VOL. VII.
THE PEOPLE'S JOURNAL.
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.S.riect Vortrn.
From the Philadelphia Daily Register
A REBUKE OF SLAVERY.
I=
Out upon ye, men of Boston,
Children of the Pilgrim sires,
That ye suffered cruel stealer.
To invade your peacefal - firell
had ye not the souls of pity,
Had ye not the arias of strength
But you: proud and gloriou. city
Must be scorned the country's length?
Back nut° Your den, ye monster,
From the far-mr Southern shore:
And pollute the soil of Freedom
With your cirsed tread no mare!
Back! Mid when your wifo and children
Crowd around slow your knee,
Dare look up to your Maker.
And to !trite of Liberty!
Fellow freemen, were ye sleeping.
IVIIPII this great and moral wrong.
Through yotir very midst was creeping,
Festering in the crowded throng ?
Did ve dread the mailed soldiers,
With their ltyouet , mid spears:
Men of Bunker Hill and Charlestown,
Held ye such ignoble fears?
No! I wrong ye:men of Bo -don,
Children of the Pilgrim Band,
And you . noble :hoot of Freedont.
Yet shall ring Throughout the land !
Ye were palsied with terror,
Running, through your hearts and reins,
At the tuagni'ude o 1 error,
That your countrv's statutes swim!
Ye were pilsied.: n I yon nervelegs
Arni: beside you lis'iles4
Gazing will speech!esi horror
.%! the monaer !tulip of clay,
\Vito froln out a iott:hern cit;-
With hot and putrid breath:
And a he-Art devoid of p i ts,
Caine to lead a soul to death !
Ye were palsied, can we wonder
That sueh things exist and he;
Ye whose rocks with-nood the thunder,
And the storm of the sea
Sh then a: the earth is shaken,
Be the eartirprthe's awful shtick,
Finding in your fellow-creatures
Beams as heard as Phauunth Rock!
Men of Boston. this emneq greeting
You with soul of deepest love:
By our hoped-for hippy meeting
At the throne of Goil above.
Never more let Southern despot.
On the Soil where Warren felt,
Lead a freeman hack to bondage,
Worse than that which darkens hell!
There's a higher law than nations.
Written on the heart of men,
By the Oa° who ru'es their stations,
Ever since the world begun.
Le: us, then, my fe:low free•urn,
Rise in majesty and might.
And to.tlea:h till!: evil,
God is ever with the right!
From the Journal and Visitor
UM :M3lO A TRADE.
We happened. not long ago, to sit at
a windyw and see a parcel of work
men I:egin to lay the foundation fhr a
row of houses. In a short time we
wet e able to distinguish the relative
position Of the parties at work. They
were all Irishmen. The contractor
was always busy moving from place
to place, with a plummet in his hand,
and occasionally referring to a draft
which be held in his hand. It was
easy to see that all the work he did
in a day would not hurt a child. Next
to him came the mason. He bad
sometimes a heavy stone to lift, but
his job was a nice one, and he bad no
work to do that would hurt him.
Next came the man who wasskilled
in making mortar. This work was
not hard nor very di , agreeable. But
there was one man, apparently older
than all! the others, who had no skill
and upon him fell the painful task of
wheeling the heavy stone, down an
inclined plane, into the cellar. We
know that. when night came his body
must have been completely exhausted.
Of these workmen the contractor,
no doubt, received the highest com
pensation, the mason next„ and the
laborer the least of all. So much for
having a little skill.
It is a common thing for persons in
straitened circumstances to make every
member of the family earn something.
The father works at his trade, the
mother takes in sewing, and the_ boys
are taken away from school to stand
in stores, or suMething of the kind,
for two dollars per week. This is all
very well, except in the case of the.
. .
-, . • . - t- -7- ,
PEOPLE'S
;...,
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. JOUR
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boys.
..To thern •a woful injury is
done. They grow up to manhood
without 'having any regular employ
ment, and being without education,
must be compelled to be underlings
all their lives.
On the other hand, if the parents,
duly impressed 'ivith the importance
of education, are- willing to forego a
temporary gain, and give their boys
a sound common
. school education,
the final reward is almost invariably a
source of great pride and gratification.
