Clearfield Republican. (Clearfield, Pa.) 1851-1937, October 24, 1860, Image 1

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BY 0. D 000DLANDER & CO.
-
VOL. XXXI. WHOLE NO.
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' O. B. GOODLANDER rf- CO,
Stint Jlocfrj.
THE HEART THAT HAS LOVED.
, Unto the heart that truly loved,
And loved, aim f in Tain,
A joy to tweet a love so pure
- Van cever come Hguiu !
But o'er life'i sky, like a midnight o'ound,
The years shall darkly past;
.'-And loves warm rays ebull shine no more
On tbo ruined heart alai !
The wreck within umy be hid with smiles,
Which are ever bright and bland,
But 'tis like the ivy's verdansy,
That covers a ruin grand !
And think net, though the eyes are bright,
Though the ch eeks may wear no stain,
, That the love-lorn heart is all restored
It cau never love again !
There is a 'love' which is not love,
But cumothing far more base,
Which lives on tilth and station high,
fair foric, or charming fact ;
But wh-re two souls together run,
Like fallen drops of rain,
Woe, woe ia theirs, if they mutt part,
Tht'.y i an never love again i
f . W. HizeLTi.fr
jyolilital,
Continued from last week.
THIS I.EAT ISSUi:
TO BE PFC1DED IV NOVEHDfR NEXT 1
0
' SHALL THE
CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION
STAND Oli FAI L?
SHALL SECTIONALISM TRIUMPH.
THE CONSTITUTION BE rEBVEKTED
-4 AND
THE UNION
nrCTDAvrni
lLo 1 KUY LU !
OB SHALL WE CONTINUE TO HAVE
0ns Country! OneUuioa! Om Consti
tution !
AND
ONE GLORIOUS
DESTINY ?
LINCOLN AND HIS SUPPOR
TERS. , o
1 BEHOLD THE RECORD!
, . This doctrine also means the abolition of
slavery in the States. If it be true, us the
black-republican leaders asert, that slaves
are not property, and that they are only
held by usnrpation and tyr'ny.what is more
natural than for such men, when they get
into power, to put down this "usurpation
nnd tyranny," and declare the slaves free?
Abolition is the natural and inevitable
consequence of the doctrine that man
cannot hold property in man, and hence
w are not surprised to see the same men
who proclaim, aUo, the abolition f sla
very in the States.
1 ' Now, henr Henry Clay upon this dog
ma: i "I know there is a visionary dogma
visionary dogma
'Which hold that neuro slaves cannot be
tne sulject of property. I shall notdwell
iong wun tins speculative aosirnotion.
That is property which the law recognises
4o be property. Two hundred years of
legislation have sanctioned and sanctifiod
'negro slaves as property." App'x (J lobe,
I83V, p. 357,
tlfCOLX AND HIS SlTrORIERS IN FAVOR OF
M si, THE "lRH ErRESSIBI.E CONTMCT 1"
e behove Mr. Lincoln eluirna In l
f.....i ia. " .; .
UtVU7wn. r.1": i
... .v ,mu fii,n m ui- ,
tewnceinhis speech at Springfield, III,,
note, on the 17th of June, 1858. We quote
coin and Dougla,, page 1. Mr. Lincoln
.., I
weare now far into the fifth year
.aince a policy was initiated with the a-
tTOwea object and con fidunt promi(e ot
putting an end to slavery agitation- Un-
,Uef tho operation or that policy, that ag-
station has not Orty not ceasei, but has
,OnstantIy augmented. In my opinion,
l 7 raSe U. rr,M' 8h,i:I bttve
cached and passed. A house divided a-
jj:.ist itseir cannot stand. I believe this
ernment cannot endure permanen.ly
nt tt lave and half free. I do not expect
'th Union to be disso
pr -t the house to tali
V Ml I I lil tint aav
. - -.
but I do ettre-', u
V cease to Lo divided. It will became
,)i one thing or all the othtr. Either the
ip norits of slavery will arrest tho fur .
" ipivad of it, and place, where the
r '"mind ahull rest in thotx-liel that il
ml iL. ,, . .
