VOL. VII THE PEOPLE'S JOURNAL. PCBLISIIED EVERY FRIDAY 3IORIONG, BY HASKELL & AVE Y. Terms—lnvariably In Advance: One copy per annum, $l.OO Village subscribers, 125 TERMS OF ADVERTISING. 1 square, of 12 lines or less, 1 insertion, $0.50 " " .1 " 3 insertions, 1.00 every subsequent' insertion, .25 Rule and figure work, per sq., 3 insertions, 2.00 Every subsequent insertion, .50 1 column, one year, 25.00 1 column, six months, 13.00 1 column, three months, 8.00 i column, one year, 13.00 i column, six months. • 7.011 4 column, three months, •4.00 i column one year. ' 7.00 i column, six mouths, 4.00 Professional Card+ not exceeding eight lines inserted for $5.00 per annum 'All letters on business, to secure at tention, should be addressed (post paid) to the Publishers. ' Original Vortrp. Fv7m.ra I dreamed—and I Thought that I sai!ed, In a gallant bark, o'er the main; The last point of land had been hailed, Perhaps to be hailed not again. As onward and onward we sped Aflrr over the billows and spray, The last lingering sunbeams all tied— The last rays-of light died away. And then on my couch of repose I scarcely was settled to rest, When storm-clouds above ns arose, And lightnings flashed bright in the west Below U 4 the rumbling surge, And above us the thunder's deep roll, Sounded hoare, like the elements' dirge Breathed over the wreck'd sailor's soul Then the bark, which so gallantly left The sho'res, tilled with life_and with glee, Of mast and of spars all bereft, Soon floated, a wreck, on the sea. With feelings 'of horrOr and awe, I sunk to the mariner's grave: Around me the white hones I saw Of those who long slept 'neath the wave And I wandered through palaces there More grand than the dwellings of men, All peopled by images fair, • Not found in our mountain or glen. And around me a forest there grew. Of coral, and sea-weed, and pearl, More brilliant by far to the view Thin aught to be seen in our wiped On the sea- , hells I gazed as - they lay, And on floweri more bright than the sun; When a voice I heard neaitne to say, " Nov praise the lunnaeula:e One." Then music the sweetest e'er henrd - it sounded those cave.; among; They warbled the praise of their Lord— His glory and praise they sung. Then said I, ‘• Why should creatures like you, Who rank not with chiblren of men, Raise yonr voices to give the praise due And. expccied by God but from them ?•' " We praise him," said they, " as do all That He in His wisdom lath made ; 31111 only hath known of a fill— Man only of God is afraid. Now, mortal, return unto earth, And when with thy kindred again, Forget not, 'mid sorrow or mirth, The Go-1 of both creatures and men." Then methought that through spray I was borne, And the ~.urfiee of Ocean did gain ; ,un had ju4: gilded the morn, shedding daylight en bil:ow and plain. I i oke—and tneChought I had learned A lesson, ye naids, from you, And I give to my tlavior the glory he'd earned May I ever return him the praise tint is due REBECCA WILLIAMS. Bried, Pa. GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE The only attempt at an.argument in fay.)r of the Dont;las fraud that we h «•e seen is, that it secures to the people of the Teiritories the right to foln their own laws. This false po,ition was so fully ex landed by Col. Benton's great speech, that it may be useless to recur to the subject again, and yet as - this is the only thing said in favor of the bill, we think the friends of freedom should show that there is nut a shadow of truth in the assertion. On the night of its final passage in the Senate Mr. CHASE dissected the bill so completely that no sophistry can answer its argument. Here is an ex truct from his closing speech :—EEs. Jounial. And, sir, for what ? What does this bill give us in lieu of the prohi bition of slavery in the territories ? Why, sir, we are told that it gives the principle of Congressional non-inter vention. That is the great merit of the bill, in the eyes of the distinguished Senator from Michigan. But he tells us, also, that in other respects, this bill is in advance of former Territo rial acts. Now, Sir, it so happens, that all the more liberal provis ions of this bill, which he approves, originated With the opponents of the repeal. As the bill come from the Committee on Territories, it -was an exact transcript of former acts. I be lieve I was, myself, the first Senator who directed attention to the fact, that THE PEOPLE'S JOURNAL. the Governors of these territories were invested with an absolute veto power; that all the acts of the Territorial Leg islature were subject to the rrvision of Congress ; and: that, therefore, the bill, which professed to establish pop ular sovereignty, subjected every act of the People, through their Legisla ture to the double veto of the appointee of the President and of Congress, In these respects, the bill has received some amendment. But, sir, the veto power, although, abridged, still remains. The legisla tive authority of the Territory is in vested, not in a Legislature elected by the People, but in the :Gov ernor and Legislature. This bill in vests the Governor with a -legislative power, equal to that of one-third of the members in each branch of the Legislature. Rut vote or disapproval, will.arrest the passage of any act which