The boy, after leaving school, goes
for a short time to a teacher of Book
keeping and Accounts; and then he is
fully prepared tb be a merchant on
his own - small capital, if he can raise
any, or he can keep the accounts •of
others. We will contrast cases of
very common occurrence : Two wo
men are left widows in such poverty
that they are obliged to work for
their living:. Each has a son twelve
or thirteen years old. One Wants a
petty situation for her boy, and ob- .
tains a small assistance therefrom.
The other works the harder; keeps
her boy at school, following the course
marked out above.., One boy grows
to manhood, still the receiver of petty
wages, and often out of a situation.
The other having education and skill,
obtains a situation, .and having the
Confidence of his employer, holds it,
and is gradually promoted. It soon
becomes unnecessary for his mother
to labor, and finally she has the grat
ification of finding her son, with the
manners •and habits of a gentleman,
in a condition to support her in her
old age, in a style of comparitive ease
and affluence. It is from the class of
nien raised in this Way, that many of
our most solid merchants nave been
taken.
It is to be regretted that these
truths are not more widely diffused,
tier it is really pitiable to see the num
bers of hangers-on upon society, as
rovoaled whenever au advertisement
is put in a paper that somenouy to
wanted to perform some service. A
most reprehensible contempt for man
ual labor is -one cause of this. A set
of fellows are content to hang upon
the world in the most miserable man
ner, in - the hope of' living on places
where they can always be dressed up
like gentlemen. They turn with hor
ror from wearing the check shirt of
the mechanic. • There is suaely some
thing very. morbid in public sentiment
when such opinions prevail to. such
an extent-as they do now.
Send your children to school! • Let.
them all be skilled in something or
other. Dri not be afraid that if you
all take this advice there will be no
body left to fill the offices of petty.
salesman and errand bOys. This class
of poor slaves will always be large
enough, if made up merely of those
who cannot help themselves. One
man of action, ofindependent powers,
is worth a thousand of hangers-on and
underlings. Strain every nerve, there
fore, if you .really lose your sons, to
make sure that they take their rank
iu the former class.
THE EVIL TO BE OVERCOME FOR GOOD
Just before the consummation of the
gkat outrage, several Senators made
such eloquent protests against the final
passage of the bill, that we almost for
get the crime committed by the ma
jority in admiring the heroism and
lofty eloquence of the minority.
Here is an extract from the closing
speech of Senator SUMNER, that will '
electrify ;ill true hearts: [Ens. JOUR.
With pleasure and pride I now do
this service; and, at this last stage,
interpose the sanctity of the pulpits of
New-England, to arrest this alarming
outrage; believing that the remon
strants, from their eminent character
and influence, as representatives Of the
; intelligence and conscience of the
country, are peculiarly entitled to be
heard; and, timber, believing that
their remonstrances, while--respectful
in form, embody just conclusions, both
of opinion and fact. Like them, sir, I
do not hesitate to protest here against
the bill yet pending before the Senate,
as a great wrong; as a. breach tif pub
i lie hitt' ; as a measure full of danger
1 to the peace, and even existence of our
I Union. And, sir, beliefing in God, as
i I profoundly do, I cannot doubt that
the opening of an immense region to
so great an enormity as Slavery is cal
culated to draw down upon our coun
try his righteous judgment. •
"In-the name of Almighty God,-and
in his presence," these remonstrants
protest against the Nebraska bill. ' In
this solttilanguage, which has been
strangely pronounced blasphemous on
this floor, there is obviously -no as
sumption of ecclesiastical power, as
has been perversely charged, but sim
ply a devout observance of the scrip
tural injunction: "Whatsoever ye do;
in word or deed, do all in the name of
DEVOTED TO THE PRINCIPLES. OF DEMOCRACY, AND THE •DISSEMINATION OF MORALITY LITERATURE, AND NEWS
COUDERSPORT, POTTER 0 - LINTY,- PA., JUNE 16, 1854,
the Lord." Let me add, also, that
these remonstrants, in this very lan
.guage, have followed the example of
the Senate, which at this present ses-.
sion has ratified at least one important
treaty; beginning with these preci4e
- words: “In the name of Almighty
God." . Surely, if the Senate may thus
assume to speak, the clergy may do
without just criticisin, at least
in this body.