I Fie IMltl PSA rt . i t i I . ..vlir'nl nt
1-1
i
"ttocatoA tt'il ri.i:.,. ; f.k..tiuivi fill it
'ill
- '"t to a " i wit, iv
"''"mo alike lawful in all the States,
I.-, W011 ag n.W(
North as well as
Mloiy little thii
man uadcrstaEdi the
1G27.
tiue tlioory of our
orvthftte.tfli.ii s.,10
mntn Inw. In . t . 1 . I.;. ' ' " " " i:
mnko lows to meet tho exigencies, condi
tion, climate, soil, Ac, of each State, and
to regulate Ihoir own affairs in their own
way. Tliore is no division of the house
against itself in tbo Constitution; it ex
ists only in the efforts of such fanatics as
Abraham Lincoln lo create attrite, etir up
discords, set brother against brother, and
liogjiainer against son. in our great and Imp.
J 00 py houaehold of confederated States.
2 60 i Four mouths after Mr. Lincoln's speech
12 mo we Slid tl.n llnr Wm II u i .1..
treat leader of t he black-republican party,
expressing thmnmo i.ta ;.. i.;. .n.Li. ...
Hochesler, N. .:
I "Thus, these nntngenistic systeraj nro
constantly cominir jnto closer contact.
and collision results- Shall I toll you
what the collision means? Thev who
think it is accidental, unnecosiury, the
work of intorested fanatical agitators, and
mereiore epnemerul, mistake the case aU "There is no peace for the country, no
together. It is an irrepressible conflict : safety for inttitutions, until slavery u dir..
between opposing and enduring forces, ' lodged from the national organism ; until
and it means that the United States must . the Government of the country is wielded
and will, sooner or later, become entire j for liborty, righteoueness, and civilization,
ly a slaveholduig nution or entirely a free and not for oppression, unrighteousness,
labor nation. Fither the cotton and rice and barbarism."
lieUs of South Carolina, and the sugar Tne Hon. John Wenlworth, an ex-
ttdT?Tnr ' "llrilUlVmo,"b('rof ConV Illinois and at
,w ll, , T ' f Crh"r M 0n ttnJ rrMP':l k republican mayor of
JNew Ur,iius become mart-s for lfiir;t:iniit .: : . J ., '
m.,k,n.l;.. ..I i.- : 7T. . ,
uvi vimiiuiD'i n 1 1 1 1 1 r. . an- i nu run Tiitiiaaa
ana wueai Iielct ot Massachusetts
and
INew lork must again be turreudered by
their farnjers to slav culture and o the
production of slaves, and Boston una New
York become once more u mni ket lor
trade in the bodies and bouN ol men. H
is tlie failure to upprehend the greut trutti
that induces no many unsuccessful at
tempts at final compromise between Die
slave and fseo State, and it is the exi
tenceofthis great fact Mint renders all
such pretended couipromUe, when made, j
vaiu aim epi emeriti."
Governor Chase, of Ohio, is another ad
vocate of the 'irrepressible conflict."' A
fewtlaysa.ro, at iWiac, Michigan, he
thuii stated the issue, or rathor his con
ception of the issue between the par
ties : 1
"I ask you to fake aides and decide
where you will be. 'If the Lord be God,
then serve him ; but if Baal, then servo
him.' 'If slavery be right; if capital ought
to own labor, then go lor the doe'rine o
penly. It'you believe that freedom is tho
rigiit ol man, then join the party which
lms inscribed on the folds of its banner
"Freedom throughout the country 's wide
domain."
It may be well to add that we know of
no party, save the black republicans, that
contends for this issue. The democratic
party is rihlitu' for the eonstituLinnnl
rights or all seel ions for the Constitution
as it is, and for the Union as it is. TIipv
have nothing to do with slavery or aotU
l.i ' ey oo not proclaim -Mavery
throughout the country's wide domain,"
nor uo t itey proclaim "freedom through
out the country's wide domain." for the
simple reason that the Constitution leaves
that question to be settled nnd decided by
the people of eAch State, and oach Terri
tory when they enme to form a State con
ititution preparatory to their admission
into the Union, for themselves. Gover
nor Chase would break down and tramp
le under foot his solemn and salutary ob
ligation of the Constitution, for in no oth
er way could his party unfurl tho banner
of "Freedom throughout the country's
wide domain."
lion. George V. Julian, once a mem
ber of Congress from Indiana, and at this
time the republican candidate for Con
gress in the banner black republican dis
trict in that State, at a Fremo it meet
ing in Greenville. Starke county, Ohio, on
the 10th of Scpiemb.-r, 1850. thus deliver
ed himself:
' It is no use to deny il any longer. Our
republican j urty it a tcctioiuil party, because
the South has forced us into it. The
stumpers of this old line, hoise-slealing
democracy, not having the fear of God bo
fore their eyes, chargo us with being sec
tional tell ynu we are a icclional parh,. 1 1
is not alono a fight bet-veen the North
and the South.
