vast region
I thrown away by the nation in its disgrace
ful pai oxysius, will put faith enough in
such miracles fo respect any partition of
them among the fragments of a disbanded
confederacy. It is in vain that we would,
evade tho sacred duties which press us,
and from whose performance there is np
escape that does not at the same moment
biand us with infamy, and hurry us to"
wards destruction. There i but ono
po siblu result that is just and right and
thero is but one possible way of reaching
that result, that is cither sure, fair or
peaceful : but that result, and thai way of
reaching it, are perfectly obvious -and
when once rocognized and pursued, they
remove whatever difficulty the fair and
complete execution of tho duty to restora
fugitive slaves leaves lo bo removed. It
is upon these two points, as wo have tried
in all fairness to show, that tho nation is
I ound and obliged to set herself right
that tho people are required lo make thoir
majostic voice audible above the clamor of
factions, and that all good men aro called
of God, by word and by deej, ' to rebuke.
on every side the frenzy of the hour.
V. 1 he particular mode 111 which the
recognition of tho common right of the
States in the national" Territories, should
bo mado ; and tho particular way and ox
tsnt to which practical efficacy shall, at
i the moment, be, given to that recognition!
ting, the whole responsibility of all that
may follow. The foregone conclusions of
political parties, and tho previous corn
initials ot public men, are utterly insig
nificant in any true appreciation of the in
terest now at stake. Tho propounding of
particular theories, or of special line of
jiolicy, or of lists of propositions, or any
thing ot the sort by Stale Legislatures,
bv resolutions in Congres, by Conventions
of the people, or in any othor way where
the design or the effect is to en;barrass Of
to onstruct the indispensable sotuement,
1 is cither a great weakness, or a covert at
tempt to prevent any settlement The
demand of either parly to have a division
of (ho Territories tint is grossly unequal,
is that far unjust and a manifestation of
the sarno spirit of claiming all, wnich has
already wrought so much mischief. Aud
j with a million or two of sqmro milqs pf
national domain, not yet embraced in any
Mite, Willi a country largo ouough to con
tain fifty ora hundred timos its prosoat
population and with instant diiTiculties
which havo already produced tlio most ter
rible calamities, and whose cirly settle
ment may bo indispensable to te preven
tion of universal revolution ; tho purpose
to make that settlement dup.-nd upon an
explicit agreement co icjrtnrg tho dispo
sition we will here d'M - ;:iak i cf fdvo'.gtj
States, which wo may no-sib'y conquoror
purchase at some futur day ; can bo con
sidered nothing else than a purpose o
preventing the possibility jfany settle
ment. Beyond all doubt, if the freo
States consider that the main uso of oui
Constitutional Union and our continued
national existence, is the extinction 0
negro slavery on this continent ; or if tho
slave States consider that Ihe chief value
of those incalculable advantages, lies in
the use of thorn for the indefinite exten?
sion slavery, the knell of our destiny i
struck und our glory, our felicity, aim
o ir triumph are as.i tale that has been tol
IWaWP