. But I am - Unwilling, particularly at
triis time, to lie betrayed into anything
that shall seem like a defense of the
clergy. They need no such thing at
my hands. There are 'men in this
Senate, justly eminent for eloquence,
learning, and ability; but there is no.
mail here competent, except in his own
'conceit, to' sit in judgment on the
clergy of New-England: Honorable
Senators, who have been so swift with
criticism and sarcasm, might profit b!
their example. Perhaps the Senator
from South Carolina, [Mr. BUTLER,] f.
who is not insensible to scholarship,
might learn from them sometirifirof
its graces. Perhaps the Senator from
Virginia; [Mr. MAsoNd who finds no
sanction under the Constitution for any
remonstrance from ,clergymen, might
learn from them something: of the
privileges of an American citizen.
And, perhaps, the Senator from Illi
nois, [Mr. DOUGLAS,] who precipitated
this odious measure upon the country,
might learn from them something of
political wisdom. Sir, from the first
settlement of these shores, from those
early days of struggle and privation—
through the trials of the Revolution 7--
the clergy have been associated, not
only with the piety and learning, but
with the liberties of the country. For
a 'Ong time, New-England was gov
erned by their prayers more than by
any acts. of the Legislature, and, at a
later day, their voices aided even the
Declaration of Independence., The
clergy of our time may speak, then,
not only from their own virtues, but
t1Z....ch0p.4 which vet live in the
pulpits of. their, athers:
For myself, I •desire to thank them
for their generous interposition. They
have already-done much good in mov
ing the country. They will not be
idle. In the days of the Revolution,
John Adams, yearning for independ
ence, said—" Let the pulpits thunder
against oppression!" And the pul
pits thundered. The time has come
fax them to thunder again.
There are lessons taught by these
remonstrances, which, at.this moment,
should not be unheeded. The Senator
from Ohio, [Mr..WAnn,] on the other
side of the Chamber, has openly de
clared that Northern Whigs can never
again combine with 'their Southern
brethren in support of slavery. This
is a good augury. The clergy of New-
England, some of whom, forgetful of
the traditions of other days,'once made
their pulpits, vocal for the fugitive
slave bill, now, by the voices of learned
divines, eminent bishops, accomplished
professors, and faithful pastors, uttered
in solemn remonstrance, at last unite
in putting a permanent brand upon
this hateful institution.. In consistency
with this act, from • this time forward,
they can never more render it any
support. Thank God for this! Here
is a sign full of promise for - Freedom!
These remonstrances have especial
significance, when itris urged, as it has
been often in . this debate, that the
proposition still pending proceeds from
the North. Yes, sir, proceeds from
the North; for that is its excuse and
apology. The ostrich is said to hide
its head in the sand, and then vainly
imagine its coward body
. beyond the
reach of its pursuers. In similar spirit,
honorable Senators seem to shelter
themselves behind certain Northern
votes, and then vainly imagine that
they are protected from the judgment
of the country. The pulpits of New-
England, representing to an unpre
cedented extent the popular voice
there, now proclaim that these six
States protest, with all the fervor of
religious conviction, against this meas
ure. To this extent, at least, I confi
dently declare it does not come from
the North.
From these expressions, and other
tokens which daily greet us, it is evi
dent that at least the religious semiment of the country is touched, and,
under, this sentiment,. I rejoice •to
believe that the Whole North will be
quickened with, the true life of freedom.
Sir Philip Sidney, speaking to Queen
Elizabeth of the spirit which animated
every man, woman, and child in the
Netherlands against the Spanish Pow
er, exclaimed, "It is the spirit of the
Lord, and. is invincible." A similar
spirit is now animating the free States
against the Slave Power, breathing
every Where its precious inspiration,
and forbidding repose . under the at
tempted usurpation.. The threat of
disunion, so often sounded in our ears,
will be disregarded by an aroused:and
indignant people. .Ah, sir, Senators
vainly expect peace. in passing this
bill, you scatter,—broadcast through
the land, .dragons' teeth, and, though
- they may not, as in ancient fable,
spring tip armed men, yet will they
fructify in civil strife and feud. -
From the depths of my soul, as a
loyal citizen and as a Senator, I plead,
remonstrate, protest against the pass
age of this bill. Lstruggle against it,
as against-death; but, as in death it
self.' corruption -puts on incorruption,
and this immortal body puts on im
mortality, so from, the sting 'of this
hour I find assurances of that triumph
by which Freedom will be restored to
her immortal birthright in the Re
public.