It is t, fight between free
dom and slavery between Godand the devil
between Heaven und hell."
On tho ICth of January, 1855. the Rev.
Uen.y Ward Beocher, tbo pet of tha black
republicans of Brooklyn, New York, in a
lecture in New York city, on the subject
of cutting the North from the South, said:
"All el tempts at evasion, at adjourning
at cunceuung ana compromising, are in
vain, it.e reason of our lone agitation is.
i ,..7-
1 1,. r , s J. ;n "II
nn, .le-ioiio nitu iiui'i hut
themes, that parties are disregmdrul of
their country interest. These are svmp-
not the causes.
"Two great powers that will not live to-
gether are in our midst, and tugging nt
ocj other's throws. They w.ll s virch
each other out, though you sepernte I hem
hundred times. And if by an insane
blindness you shall conlrivo to put off the
ii". and send this unsettled dispute ,
down to your childien, It will go down, :
gat,)erll, volume and Hrengih at every
"top. to waste and desolate their heritage. !
Letit be tetHednow. Clear the place. Bring
tho champions. Let them put their lan-
ces in rest for il.a rh.,,.. ,v,.
I Pit n. . .... ,1 - J ,
it. . ami i inn . u l a i ii. i.i,riii
In his speech in IheSonate. June 4. lfCO
Mr. .Sumner, of Masaohusettt, thus reite
rates the "Invprewible conflict" doo
trine :
- " ' . . , ,
Senators sometimet announce that
they reaist slavery on political grounds
only, ana remind us that thoy say noth.
lrg ot the moral question. Thia U wrong.
lit eat prmitirin Knt .11 7 '
no, on.y on
1 whether ,
' wnetner scini, economical, or mora
Ours sno holidav cont. .!. ; :'
" f MVt 4 IV
any,
PRINCIPLES,
CLEARFIELD, PA. WEDNESCAY, OCT. '21, IBC0.
strife of rival factions of White and Rod
,i" . :; v :.. r: "r.r r:t
-Z ', ,7"..' . ' . .,nVCnl bUl"
. i ... , ... , '
wfrnn baftt, between llrght and wrong -be-
n (Jutland Aiit."
u irmn ourur oerween iagni ana wrong be-
lit em Oooi and Kvi."
Joshua II. Oiddinga, of Ohio, in a speech
in the House of Itepreseiitatives, May 10,
1854, auid :
"Mr. Chairman, it has become obvious
to all that I hese conflicting institution of
ireeuom ana slavery cannot flourish to
gether tiuder the same Government.
They can never be reconciled. Thev ev
er nave been, they are now and ever will
j bea """" each tu nd crinio
will not commingle : Heaven and iinll can.
t war wtth each other. V irtue and crinu
not commingle ; Heaven and hell can
not be at peace."
The Rev. Edmund II. Sears is an ardent
black republican, He preached a sermon
on the 16th of June, 1H56, for the cause,
which was afterwards published as a repnb
"cnn campaign document. From
sermon, thus endorsed, we quote :
thvt
V""-"Bl, u" "riicie in ins paper, llie
rii w . .
ChiciiBo Demon at. ilorifini: over
Frank
ijlair s election in hi. Lo us, v :
"Wlulo the great d, t 'nie cf the duly
or the Federal Uovmiinient t. make the
'.Slates all tree' il us receives ei.doiBeineir
in a J;ivi? liiiid.ng Siato. shall the repub
licans of tiie lien Status lower their t uid
ard of principle ?
"The day of compromisinir. hnlf-wav
I measures has gone by. The year of jubi-
i leo lias come. Already is tho child born
who hhall live to see the last shuck lo fall
from the limbs of the slaves on this i on
tir.ent. Universal emancipation is near
at hand. The Republicans have thrown
their banners u thebroexe, inscribed with
Lincoln's glorious words, 'The States must
bo niado all free.' and undor it will march
on to victory after victory, conquering,
nni to conquer.