cannot command the sanction of two thirds of each branch, notwithstand ing the veto. Add to this direct power of the veto, the influence which the patronage and station of the Gover nor confers, and it is easily seen that. few acts, objectionable to him, are likely to receive the leglislative sane ti on. Then, sir, every act of the Legisla-. ture has to pass the ordeal of the Judi ciary, and must depend for its execu tion, in part at least, not only upon the Governor, but upon the Secretary, the District Attorney, and the Marshal. Now, sir, in this bill, the advocates of which profess so much respect for,the doctrine of self-government, one would naturally expect to fine these officers made elective by the people. But does the bill in fact contain any such provision ? Not at all. The Presi dent is to appoint the Governor, who is to exercise the veto 'power ; the President is to appoint the Judges, who determine the constitutionality or unconstitutionality of all legislative acts;. the President io 'appoint ths Secretary, the District Attorney, and the. Marshal, -who must necessarily' exercise an important influence upon the territorial destinies. Not only is the President to appoint all these offi cers, but he may remove them all, or either of them, whenever he pleases.. The whole action of the Territorial Government is thus completely sub j ected to Executive control. The whole achievement of the bill is to substitute Presidential intervention for Congresi onal intervention. if we are to have either, I prefer that of Congress, to be exercised by the representatives of the States and of the People, rather than that of the President, too likely, under existing circumstances, to wield the immense patronage of his office for the extension and prepettiation of Slavery. The substitution of Presidential for Congressional reeulation of the Ter ritories will have - one result which de serves attention. The question of freedom or- slavery in the Tearitories, in the absence of Congressionalpro -hibition, must ye determined by the results of Presidential elections.— Henceforward, this great question must enter. conspicuously into the con flicts of party. If the people desire to secure the Territories for freedom they must haVe a President) who will not hesitate to exercise his influence on the side of freedom.. The present Administration, indeed, will make the first appointments; but the officers thus appointed are removable at pleas ure, and the People by changing the President, can change also - the whole character of the-official influence over the Territories. The late distin guished Senator from Massachusetts once said, in substance, that the Con stitution of States formed out of .Ter ritories were made at Vvrashing-tion. I do not folly accept this statement. But nobody can doubt that the powers conferred on the President by this bill will enable him to mould the Ter-. ritorial institutions according to his pleasure, unless he is met by the firm and determined opposition of the people themselves. Sir, I am opposed to this Presiden tial intervention. It is an abuse of language to call a bill which author izes it, a non-intervention bill. It is absolutely the reverse. I, sir, who am denounced for my determined re sistance to the repealof the Missouri prohibition—that simple guarantee of inalienable rights--proposed an amend ment which would have secured to the people of. the Territories the ab solute control of • their own affairs, without Congressional or Presidential intervention. That amendment pro posed that the action of the President in the organization Of the Territories should be restricted to the simple appointment of commissioners, who should divide the territory into:conve-. nient election precincts ; notify_ the election of Governor, Judges, Secre tary, and members of the Legislature, to he held on a certain day ; receive and count the votes and announce the DEVOTED TO THE PRINCIPLES OF DEMOCRACY, AND THE DISSEMINATION OF MORALITY LITERATURE, AND NEWS COUDERSPORT, POTTER COUNTY, PA.; JUNE 9, 184 result, and appoint a place and time for the meeting of the Legislature, and the organization of the Govern ment. Ido not see how it is possible that a simpler, plainer, or more certain plan of giving effect to the doctrine of selfgovernment in the Territories could be devised. Ido not see how it was possible for the professed friends of that doctrine to vote against it, and it was rejected and Presidential inter vention was established: Under these circumstances, regardng the bill as' the violation of a sOlemn compact ; as an abrogation of a great security for personal freedOm and individual lib erty ; as no bill of non-intervention, but as a bill which substitutes for the control of the people, through their chosen representatives, the control of the President, through his official pat ronage, I can neeer give it the sanction of my vote. I stand here, Mr. President, an in dependent Senator. The Senator from Tennessee, [Mn. BELL,] in the course of his remarks, referred to my posi tion as a Democrat. If he intended to identify me, or if he supposes that I desire to identify myself; with that party which styles itself the National Democracy, and whose creed is ob tained • in the Baltimore platform of 1852, and whose Administration is now urging the repeal of the Missouri pro hibition, he is greatly mistaken.