•o nobly fulfilled, and even exceeded our
•anguine expectations, proving him to bo a
man peculiarly qualified for tho high post
»o which an almost unanimous nation hasj
called him, evoking tho approbation ofl
frieqdand foo, and holding out the bright
est promise of an energetic, a patriotic,
and a brilliant administration.
Resolved , That we have undiminished
confidence in the purity of character,
60und democracy, und signal ability of
Col. Wm. R. Ki.no, tho Vice President
elect, and deeply regret his state of bodily
health.
Resolved , That wo rejoice it) the popu
i lar verdict which has been passed in tho
late election upon fanatical attempts to
transgress and violate the compacts of the
Federal Constitution, by officious inter
meddling with domestic State institutions,
calculated to array one section of the Un
ion against another in a conflidt of bitter
feeling nnd .dire hostility, and thus give
cause of dissolution. And we regard the
popular condemnation of this political creed
at the polls, and the adjustment of it in
Congress, by the enactment of tho com
promise measures, as cause of joyful con
gratulation, vindicating tho true principles
of our Federal Government and Consti
tutioD
Resolved , That this- convention hearti
ly, cheerfully, and unreservedly approve,
endorse, and cherish the principles of gov
ernment promulgated in the Baltimore res
olutions of 1852, and will sustain them in
their parly action with all the more affec
tion and respect that .they have been the
pillar of cloud by day and fire by night,
which havo conducted us through the late
political contest, and ensured us so bril
liant a victory.
Resolved, That under the Democratic
tariff*of 1846, our entire country has pros
pered, the industrial interests of'all classes,
and more especially the iron interests ol
Pennsylvania, have been promoted in a
degree which has equalled the cxpecta
lions of its Iriends, and secured to thepeo
ple a prosperity unequalled in the history
of our State.
Resolved, That the administration of
, Governor Bigler, commandsand deserves
the admiration and approval of the party
and the people. His strict and conscien
tious devotion to 'ho duties of his office,
his financial ability, his vigilant care of
popular rights and his bold discharge of
duly in regard to improvident legislation,
show him to be an üble, clear bonded and
fathful public servant, and entitle him to
our warm commendation.
Resolved, That tf)o redemption and can
cellation of tho relief notes of this Com
monwealth is a measure loudly called for
by every consideration of State pride and
public convenience.
Resolved, That tho Democratic princi
ple of an elective judiciary has been fully
tested and vindicated by experience, and
that the Supremo Court of Pennsylvania
has merited and received the confidence
'and respect of tho people; and thut it is
sound and wise-' economy to provide for
such just and liberal compensation to the
judges, ns shall retain and secure the high
est talent of the Stale to fill that responsi
ble and important trust.
Resolved, That upon the assembling of
any Democratic State Convention, the
chairman of the State Committee, or in his
absence any member of said committee,
whom he shall designate for that purpose,!
ahall call said convention to order, and
shall preside for tjbe purpose of enabling
such convention to elect a chairman.
After the reading of the resolution, Mr.
Burnside moved an additional resolution,
‘‘that this Convention has the fullest con
fidence in the integrity, ability and sound
Democratic principles of the llou.Riciiaiid
Broduead; that his career as a Senator,
respecting the Democracy of JPennsyjva
nia, in the National Legislature, Ims re
flected credit upon himself npd honor up
the Commonwealth.
Mr. Lynch moved to udd to the fesolu
tion the words, “and nil the Democratic
members ofCongress, from Pennsylvania ;
which was agreed to.
Mr. Drum moved a division of the ques
tion so as to take the vote on all tho reso
luions, except the two last.
Mr, Lowry called for a division of the
question, to end with the resolution offered
ty Mr. Burnside, and called the yeas and
nays upon the resolution.
Mr. Reeder, moved to add to the end of
the resolution, “the Democratic members
of the Senate and House of Representa
tives.”
Messrs. Burnside, Porter, Donnelly and
Reeder addressed the House upoq the sub
ject, when
Mr. Drum moved the previous question,
fVhich was seconded und the main* ques
tion ordered, whep Mr. Reeder’s amend
ment was disagreed to, yeas 30, nays. 56.
The question was then taken on the res
olution approbatory of the course of Mr.
Brodhead, and unanimously adopted—
yead 71, pays 0.
The question on the second branch, in
'regard to the members of Congress, was
thiin upanimously adopted.
The resolutions reported by the commit
tee were then unanimous adopted.