This doctrine also leads to the "lone
and bloody road" of abolition. If, indeed,
th ere bean irrepressible conflict' between
slavery and freedom; if, indeed, this bo
the issue in coi flicl; if, indeed, tho one
or the other must triumph and the oilier
bo crushed out, then, as a matter of telf
defence, thoie so believing, whenever they
get iato power, will wield all that power
lo crush out and trample under foot the
slave States of this Union, and to emanci
pate their slaves. This it the doctrine of
the "irrepressiblo conflict" so loue'lv do-
fended and advocntcd by Lincoln. Soward.
aud tho Mack-republican party. Are the
Seoplo of this country prepared for this ?
len of the North, are you willing to en
gage in this crusade against your South
ern brethren ; to drench this land in all
tho horrors of civil mnr ; to cut tbo llircmts
of Southern men. "bono of your bone
and flesh of your flesh?" If yea, vote for
Abraham Lincoln !
The disregard of the black republican pang for
lino ! ltcg spit upon the constitution anil the
decision of the supreme court of the united
Stales !
It has been well and truly said that 'the
law is the concentrated niajosty of the
voice of the people." He who violates a
law, therefore, not only insults, but com
mits an oflcnce ugainst the people. In
this Govornmcnt especially are we called
upon to yiela obedience 19 the laws. In
no other way can tho Republic exist. We
have a written Contitution, which our
fathers made and which we must observe,
if we expect to preserve our liberty, our
independence, and our Union. That
Constitution says :
No person held to service or labor in
one State, under the laws thereof, esca
ping into another, shall, in consequence
of any law or regulation therein, bo dis
charged from such service or labor, but
shall be delivered up on claim of the par
ty to whom such service or labor may be
due."
Under this provision, the Contrrcss of
ITU J passed, and Gen Washington approv
ed, a bill for the rendition ot fugitive
slaves, In 1850, Congress amended this
bill in some slight particulars, not alter-,
ing its main features, or violating t ie prin
ciple of the act of 1713. The man vho
refuses to yiela obedience to the Ccustitu
lion and this law, as well aa othtr laws
made under its authotity, is an enemy lo
his country.
ino onsuiuuon also established
the
8I" rl as the court ol last resort.
lo inlelliK I Him oftim h.n.l a,.. I
dvc i L om. -1 u Ze
U 1Je re .
u ' Tlm utMn CMf(oi J or (
vudeJ. IhcuIim.v in liio inwid, ot' the
-..pn.- t Uisa-.-pect and owuompt for tl
.a.vs a;id dtoi n,.., l t!,. oin ; a.id our
Government U destined, and might
takea thepiute ot ngut. Sinks down U e
bulwarks of too laws and u,0 cour:s, and
where is the socunty for life und piopeny ?
By what title, then would the Uniil-r
hold his land, the mechanic his tools, the
uitrrchant his goods ? By that title onl-
which the mountain robber ol Scotland
proclaimed, when ho said ttiat write one
ii...,.b r.t : i ..i t
: on luwlaud plain, the Gaul, to mountain
, .. .. . O
and heather heir, with strong arm will
j take hit share.
How important it is to every citizen
that the Constitution and the laws of the
country should be observed aud obeyed.
lne iniractionoioneiawieautinevitaDiy
10 me miraction 01 anotner. 11 one man our prayers will be impious to Heaven
is allowed lo violate one law on the ground wLile we sustain and support human sl
that it conflicta with his ideas of duty un- Tenr. We shall free the Sunreme Court
j i.L- l T .. . ..i .
- ...-.. .-, .uuu ... .
late another law on tha urns nintit un.
til no law will be observed, and all the
.;i-"i. :ii u ' 'C' '. 1 1. y Z, 7C.
not MEN.
barriers which Government
r'vr.r , o,w"m M;tei
!--....... .ii vr, i. us iivos an'i prop
orty of lis citiieiu will have been broken
down, and thn law Af f.- .m .u i -
10T Prvatiotl OftllO lives
orty or ll citizen will
rl own. mil iIa 1t r
innugurated. Is it not clear, then, that
lbe U1n who refutes obedience to the
i Constitution and laws of his country is an
nemT ,0 h Hepublicf Judged by this
tn'lard, where stands the republican par-
I v a T vi
ty to-day ?