— There are two parties in this country which claim to be Democratic. One is self-styled National democracy ; the other is the Independent Democracy. The creed of the former excepts the institution of slavery from the appli cation of Demodratic principles ; the creed of the latter tolerates no excep tions. The policy of the fornier is to subordinate the rights and interests of freemen and free labor to the demands of the slave power"; the policy of the latter is to establish freedom wherever the General Government possesses con .tttut;nn.i power to do so, and to place its legitimate Influence on the side of liberty, rather than on the side of slavery. The • former seeks the support of the extremest advocates of slavery. as indispensable to its par ty triumphs ; the latter seeks no sup port, except from those, whether citi zens of slate States or free_States, who are willing to follow deMocratic principles whithersoever they lead, without-any exceptions in favor of op pression. • The Independent Democ racy, Mr. President, is stronger, as yet, in principles than in numbers ; and yet this party at the last Presiden tial election numbered in its ranks a a little more than one-twentieth of all the voters in the United States. There are but three Senators upon this floor who are identified with this political! organization—the Senator who has just taken his seat from Connecticut, [MR. GILLETE,] my friend from Massa achusetts, [MR. SusiNEad and myself. It so happens that our - number is a, little less, in proportion to the whole number of Senators, than that of the Indepndent Democratic electors in proportion to the whole _lumber of American voters. The doctrines which guide our action in respect to this may . be summed up in a few words. We in sist upon the denationalization of slavery, and the decentralization of power. The.:National Government, in our judgment, should cease all in terference with Slavery. It should uphold it nowhere. It should leg islate for it nowhere. Only within the slave States, and so far as the institu tion is beyond the reach of the consti tutional legislation of Congress, should slavery be permitted to exist. With in those States, slavery should be left to control, regulating, amelioration or abolition, by State law, according to the direction of the People: 04A:i4:yerbety.s v ol(ci:ini The influence of the long hummer day in the Arctic regions has long been described, but seldom with more force and beauty than in the following passages of Dr. Kane's description of the American expedition to the Arctic regions: "The perpetual daylight had con tinued up to the present moment with unabated glare. The sun had reached its north meridian latitude some days before, but the eye was hardly aware of the change. Midnight bad a soft ened character, like the low summer's sun at home, but there was •110 twi light. - "At first the novelty of this great unvarying day made it pleasing. It was curious to see the ' midnight Arc tic sun set into sunrise,' and pleasant to find that, whether you ate or slept, or idled or toiled, the same daylight was.always there. No irksome night forced npon you its system of com pulsory alternations. I could dine at midnight, and sup at breakfast ,time, and go to bed at noonday; and but for an apparatus of coils and cogs; called a watch, would have been no wiser and no worse. "My feeling was at first an extrava gant sense of undefined relief, of some vague restraint removed. I seemed to have thrown off the slavery of.hours. In fact, I could hardly realize its en tirety. The astral lamps, standing, dust covered, on our lockers—puzzled me, as things obsolete and fanciful. "This was instinctive, perhaps; lint by-and-by came other feelings. The perpetual light, garish- and unfluctu ating, disturbed me. I became grad ually aware of an unknown excitant, stimulus, acting constantly like the diminutive of a cup of coffee . .. My sleep -was curtailed and irregular; my meal hours trod upon each other's heels; and but for stringent regula tions of my own imposing, my routine would have . been completely broken up. "My lot had been cast in the zone of liriodenrons and sugar maples, in the nearly midway latitude of -40 de drees. I had been habituated to day and night; and every portion of these two great divisions had for me its pe riods of peculiar association. Even in the tropics, I had mourned the loss of twilight, How much more did I miss the soothing darkness, of which -twilight should have been the precur sor! I began to' feel, with more of emotion than a man writing -fur others likes to 'confess to, how admirable :a systematic law is the alterations of day and .night—words that type the two great conditions of living nature, action, and ,repose. To those who with daily labor earn their daily bread, how kindlylthe season of sleep. TO the drone who, urged by the waning daylight, hastens the deferred task, how fortunate that his procrastination has not a six-months' morrow! To the brain-workers . among men, ,the enthusiasts, who hear irksomely the dark screen which: falls upon their day dreams, how benignant the dear night !messing, -wmcn -enforces reluctant rest!"