Mr. Cessna submitted the following res
olutions: ...... ,o
Resolved, That the present bapig of rep
pentation in our State Convention, found
ed as it is not upon Democratic votes, but
upon (ha entire population of all parties,' is
inconsistent with the nature and character
of what id intended to be, and as such
Convention is n mere party organization
for ascertaining the majority of our own
party, consistency and justice require that
Buch representation should be of the De
mocracy alone, ' ‘ 1
Resolved , That the Stato Central Com
mittee shall, wjthin three months after
pacb. gubernatorial election, make put nnd
publish an appointment of delegates, upon
*ho Democratic vote of the State, tit such
election; ascertaining' the
rafio by fixing, the whole pumber of dele?
jjjj’ites at PUP hundred and jthirtjMhfee, and
allotting to each county so many delegates
ns its Democratic votes shall entitle it to
under the suid ratio, and allowing dele
gates for the fractions over tho ratio, by
giving one delegate to each district having
such fraction, beginning with tho largest
fraction, und so descending until the whalo
number of one hundred and thirty-three is
exhhusted f Provided, however, that each
county shall have ut least one delegate.
A motion was made to refer this resolu
tion to thu Stale Central Cowmitteo to re
port thereon to the next Stato Convention.
Mr. Monaghan then moved to postpone
the resolution indefinitely ; nnd the ques
tion being taken there was no quorum vo
ting.
A motion was made to adjourn sine die,
when
Mr. Hirst rose and addressed tho Con
vention us follows:
:—Before a final adjourn
ment, let me return to you my thanks for
your cordial assistance in preserving tho
ordor of the Convention. It i 9 truly said,
in all quarters of the sent of Government,
that few conventions of moro talent and
character than this have ever assembled
in the State ; and I feel certain that its do
ings will bo received by tho Democracy of
the State with respect and favor.
It is now our duty to go forth as mis
sionaries among tho peoplo to preach tho
doctrines of our political faith. Bo it re
membered that our organization is purely j
voluntary. Although this Convention is the j
legislaturo of tho party, yet there is no!
process to punish offenders against its au-|
thority. Therefore, it is, that in propor-j
tion to the voluntary nature of the party!
discipline, is the honorable obligation'
to submit to it.
Upon tho members of tho Convention
peculiarly, docs it rest to support, with
spirit und zeal, the tho nominations when
mado; and that they will do so no ono
con doubt, it is in the nature of human
temper, when regulated by intellect and a
spirit of honor, to cool after transient ex
citement, and accommodate itself to the su-.
perior impulses of honoruble minds.
Tho Convention then udjournedsi/ier/fe,
INAUGURATION OF GEN. PIERCE,
f Washington, March 4, ISS?.
I Tho National Metropolis was never
, more densely thronged than to-day. The
I Inauguration of President Pierco has at
' traded hither an immense crowd of citi
zens and strangers from every section of
the country, and tho streets, in every di
rection, even at this early hour [8 o’clock,]
are thronged by the expectant multitude—
hundreds of whom, during tho last night,
have been unable to obtain lodgings of'
any kind, and are still hanging to their j
carpct-bags and port-manteaus, ns they |
landed from the cars. Tho crowd has al
so been much increased by large urrivuls i
this morning by every means of convey-j
ance, and with the preparations incident to
the procession, nnd the more imposing |
ceremonies at the Capitol, the utmost nc- 1
tivity and excitement everywhere prevails.
Quito a number of military companies ;
haye arrived to take part in the pruces-l
sion, including the Continental Guards, of!
Brooklyn, the Law Greys,.Of Baltimore,
and the Flying Artillery, from Fort Mc-
Henry, together with a number of other !
companies.
Pennsylvania avenue, especially in the
vicinity of Willard’s Hotel, is crowded to
suffocation, and thousands are thronging
towards tho capitol and along the route of
the procession.
The Procession. — loi o’clock.—The 1
procession began to assemble at 10 o’clock,!
in front of the City Hall, under the com-l
mand of J. D. Hoover, Chief Marshal, and
his Aids, and the several bodies, societ es,
&c., were received and formed into col
umn.
The procession was fully formed by 12
o’clock, and presented a magnificent and
imposing appearance. The procession
then moved up Louisiana avenue to Mar
ket place, on Pennsylvania avenue, and
thence to Willard’s Hotel, whero the Pres
ident elect was received, together with
President Fillmore, and taking their place
in the procession immediately in the rear
of the military, with an appropriate escort
of Marshals, the procession moved for
ward to the northern gate of the Capitol
Square, from whence the President elect
was conducted into the Capitol and to the
Senate Chamber.