Weinswer, ther candidate for the pres.
idency not only refuses to yield obedi.
ence to the decision of the Supremo Court
uumcmauy ueciaret ft is intention to dis
regard that decision 1 In his Chicago
speech, July 10, 1858, he said :
"If I were in Congress and a rote nhould
come upon a question whether slavery
should be prohibited in a new Tenitory,
in tpite of the pred Scott decision, I would
VOT THAT IT SHOULD."
Having thus set the example of disobe.
dience of the Supreme Court, it is not
strange thnt his supporters should run off
in the same channel. Foremost of them
we lind Mr Sumner thus advising resis
tance to thj fugitive slave law in a speech
in Boston in 1(450 ;
"The good citizens, as he reads the re
quirements of this act, (relative to fugi
tive slaves,)is filled with horror.
Here the path ol duty is clear. I ah bound
TO DIHOBET TUIS ACT."
"Sir. I will iiot dishonor this homo of
the Pilgrims, of the Revolution by admit
ting ;;uy, 1 cannot believe that this
bill will be executed here."
Again, in the Senat of the United
Stale, we see hitn again, reiterating his
teierinination not to obey the law. Mr.
Butler, of South Carolina, asked, "If we
repeal the fugaiive-alave-law, will Massa
chusetts execute the provision of this con
Htitution4without any law of Congress ?
Will this honorable senator (Mi. Sumner)
tell me that he will do it" To, which
Mr Sumner replied : 'Is ihy servant a dog
thai he should do this thing?" Mr Butler
continued: "Then you would' not obey
thcConstitution. Sir, standing here before
this tribunal, whero you swore tosupport
it, you rise and tell mo it is the office of a
t in execute the Constitution of the U
nited
Stales?" To which Mr Sumner
said :
tion.'
I recognize no such nn obliga-
The Hon. Edward Wade, of Ohio, in
the House, Aug. 2nd 1855, said:
"Thus, sir, the thrice-execrable fugitive
slave law, with its catch -polo bevy of slave
hunting commissioners and deputy mar
shals, becomet a nullity and nuisance the
villanous concoction of slave holding u
surpniion and dough-faced subserviency
and dissolved like stubble before the de
vouring lire."
On the 11th of March, 1850, Senator
Seward, of New York, thui spoke in the
Senate ;
"All this is just and sound ; but assum
ing the sumo premises to wit: that all
men are equal by tbir nature and cf na
tion the right of property in slaves rails
to the giound ; for one who is equal to
the olher cannot be the owner or proper
ty of that other. But yoj answer that
tho Constitution recognizes property in
slaves. It would be sufficient, then to re
ply, that this constitutional ulligution MUST
BE void, because i- it repugnant to the law
of nature and of nations."
Again, in his speech at Albany, New
York, October, 12, 1S55, Mr. Seward said,
"It is written in the Constitution of the
United Slates, in violation of the divine law,
that we shall surrender Ihe lugutue slave.
You blush not at these things because
they are familiar as household Words."
Still again, in his speech in the Senate,
March, 2d, 1858, Mr. Seward thus assailed
the Dred Scott decision and the Supreme
Court :
"The Supreme Court also can reverse
itt spurious judgment more easily than wo
can reconcile the people to its usurpa
tion." "The people of the United
States never can. and they never will, ac
cept principle so unconstitutional and ab
horrent. Never, never. Let thecoirt re
cede. Wheiuri- it recedes or not, we shall
rrarailhtir ttif rntirl mil lttt rtfnnn il nti'lt'trnl
tentimcnts and practices, end brine them into I
harmony with the Constitution nnd the
laws of nature."
To the same effect is the address of the
republican State convention of New York
in October, 1857 .
"It is one of tho most lamentable feat
ures of the present deinocrAtic degeneiacy.