Sir, the bill which you are now
about to pass, is at once the worst and
the best bill on which Congress ever
acted. -
It is the worst bill, inasmuch as it is
a present, victory of Slavery. •In a
Christian land and in an age ofciviliz
ation, a time-honored statute of Free
dom is struck down, opening the way
to all the countless Woes and wrongs
of human bondage. Among the crimes
of history a new one is about to be
recorded; which, in better days, will
be read with universal shame. The
Tea Tax, and Stamp Act, which
aroused the patriot rage of our fathers,
were virtues by the side of this enor
mity ; nor would it be easy to imagine,
at this day, any measure which more
openly defied every sense of justice,
humanity, and Christianity. Am I
not right, then, in calling it the worst
.bill on which-. Congress ever acted?
But there is another side to which
I gladly turn. Sir, it is the best bill
on which Congress ever acted; for it
prepares the way for that "All. Hail
Hereafter," when slavery must disap
pear. It annuls all past compromises
with slavery, and makes all future
compromises impossible. • Thus it puts
Freedom and Slavery face to face, and
bids them grapple.. Who can doubt
the result ? It opens wide the door of
the Future, when, at last, there Will
really -ocra :AVM] dila the suave power
will be broken; .when this wretched
despotisM will cease to dominate over
our Government; no longer impressing
itself upon all that it does, at home
and abroad; when the National Gov
ernment shall he, divorced, in every.
way, from slavery; and, according to
the true intention of our fathers,
freedom shall* be established by Con
gress, everywhere, at least beyond the
local limits of the States. .• . -
Slavery will then be driven from its
usurped, foothold, here in the' District
of Columbia; in the .national territo
ries, and elsewhere beneath the na
tional flag; the fugitive slave bill, as
odious as it is unconstitutional, will
becoMe a dead letter; and the domes
tic slave trade, so far as it can be
reached, but especially on the high
seas, will be blasted by congressional
prohibition. Every where, within the
sphere of Congress, the great Northern
Hammer will descend to smite this
wromr; and the . irresistible cry . will
break forth, "'No more slave States!"
ThuS, sir, now standing at the very
grave of freedom in Kansas and Ne
braska, I find assurances of that happy
resurrection, by which freedom will
be secured hereafter, not Only in these
Territories, but everywhere under the
National Government. More clearly
than ever before now see "the be
ginning of the end" of slavery. Am
I not right, then, in calling this meas
ure the best bill on which Congress
ever acted ?
Sorrowfully I bend before the wrong
you are about to perpetrate. Joyfully
1 welcome all the promises of. the
future.
SALE OF SLAVES FOR NEBRASKA.-A
young man formerly in our employ,
in whose veracity we have all confi
dence, informs us that while at St.
Louis• a few days -since, he saw a
number of gangs of slaves en route for
.Nebraska under the charge of their
owners. This is the way in which
Nebraska and KanZas are to be 'made
slave territories. - Their contiguity to
the slave states of- Missouri and Ar
kansas make it a very easy matter for
slaveholders to go with their slaves,
while their-remoteness frOm the prin
cipal points of emigration in the
North offers obstacles to their speedy
settlement by northeffi freemen: The
appointment of slaveholding officers
for the territores will be immediately
followed by the election of slaveltold-s
ing council, in each, and Slavery:will
be established aild regulated by terri
torial law. "Squatter 'Sovereignty"
is so fully defined and recognized that
the laws of the territories cannot be
submitted to Ccingress for revision,
and as:the last act in the Nebraska
tragedy, Slavery isLestbli . shed in Ne
braska and Kanzas territories beyond
the hope of eradicatidn.—Ann. Arbor
(Mich.) Whig: • _ .
Witt is a man who does not bet as
bad as ene that does? - -Because he-is-
no - bettor. • • .
• From the Tribune.
Lena from Casks M. Clay on the PolitClal . Duties
al.the'Pree Statek.