The Senate.— Tho doors of the Senate
[Chamber were opened at 1 o’clock, and
[ it was very shortly afterwards completely
thronged by tlie persons entitled to admis
sion, including various official dignitaries,
Heads of the Departments, members of
Congress, Army and Navy officers, &c.
Immediately in front of tho Secretaries ta
ble there were seats provided for the Pros-1
jdent elect and the ex-President.
The eastern gallery was appropriated to
citizens, and was crowded to excess—
The circular gallery was reserved for the
ladies, and was equally crowded.
The Senate assembled at 12J o’clock.
The Diplomatic corps and Justices of
the Supreme Court soon after entered and
were provided with seats.
Tho President elect was then introduced,
and conducted by the Committee of Ar
rangements of the Senate to the seal pre
pared for him.
The excitement, ittid anxiety, and bus
tle, ’ was now 1 at its heigh, and, in the con
fusion, it was impossible to catch a word
of the interesting proceedings gone through
with. '
After a yory short time, the entire ns
semblago in the Senate proceeded, to. the
Eastern Portico of tlje Capitol, where the
ceremony of the Inauguration was to take
place.
The Eastern Poetico—-The Inaug
oration-The Annßpss.— I The Senate, I
Justices, Diplomatic corps, &c., with the*
[President elect, and. the Ex-President,j
having . reached the. Eastern porch, the I
Resident efect was conducted to a seat '
provided for him on the front qf the plat
form, the Ex-President and Committee of
Arrangements occupying pluces in tho
rear, and the various official dignitaries,
Foreign Ministers, Army and Navy of
ficers, &c., &c., also occupying appropri
ate positions.
The scene which was at this time pre
sented was at once grand and inspiring.
The President elect was greeted on his
appearance, with repented cheers, and the
immense crowd in attendance swuyed to
and fro in eagerness and anxiety.
Everything fieing then in readiness, tl)o
oath of office was administered to tho
President by tho Hon. Roger B. Taney,
Chief Justico of tho United States, and
President Pierce then rising to deliver
his Inaugural address, was greeted with
deafening and long continued cheers from
the multitude present, nnd tho waving of
huts and handkerchiefs. He spoke as
follows :
INAUGURAL ADDRESS
OF PRESIDENT PIERCE.—MARCH i, 1553.
My Countrymen :—lt is a relief to feel
that no heart but my own can know the
personal regret and bitter sorrow, over
which I havo been borne to a position, so
suitable for others, rather than desirable
for myself.
The which I have
been called for a limited period to preside
over the destinies of the Republic, fill me
with a proud senso of responsibility, but
with nothing like shrinking upprohension.
I repair to the post assigned me, not ns to
one sought, but in obedience to the unso
licited expression of your will, answerable,
only for a fearless, faithful and dilligent
exercise of my best powers. I ought to)
bo, and am, truly grateful for the rare
manifestation of the nation’s confidence ; J
but this, so fur from lightening iny oblige-1
tions, only adds to their weight. You'
have summoned me in my wonkness : j
you must sustain mo by your strength.—!
When looking for the fulfilment of reas-1
onable requirements, you will not bo un- j
mindful of tho great changes which have!
occurred even within tho last quarter of a j
century, and the consequent augmentation !
and complexity of duties imposed, in the!
administration both of your homo and for
eign affairs.
Whether the elements of inherent force i
in the Republic have kept pace with its un
parallelled progression in territory, popu
lation and wealth, has been the subject of
earnest thought and discussion on both
sides of the ocean. Less than sixty-threo
years ago, the Father of his Country made
“the” then “recent accession of the im
portant State of North Carolina to the
Constitution of the United States,’’ ono of
the subjects of his special congratulation.
At that moment, however, when the agi
tation consequent upon the revolutionary
struggle had hardly subsided, when we were
just emerging from the weakness and em
barrassments oft he Con federation,there was
an evident consciousness of vigor, equal to
the greut mission which had been so wisely
and bravely fulfilled by our fathers, it
was not a presumptuous assurance, but a
calm faith, springing from a clear view of
the sources of po.wer, in a government!
constituted like ours. It is no paradox to
say that, although comparatively weak, the
new-born nation was intrinsically strong.