Uo, ; i... ;n.,i.w4 ..... u. ....,...... r.t
iuttiee. and from the seat oiieshnnortd."""1 musl ie. aboushed, anu you ami
by Jay, Jul Hedge, hi In worth and Marshal,
no" strains
it. .st.ilt., itiPAllnk Ilia ...a. aP V
.ot;rtn.i;..y. ;
...v. v..v v,
tlr v are disgraceful to the nalion
. , 1
which they bolting and the age in which
we live Tho infamy of the Dred Scott
deeirion i but a legitimate sequence to
Ihe eff'Mt that have boon pi t I tiih to
ejclionalize and pack a tribunal in which
was on -o rehired the respect and confi
dence of the nation 1"
Senator Wilson, of Mnsachuselts, who
seem to have been n pioneer in tho came
af assailing the Supreme Cot rt, it will be
remembered that in 1855, in the city of
Philadelphia, a band of abolitionists, with
Passmore Williamson at its head, rescued
a fugitive slave from the hands of the offi
cers of the law. For this he was tried
condemned and imprisoned. Referring
to this matter in his speech at New York
October 12th 1855, Mr Wilson said,
"We shall change the Supreme Court of
the United States, and face men in that
court who believe with its pure and im
niaculate Chief Justice, John Jay. that
" aiiti iree tne oupreme iourt
OI IDO nuea oites irom J uage h.ane.
i.jl .u. . ..1.,:
timentsprining up that regards rat.moro
-ytnere iuuiio eo
TERMS-l"!
Williamson an his prison, at Philadelphia
,.. '., v"-"',
noeriy. i nere is a pullio sentiment
springing up that will brand upon the
brow of Judge Kane a mark that will
make him exchiim, as his namesake, tho
older Cain, "It is too great for me to
bear. "'
In 1S50, Joshua R. Oiddings nddrescd a
letter to a meeting at Palmyra, Onio, in
wtiich, speaking ot the fugitive sluve
he raid ,
"Yet we ure told we must obey this law
and perpetuute these crimes until a slave
ridden Congress shall se fit to reclaim us
from uch a sin against God by repealing
the law, Whether it be right to obey God
rathor than man, i'ldge ye.
"From my inmost soul I abhor, detest.
and repudiate this law. I despise the hu-
man being who would obey it, if such a
being has existence,
During the 1st session of the 34th
Cong ross, we find Mr, Giddings regaling
Hie House with his law defying doctrines,
and bragging of hit nigger-stealing pro
pensities, h said,
"Gen'lemen will try and biar with m
when I asiurj them and the Piesident.
thai. I ..An .a . r..;.:..
, V - V 3 . ,UK""'D
slaves dinine at one time in mv bouse. 1
i j al " ... ... ' .
t
u mem. i cioinect tnem. ana ssve
tnem money for tneir journey and sent
them on their way rejoicing. If that be
treason moke the most ol il."
"Mr. Bennet of Mississippi. I waht to
know if the gentleman would not have
gone one step further?"
"Mr Giddtags. Yes sir. I would have
gone one step further. I would have
driver, the slave catcher who dared pursue
them from my premises. I would have
kicked him from txy door yard if he hud
made his appearance there ; or hud he
be altamyted to enter my dwelling I
would have stricken him down upon the
threshold of my door."
Now hear tho Rev Henry Ward Beeoh
er :
"If there were as many laws as there
arelines in the fugitive-slave law, and as
many officers n- theie were lions in Dan
iel's lion's den. I would disregard every law
but God's, and help the fugitive. The of
ficers might catch me, but not him, if I
could help it."
We ask every honest man in this broad
land, can any government exist where the
people are taught to disregard and resist
the Constitution and tho laws ? Does not
such a stale of things ineviiubly lead I o
anarchy and tho overthrow of Govern
ment? By what right do you hold you
lands, your houses, nnd your property ol
every dcbcription ? By what right do you
collect your debts ? Bylaw and tho de
cisions of your courts. But the laws and
thoeourta nnL nnlv nnsnnlM. .nnrri.,!,!.
r.r w... .1.. .!,.. ' 4 ........
yt ij , uA M bi.T-j iiiuiiT niUIII4 V'lUI ,
lives the aeg.s of thei. protection. bveij
away all constitutions, all laws, all courts,
nnd whero is the protection to life and
property ? Then the law of force pi evuils
then contusion reigns then anarchy is
supremo then tho n'.ronj; and sinewy arm
and the brawny shoulders decide the
rights of property and of life- then ruf
Man violence terns asunder the bands of
matrimony, and gloats in iu bestial free'
love! Do you prefer thM state of affairs
to the Government you now have? If
yea, then vote lor tie nun who scoff at
constitutions, resist laws, and defy the
courts of the country vote for Abraham
Lincoln and lianmbal Hamlin.