SIR : When some years' ago had
the honor of replying to an invitation
of a portion -of the members of the
New-York Legislature to address
them upon the Slavery•questiOn, I was
thought by many a. fanatic because -I
avowed . that it was not a question
I.bout.the African,:but " whether we
ourselveS should he freemen or slaves."
Since then what is there sacred in the
Constitution, in treaties, in laws, •in
guarantees of liberty, which has . not
been desecrated ? •
And. now - at• last those " Compro
mises" by Which so many of us were
humbugged—which Were exalted
above the." higher . law" of revelation
and conscience, are themselves trani
pled undef foot—and by the repeal of
the Missouri restriction, -.by revolu
tionary means, a continent lies in the
dust at the feet of the Slaveocrats !
Thus far our republicanism is a
failure. Shall we " give up the ship 1"
Shall we return as the dog to his vomit,
and clothe- ourselves puce more in
cast-off rags of despotism, admitting
ourselves incapable of self-'govern
ment and national existence
For my part, though sad—very sad,
lam not despondent. Let us use the
reason God has given us to remedy
the past, and make secure the future.
The violation of God's law is alwdys
wd. We committed a national crime
in joining hands with.the slaveholders
to commit a determined wrong against
the.rights of the African, and now in
due season the poisoned chalice is re
turned to our own lips.
I am not prepared to say with the;
Garrisonians that we are to breaff I
away at mice by revolution from this
criminal alliance ; 'but I do say that ,
our only salvation, because the only
true repentence, in making the over- I
throw of slavery Our dominent idea. !
The one idea of the Slaveholders
..ix o ridoa .cal V; .1,17171 CM and
measures is the rule of Slavery. So
it 'must be riiet,..not incidentally—not !
occasionally—not
,compromisingly, by
the, friends, of liberty, but with a one- I
ness of purpose; and vivacity and fa-;
naticism of will equal to theirs.
Does any man believe that in a fair
contest between Liberty and Slavery
the wrong will triumph 1 Ido not.
What then shall be done 1. In
the first place punish the traitors. as
an example for all future times. I
honesty- believe•that every man of the
free States who voted for the repeal .
of the Missouri restriction deserves
death ! But there is no legal way of
inflicting thepenalty—qhe halter then
they must -escape. But one thing
Can be done—break them on the wheel
of public opinion. Let no man deal
with them in husines.4—banish them
from the social circle, and disfranchise
them practically forever! This seems
hard, but the race of traitors must die
before we can live
2. Let the elections, even for the
most inferior offices, turn, upon the
repeal of . the Nebraska • bill, or its
amendment, so that the people of the
Territory shall have the unqualified
'right to vote Slavery out. To do this,
the free trader must give up his free
trade—the tariff man his tariff—manu
facturers, shipping internal improve
ment, temperance, schools, all must,
for the present be held in abeyance,
'to the One great question, shall Amer
ica be free or slave!
3. Although I think the Free De
mocracy, are best based to achieve the
end,. we must tolerate and recognize
all parties who will aid, as allies. In
Con7ressional District where the
Free Democrats; have a supposed
larger foree; let the Whigs and. Dem
ocrats renominate the Free Democrat
ic ticket. And where the Whigs or
Democrats have a supposed larger
force, let the Free Democrats renom
inate the Whig or. Democratic ticket;
t3o as to defeat the serviles of all par ;
ties. In the. Presidential Nominating
Convention, .let a delegate lie sent
from each . Congiessional District in
the . Union, of that'party which has the
Congressmen, and let them .vote a
common candidate. Such a candidate
thus nominated, can in my opinion, be
elected. triumphantly in 1856: Let
That candidate, whether BE!4TON, Saw
'ARD, or 'HALE, or any other good cit
izen, be chosen - without regard to his
locality in a Free or Slave State. For
:our party is truly national—theirs
•
-sectional!