Inconsiderable in population and apparent
resources, it was upheld by a broad and
intelligent comprehension of rights, and an J
all-pervading purpose to maintain them, j
stronger than armaments. It came from
the furnaco of the revolution, temper
ed to the necessities of the times. The
thoughts of the men of that day were as
practical as their sentiments were patriot
ic. They wasted no portion of their ener
gies upon idle and delusive speculations,
but with a firm and fearless step advanced i
beyond the governmental landmarks,which
had hitherto circumscribed the limits of
human freedom, and planted their stand-1
ard where it has stood, against dangers,
which havo threatened from abroad, and
internal agitation which has at times fear
fully menaced at homo. They approved
themselves equal to the solution of tho
great problem, to understand which their
minds hnd been illuminated by the dawn
ing light of the revolution. The object
sought was not a thing dreamed of: it
was a thing realized. They had exhibit
ed not only the power to achieve, but what
all history affirms to bo so much more
unusual, tho capacity to maintain. The
oppressed throughout tho world, from that
day to tho present, have turned their eyes
hitherward, not to find those lights extin
guished, or to foar lest they should wane,
but to be constantly cheered by their stea
dy and increasing radiance.
In this, our country, has in my judg
ment thus far fulfilled its highest duty to
suffering humanity. It has spoken, and
will continue to speak, not only by its
words but by its acts, the language of sym
pathy, encouragement and hope, to those,
which earnestly listen to tones, which pro
nounce for the largest rational liberty.—
But, after all, tho most animating encour
agement and potent appeal for freedom
will be its own history, its trials and its
triumphs. Pre-eminently, the power of
our adyocacy reposes in our example; but
no example, be it remembered, can be
powerful for lasting good, whatever appa
rent advantages may be gained, which is
not based upon eternal principles of right
and justice, .Our fathers decided for them
selves, both upon the hour to declare and
the hour fo strike. They were their own
judges of circumstances, under which it
became them to pjedge Jo each other,
“their lives, their fortunes, and their sa
cred honor,” for the.acquisition of tho
priceless Inheritance transmitted to us.—
Tho energy, with which that great conflict
was opened, and under the guidunce of a
manifest and benifjcent Providence, the
uncomplaining with which it
j was prosecuted io' its consummation, were
only surpassed by the wisdom and patri-
otic spirit of concession, which character
ized all the counsels of the early fathers.
One of the most impressive evidences of
that wisdom is to be found in the fact, that
tbo actual working of our system has dis
pelled a degree of solicitude, which at the
outset, disturbed bold hearts and far-reach
ing intellects. The apprehension of dan
gers from extended territory, multiplied
States, accumulated wealth, and augment
ed population, has proved to be unfound
ed. The stars upon your banner have be
come nearly threefold their original num
ber, your densely populated possessions
skirt the shores of the two groat oceans,
and yet this vast increaso of peoplo and
territory has not only shown itself com
patible with the hurmonious action of the
States and the Federal governmentjn their J
respective constitutional spheres, but has
afTorded an additional guarantee of the
strength and integrity of both.
With an experience thus suggestive and
cheering, the policy of my administration
will not be controlled by any timid fore
bodings of evils from expansion. Indeed,
it is not to be disguised that our attitude as
a nation, and our position on the globe,
tender the acquisition of certain possess
ions, not within our jurisdiction, eminent
ly important for our protection, if not, in
the future, essential for the preservation of i
the rights of commerce and the peace of
the world. Should, they bo obtained, it
will be through no grasping spirit, but with
a view to obvious national interests and
security, and in a manner consistent with
the strictest observance of national faith.
We have nothing in our history or posi
tion to invite.aggression, and wo have ev
ery thing to beckon us to the cultivation
of relations of peace and arnity with all na
tions. Purposes, therefore, at once just
and pacific, will be significantly marked in (
the conduct of our foreign affairs. I intend :
that my administration shall have no blot!
upon our fuir record, and trust I may safe- ,
ly give the assurance thut no action within .
the legitimate scope of my constitutional I
control, will be tolerated, on the part of
any portion of our citizens, which cannot
challenge a ready justification before the
tribunal of the civilized world. An admin
istration would be unworthy of confidence
at home, and respect abroad, should it
cease to bo influenced by the conviction,
that no apparent advantage can be purch
ased ut n price so dear ns that of national
wrong and dishonor. It is not your priv
ilege, us a nation, to speak of a distant
past. The striking incidents of your his
tory, replete with instruction, and furnish
ing abundant grounds for hopeful confi
dence, are comprised in a period compar
atively brief. But if your post is limited,
your future is boundless. Its obligations
throng the unexplored pnthwny of ad
vancement, and will be limitless as dura
tion. Hence, a sound and comprehensive
policy should embrace, not less the distant
future than the urgent present.