Lincoln and his supporters in favor of the abo,
lition of tlaverg and the higher lam 1
In his tenth-of-July speech in Chicago,
(see iieoates, page lo,) hlv. Lincoln, in
reply tosomesinctuics on his Springfiold
speech, said :
"1 did not even say that I desired that
slavery should be put in course of ultimate
extinction. 1 do say so now, however;
so the: e need be no lomgerany diJiculty
about that. It may be written down in
the great speech."
"1 have always hated slavery, I think,
as much as any abolitionist 1 have been
an old lino whig I have always haled il ;
but I have always been quiet about it un
til this new era of the introduction of the
rak bill began
I always believed
that everybody was against it, and that il
was in course of ultimate extinction."
Mr. Seward, in his great speech at
Cleveland, Ohio, in the canvass of J848.
useit the following explicit and unmista
kable language :
"Slavery can bo limited to its present
oounu
bounds ; it can be ameliorated. It can be,
i I can and must do it. The task is as sim
ple and easy as its consummation will ho
, .. . . 1 l .
ueneucieni, anu i-s rewaros gionous. it
requires only to follow thin simple rule of
at non: 10 uo everywnere ana on every
occasion what we can, and not to neglect North to tally around thcConstitution,
or refuse to do what we can, at any time, and to raise aloft the flag nftbeUuion,
because at that precise time, and 011 that 1 while yet wo have a Constitution, a Un
particular occasion, we cannot do more. ! ion, and a Aug. and before these TslacL
Circumstances determine possibilities. I Republican revolutionists succeed in in-
cAici.ua cormai welcome 10
the fugitive who lays his weary limbs at
your door, and defend him as you would
your paternal gods."
"Correct, your own error that slavery
h is any constitutional guarantees whieh
may not be released, and
relinquished."
ought not to be
You will mKin
bring the parlies of the country into an
effective aggression upon slavery."
In his speech in the Senate, March II,
1850. Mr. Seward said:
"There are constitutions and statutes,
codes mercant lie nnd codes civil; but
when we are lep iating for States, especi
ally when wo are founding States, all
these laws must be brought to the stand-
ard of tho lswi of of God. and must lo
tried by that standard, and must stand or
fall by it.
"The Constitution regulate our slew-
ardship r the Constitution devotes the d j
25 per Annum, if paid in mlva
IH'O.
NEVSKim:s-V)L l.-NO. I.
wain to Union. (.. j.
'"IP rp, HI!'! ID lllii'l
Wrlter litw Hum t,,. C, .
regulates mil ' I tor il o. , ,
nnd devotf-a ii to the sU u ,,
!.' App. toOot l. Glebe, 11 Ko-.t.
Cong, piigcs 1103, ..").
Again in u speech in the Scnme, M ,n
!?), Mr. Soward said :
"The interests ol'tlm u liiia .i
thpultunate einiineipniion of nl'
Wllulliur llw, , i,.
.....v. .muv i-i.iiiiuiiiuiiiiidh SllUll l... t
lowed to take effect, with nn-diu; U1j
wise precautions ngainst su.iii.i, chni.oe
and disaster, or he hurried on by violence'
is all that remains for ynu to de.ide."
Still later, only a few days ago, ut Bos
ton he boldly proclaimed .-
"What a commentary nnon tl, i.ti
of m?n ' ",e raot tnat eighteen years
... . . ....... ,
ier me ueatn ouonn yui cy Adums the
people have for their standard bearer A
braham Lincoln, confessing the obliun
lions of Ihe higher law which tire Sngo'of
Quincy proclaimed, and contondir.e for
weal or woe, for lire or death, in tho" irre
pressible conflict between freedom and
slavery. I desiro only to say that wo are
V wrmici oIore the
ui inn ia,t singe oi the conflict before
great, inumptial maotruration of this noli
.u ' n e"' ' yi mis pon
C 't vi bum
Government of the United
",c v
smio.