4. Let us count the Cost. All are,
I inagine, now convinced that the ex
treme-South is anticipadng the 'disso
lution of this Amencan Union L •and
have been and ng.tiv are using-the na
tion unite time for their owtk, ultimate
aggrandizement. 'We must therefore
calculate --what is to be the result of
our success. Suppose then a Repub
lican _elected President, :on the issue
Ocovo, stated, and . that ,the-.ultras of
the South in their madness Overawe
v",
t
rt. r r,' ;
the' more thoughtful' citizens, and 'se
cede frOm 'Congress, and 'declare the e
Union dissolved. • Then either we
Must whip them in, . or allow a-peace
able separation as circumstances shall
warrai - O. If we fight her, we have
the advantage of being the Govern-
Ment de facto. ,We have the "organ
ization;—the treasury-the navy, and
the army. If victorious, we could
compel - emancipation. If defeated,
we would be abundantly able to main
tain our national existence against the
world. And with Canada, Western
Virginia, Kentucky, and Mississippi,
(which would probably unite with us)
annexed, we would form a more pow
erful-people' than even now.. •
„In such event all the central portion
of! North America would be - ours, and
should - Northern Mexico prefer Our
alliance, as she -no doubt would, as
cotton' grows upon all sorts of soils in
a given latitude, we would even ho •
.able to . raise abundantly that plant,
ant tlie sugar cane, for which-so many'
seem now willing to sell their liberties.
Under the railroad system, we have
less. need- to regard boundaries by
mountains and Watercourses. and even
in that respect the lakes, the St. Law
rence, and the Columbia, to us would
be what the Mississippi is now.
While the oceans would wash us on .
the northeast and west, we - could well
.bide our time to expand our dominions
over the feeble masters of the South
to the Gulf of Mexico. . •
But the probabilities are that the
that the South would see her only
safety in the Union, and "acquiesce"
in the ' manifest
. destiny" of the tri
umph of human rights, and begin in
ear st to clear .herself of Slavery:
till at last we would" become peace:
ably a homogeneouS. people, and Lib
erty and Union be forever established.
hut I have already made this letter
too long.
For myself I am ready to complete
the sacrifice and triumph of 177 G at
all hazards. • I am foi no Union -with
out Liberty—if need be through dis
solution • and war. "I stand by the
(1 - a:titration," trusting ever, till repub
licanism is vindicated and the liberties
•of mankind achieved.
Very respectfully, your friend,
C. M. CLAY
IS A MMII7IIAIT A -CIII2IINI
.
The ew York Mirror puts this
question-!at the head of a paragraph in
which it' carries the war into Africa:
One would infer, from the slang of
certain reckless Senators, partizan
editors and Pewter Mug spouters. that
a clergyman has no right to express
his opinion upon any-public feature or
any political subject. Three thousand
educated'and intelligent ministers haVo
no business, we are told, to sign their
names to a petition to go before the
Congress of the nation : It "is • only
your rum hole - rowdies that have a
right to he heard on questions of vital
interest to the State and humanity.
These patriots of the grog shop, these
frothy demagogues, alone have the
right to discuss the affairs of the
mtion!
"In a country where all sects aro
tolerated, there is no danger of the
church exercising an undue -influence
in the State : and it is to be regretted
that not only the clergy, but that wise
and educated men, of all cldsses do not
take a more active part in political
affairs. It is the duty of every ,. good
citizen to vote . for good men at tho
.ballot boxes, and to advocate. goOd
measures in they halLs of legislation.
The right of Petition and remonstrance
is absolute to every class of citizens—
to the clergy as well as the laity, and •
We think that of 50,000 ministers of
the gospel against the Nebraska bill
is as significant and as respectable as
the clamors of 50,000 office holders in
favor of it."
1 II TELLIOSST TUROBS.
• "Gentlemen of the Jury" are. not
always paragons of intelligence. At a
recent empanneling of a jury for one.
of the Boonville murder trials, at least
' one confessed that he had not heard
of the case, through the Journals or
otherwise. As the case transpired
only a few mouths since, and to eur
certain knowledge : it was . published in
all the county papers, it is fair to pre
-511100 that, a eery considerable portion
ofthe very respectable gentlemen who
dispensed justice on the occasion in
' question, were innocent of patronizing
the local: press. A man who don't
take a newspaper—and that' one pub
lished in the . county of his residence,
-ought not to be permitted to sit as a
juror especially in a capital case. The
presumption is irresistable_ that he is
wanting either ln common intelligence
or comna,on decency.. We suggest
:that in future the followipg questio*
be-propounded to each juryman. as hey
is called :—" Do yoti .take a ihinne'
newspaper'?" • If he • answers in the
_negative, let him be rejected at once.
—Oneida Herald.
BO
NO. 5.