The great objects of our pursuit, as a
people, are best to be attained by peace,
and are entirely consistent with the tran
quillity and interests of the rest of man
kind. With the neighboring nations upon
our continent, we should cultivate kindly
and fraternal relations. Wo can desire
nothing in regard to them so much, as to
see them consolidate their strength, and
pursue the paths of prosperity and happi
ness. If, in the course of their growth,
we should open new channels of trade,
and create additional facilities for friendly
intercourse, the benefits realized will be
equal and mutual. Of the complicated Eu
ropean systems of national policy we have
hitherto been independent. From their
wars, their tumults and anxieties, we have
been, happily, almost entirely exempt. —
Whilst these are confined to the nations
which gave them existence, and within
their legitimate jurisdiction, they cannot
effect us, as they appeal to our sympathies
in tho cause of human freedom and uni
versul advancement.
But the vast interests of commerce are
common to all mankind, and the advanta-
ges of trade and international intercourse
must always present a noble field for the
moral influence of a great people.
With these views firmly and honestly
carried out, we have a right to expect, and
shall under all circumstances require, re
ciprocity. The rights which belong to us
as a nation, are not alone to be regarded,
but those which pertain to every citizen in
his individual capacity at home and abroad,
must be sacredly maintained. So long as
ho can discern every star in its place upon
that ensign, without wealth to purchase for
him preferment, or title to secure for him
place, it will be his privilege, and must bo
his acknowledged right, to stand unabash
ed even in the presence of princes, with
a proud consciousness that he is himself
one of a nation of sovereigns, and that he
cannot, in legitimate pursuit, wander so far
from home, that the agent, whom ho shall
leavo behind in the place which I now oc
cupy, will not see that no rude hand of
power or tyrannical passion is laid upon
him with impunity. He must realize, that
upon every sea, and on every soil, where
our enterprise may rightfully seek the pro
lection of our flag, American citizenship
is an inviolable panoply for tile security of
American rights. And, in this connection,
it can hardly be necessary to re-affirm a
principle which should now be regarded as
fundamental. The rights, security, and
repose of this Confederacy reject the idea
of interference or colonization, on this side
of the ocean, by any foreign power, be
yond present jurisdiction, ns utterly innd
missiblo. ,
the,opportunities of observation, furn
ished by my brief experience as a soldier,
confirmed in my own mind the opinion en
tertained and acted upon by others from
the formation of the government, that the
maintenance pf large standing armies in
bur country would be .not only dangerous,
but unnecessary. I’hey also illustrated
the importance, I might well say the abso
lute necessity, of the military science and
practical skill furnished, in such anemj
nent degree, by the institution which hap
madeyolir army what it is, under tho dis
cipline and instruction of officers not more
distinguished for their solid attainments,
gallantry, and devotion to the public ser
vice, than for unobtrusive bearing and high!
moral tone.
The army, ns organized, must be the
nucleus, around which, in every time of
need, the strength of your military power,
the sure bulwark of your defence, —a na
tional militia—may be readily formed into u
woll disciplined and efficient organization.
And the skill and self devotion of the na
vy assure you that you may take the per
formance of the past as a pledge of the fu
ture, and may confidently expect that the
flag, which has waved in its untarnished
folds over every sea, will still float in un
diminished honor. But these, like many
other subjects, will be appropriately bro’t,
at a future time, to the attention of the co
ordinate branches of the government, to
which I shall always look with profound
respect, and with trustful confidence that
they will accord to me the aid and sup
port, which I shall so much need, and
which their experience and wisdom will
readily suggest.