Gov. Chase, of Ohio, in h's rpeech de
livered in Cmcinatti from which we have
already quoted, suid.
'Tor my.elf I am ready to renew uiy
r'uri'i i win venture to speak in
behalf cf my co-workers, that wo will go
btraight on. without faltering or waver
ing until every vestige of oppression
shall be erased from ihe statute books -until
the sun, in all his journey from the
unrost pii-iein horizon through the mid
beiiven, till he sinks bfhmd the western
bed, slmi; not behold the footprint of a
single, slave iu nil our broad and glorious
land."
Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, in his
Boston -neoch in 155 suid :
'Setii it nl. road on ;lit wings of the
wind that I in committed, fully commit
ted, commuted 'o the f'ullust extent, in
favor of immediate nnd unconditional
nbnliti n ofslavci
wherever it exists un
dr the nuthoritv of 1
Cou-titution o!
the United States
In n letter written on July 20, 1883, the
iam WiNon wrote .-
" Let vh remember that more than time
millions f bondsmen groaning undtfl
nameless woes, demanp that we fhal im
prove each ot her, and that we labor for
heir doliverence.
"I tell you here to night that the ag;
itation of this question will continue while
lue ,uo 11 a siHt-e presses I lie SOU ,,: f,(
Amr-ricnii Repnb ic."
It vill be perceived that we have mude
no quotations from that still more ultra
and extre.na portion or the
party led by Wni. Lloyd Garrison, Wen
dell Philips, Abby Foster, Gerrit Smith,.
Redpalh it Co., who have the merit of be
ing more outspoken, told, and violent in
their assaults upon the Constitution and'
the Union; for the reason that, though
voting with that parly, et some ofthr
1 republican leaders in some of the States,
such as Indiana, Pennsylvania, find New
Jersey, where black -republicans is of slo
growth, affect to deny their authoriiy to
speak for the republican party. So, it.-,
these papers, we have confined ourselvcr
stricily to quotations from the Representa
tive men- the admitted leaders the en dorsed
aud everywhere acknowledged
founders, creators, and nurses, advocates,,
and chief supporters or ihe repubiicai
party -the men who made this party,
whose talents sustain, whose o.un...l ,,1'
reet, whose acts control it. No man
gainsay heir authority to s,e i:; :
car
' ii.
lor they themselves constitute the party.
We have made fair and honest qu,)iut.(.iv
from their fpeeeb".- mid Mte.s. Ani
now look upon tho -cord. What doe i..
all mean? 'Ihedis. lotion of the Ameri
can Union, theemanoipntion of tbaSouth .
ern slaves, and the reduction of the. South
ern htates and Southern men into tho
abjetst position of colonies and va'suls.
lhis is tho "bloody coal" at whioh black-
republicanism strives. And what is the
lesson this brutal programme ought to
instil into the hearts of conservative mei.
of the North? We unhesitatingly an
swer, L nionlorthe sake of tho Union
Whcti bad men combine, good men ought
to unite; mid when the bloodv banner m
fanaticism is uulurled to tho breeze, and
when treason, grown audacious and defi
ant, no longer skulks in secret, but with
shameless front prodnims its principle
and objects to the world, it is high turn
for iho fi lends of la v and order at thi-
shuui.-uiiii n reian 01 icrvor bKei iecar
nageor.St. Domingo, and before 1 ho LV
public of North America, rent into frag
ments, has become a thing of (ho past, a
fact only in tne pnire of history. Then
is but one political orcanizition in thi-
country that has tho Power to resist nnu
roll buck the waves of 'unaticism. Thai
organization it the National Democrath
party. Firmly planted in the hearts ot
tho American people, de-ceuded from tin
pure and better davs of this Republic
coriteinpoi urv with Wa hi- uton. 'n l .Tel"
feisou, and Jick-.t,n, it stands forth to day.
a it has ever -iil ln i:!i:i'ii,.ioii of the
Coubtitution and tlie Uni' n. Ithmen
co.it. tored nnd oveiMuo.vn the K'.ick Re
pnblicar, disunion i. irtv upon on-i ha'.tle
field. Let the eon.-ei votive men "I tin
country now rally toils standi I and it.
will again meet, overthrow, and vn:ioois!i
this dangoro is n r7 ti t e Rpubli ;.
and give peace and security to the Union.
, t
t