In theadministrationofdomeslic affairs,
you expect a devoted integrity in the pub
lic sorvice, and an observance of rigid
economy in all departments, so mnrkedas
•never justly to be questioned. If this rea
sonal expectation bo not realized, I frank
ly confess that one of your leading hopes
is doomed to disappointment, and that my
efforts, in a very important particular, must
result in a humiliating fuilure. .Offices
can be properly regarded only in the light
of aids for the accomplishment of theso
objects ; end as occupancy can confer no
prerogative, no importunate desire for pre
ferment and claim, tho public interest im
peratively'demands that they be consider
ed with sole reference to the duties to be
performed. Good citizens may well claim
the protection of good laws and the benign
influence of good government; but a claim
for office is what a people of a republic
should never recognize. No reasonable
man of any party will expect the adminis
tration to lie so regardless of its responsi
bility, und of the obvious elements of suc
cess, as to retain persons, known to be
under tho influence of political hostility
and partisan prejudice, in positions, which
will'require, not only severe labor but cor
dial co-operation. Having no implied en
gagements to ratify, no rewards to bestow,
no resentments to remember, and no per
sonal wishes to consult, in selections forof
ficml station, I shall fulfil this difficult and
delicate trust, admitting no motive as wor
thy either of my character or position,
which does not contemplate an efficient
discharge of duty and the best interests of
my country. I acknowledge my obliga
tions to the masses of my countrymen,
and to them alone. Higher objects than
personal aggrandizement gavo direction
and energy to thejr exertions in the late
canvass, and they shall not be disappoint
ed . They require at my hands dilligence,
integrity and capacity, where there are
duties to bo performed. Without these
qualities in their public servants, more
stringent laws, for the prevention or pun
ishment of fraud, negligence and pecula
tion will be vain. With them they will be
unnecessary.
But these nre not the only points, to
which you Took for vigilant watchfulness.
The dangers of a concentration of all pow
er in the general government of a confed-
eracy so vast as ours, are too obvious to
be disregarded. You have a right, there
fore, to expect your agents, in every de
partment, to regard strictly the limits im
posed upon them by the Constitution of
the United Stutes. The great scheme of
our constitutional liberty rests upon a
proper distribution of power between the
States and Federal authority ; and experi
ence has shown that the harmony and
happiness of our people must depend upon
a just disfcrimination between the separate
rights and responsibilities of the States,
and your common rights and obligations
under the general government. And here,
in my opinion, are the considerations,
which should form the tree basis of future
concord in regard to the questions, which
have most seriously disturbed public tran
quility. If the Federal government will I
confine itself to the exercise of powers!
clearly granted by the Constitution it can
hardly happen that its action upon any|
question should endanger theinstitutions ofj
the States, or interfere with the rights to
manage matters strictly domestic accord
ing to the will of their own people.
In expressing briefly my views upon an
important subject, which has recently agi
tated the nation to almost u fearful degree, j
I am moved to no other impulse than a
most earnest desire for the perpetuution of
that Union, which has made us what wo
are, showering upon us blessings, and
conferring a power and influence, which
our fathers could hardly have anticipated,
even with their most sanguine hopes di
rected to a far-off future. The sentiments
I now announco were not unknown before
the expression of the voice which called
me here. My own position upon this sub
ject was clear and unequivocal, upon the
record of my words and my acts, and it
is only recurred to at this time because
silenco, might perhaps, be misconstrued.
With the Union, my best and dearest
earthly hopes are entwined. Without it,
what are we, individually or collectively 7
What becomes of the npblest field ever
opened lor the advancement of our race,
in religion, in government, in arts, and in
all that dignifies adorns mankind?—
From that radiant constellation, which
both illumines qurown way and points out
to struggling pations their course, let but a,
single star be lost, and, if there be not ut
ter darkness, the lustte of the whole is
dimmed.' Do my countrymen need any
assurance that such a catastrophe,is not
to overtake them, whileil possess the power
to stay it? It is wit if mo an earnest and
vital belief, that as the tynion has been the
source, under Providence, of our prosper
ity to this time, so it is the surest pledge
of a continuance of the blessings we have 1
enjoyed, and which we are sacredly bound ■
to transmit undiminished to our children.”
The field of calm and free discussion in
our country is open, and will always be j
so, but it never has and never can be tra
versed for good in a spirit of sectionalism
and uncharitableness. The founders of
the Republic dealt with things ns they were
presented to them, in a spirit of self-sacri
ficing patriotism, and, ns time has proved,
with a comprehensive wisdom, which it
will always be safe for us to consult. Ev
ery measure, tending to strengthen tho
fraternal feolings of all tho members of our
Union, has had my heartfelt approbation.
To every theory of society or government" ;
whether the offspring of feverish ambition
or of morbid enthusiasm, calculated to :
dissolve tho bonds of law and affection
which unite us, I shall interpose a ready
and stern resistance. I believe thatinvol.
untary servitude, as it exists in different'
States of this confederacy, is recognised
by tho Constitution. 1 believo that It
stands like any other admitted right, and
that the States where it exists are entitled
to efficient remedies to enforce tho const];,
tutional provisions. I hold that the laws
of 1870, called tho “compromise mens*
ures,” are strictly constitutional, and to be
unhesitatingly carried into effect. I be
lieve that the constituted authorities of thin-
Republic are bound to regard the rights of
tho South in this respect, as tjiey woultj
view any other legal and constitutional
right, and that the laws to enforce them
should be respected and obeyed, not with
a reluctance encouraged by abstract opin
ions as to their propriety in a different
state of Society, but cheerfully, and ac
cording to the decisions of the tribunal to
which their exposition belongs. Such
have been, and are, my convictions, and
upon them I shall act. I fervently hope
that the question is at rest, and that no
sectional, or ambitious, or fanatical
citement may again threaten tho durability,
of our institutions, or obscure the light of
our prosperity.
But let npt the foundation of our hops,
rest upon man’s wisdom. It will not bo.
sufficient that sectional prejudices find no
place in the public deliberations. It wilf
not be sufficient that the rash counsels of
human passion are rejected. It must bo;
felt, that there is no national security but
in the nation’s humble, acknowledged do*
pondonce upon God and his overruling
providence.
We have been carried in safety through
a perilous crisis. Wise counsels like {how
which gave us the Constitution, prevailed
to uphold it. Let the poriod bo remem
bered as an admonition, and not as an en
couragement, in any section of the Union,
to make experiments where experiments
are fraught with such fearful hazard.—
Let it bo impressed upon all hearts, that
beautiful as our fabric is, no earthly pow
er or wisdom could ever re-unite its bro
ken fragments. Standing as Ido almost
within view of the green slopes of Monti
cello, and, as it were, within reach of ths
tomb of Washington, with all"*the cherish
ed memories of the past gathered around
me, like so many eloquent voices of ex
hortation from Heaven, I can express no
better hope for my country, than that thaij
kind Providence, which smiled upon out
Fathers, may enable their children to pre
serve the blessings they have inherited.
Ear the Republican.
Messrs. Editors : — Free Trade’s com
munication published in your paper of the
18th ultimo, on the subject of log floating,
seems to be bank full of sophistry, mis
statements and absurdities, at the same
time it is so plausiblo, and calculated to
mislead those unacquainted with rafting
that it is too bad to let such representations
pass without notice. 1 therefore request
that you will publish the following which
' I believe to be the views of all up-river
raflmen, hoping that through the medium
of your paper they may come under lbs,
[notice of those who have the power of set
ting the business on its proper footing.
1 know nothing of raflmen. But this 1
know, if Mr. Free Trade had himself
been a little less “transccndentally ver
bose" he would have been better under
| stood ; and if he would practice more the
I precepts of the decalogue which he seem?
to ridicule; if he would particularly at
tend to the 9th Commandment, it might
perhaps occur to him, as it certainly does
to those who peruse his lucrujjrations, that
it might possibly in some of fits bearings,
apply to certain newspapers communica
tions. But it seems that de flume,
Free Trade,” studies mo»e to show hjs
scholarship than to make tAracious state
ments, employ premises on draw conclu
sions comprehensable to flpmmort water
men. gA
Freo Trade talks oft
tonch-stone of truth." J
truth ? No—but it geM
greatest duplicity. FrflH
make it appear that rfl
will go together, and
ence proves it to be so|H
experience for two yeanH
even that little to ail inH
is against him. I holcjSn
of contradiction assiflH
Branch was, last spriqSH
so obstructed with sgH|B
impossible, till the ftttjlfi
moved, to run rafts
obstructions were r«|SH
stance, not by the HoftfH
Again, Free Trot
pear that more raf
last season than et
owing to the assistaj
ers; .at least (hjs iaj
to./bo.conveyed an
be inferred by thrA
true circumstanjM
ger quantity.
to market
first place,
a season of
or being in
! applying “jff
s plausibifity
ally veils th*
Trade waqts w
ing and floating
>its that expert
in such matted
irovea little,
its and purpose
and without
that the W
in d\ffereplpw
legs, that it
actions Wtaj*;
And again, ,W
Wed iM'fTj
its > but by
I grants totnakeM
S?3lj