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Elitor and Irpprietor.
VOLVIIE XXXI, NUMBER .50.]
PULISIIED 'EVERT .SLIFRDAYIIIOIIINING
Office in Carpet Hull, ;Galt-west corner c);
Front and Lchqua,:fgeets. '
-Venus .of Subscription.
Ate Copyperannum,i f paidin advance, 217 50
.
.. ••• not paid within three
• moat harrow commencement ofthe year, 200
_AL Coats za. coicora".
Not übecnption received fora ices time than six
_months; and no paper will be discontinued until all
Far.reerage Bare patd,unlessat the optionotthe pub
-11191311..tja. ern yb e: e mittedbvmail atilt epublial
' er a ris
Rates of Advertising.
squat'. [Cil inesione week,_
three weeks,
eachtubsequentinsertion, 10
112 ines]one week , 50
three weeks, 100
I each.uhsequentinsertion. 25
.Larkertdvertisementfin proportion.
'AI iberal liscountwillbe made to quarterly,half
rtrlyorJearlytdverlisersosthe are atrictbeonfined
'otheir hoariness
DR. HOFFER,
TIENTIST,OFFICE, Front Street 4th door
_LI trout Locust, over ttaylor & Sic Donald's Book store
Colombia, Pa.'U'r Eturanee, same as Jolley's Pho
tograph Gallery. [August 21, 1858.
THOMAS WELSH,
USTIOR OF THE PEACE, Columbia, Pa.
OFFICE, in IV/doper's New Building, below
lack's Hotel, Front street.
/V T
e r': o r
p. m pt. attention given to ail business entrusted
40
November 29,11357.
- H. M. NORTH,
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW.
Columbia .Pa .
.Co'lemmas 4 romptl y made ,I a Lancaiterancl Vorl,
,ountien.
Columbia, May 4,1850.
J. W. FISHER,
Attorney and Counsellor at Law,
Cicolitzatzika,, Zara.,
Colombia, s.rpternDer II 1165C' 'l-1(
S. Atlee B &ins, D. D. S.
PRACTICES the Operative, Surgical and Meehan
iral Departments orDentistry;
OPPICH Locust street, between he Franklin Rouse
and Post OMee, Columbia, Pa
May 7, 1859.
Harrison's Conmbian Ink
'"WIIICII is a superior article, permanently black,
•r 'Wad not corroding the pea, can be had in any
..amity. at the Family Medicine :More, and blacker
het is that English Boot
Columbin,Jnaii 9, L 859
We Have Just Received
R. CUTTER'S- Improved Chest Expanding
Sinpender and :Shoulder liracem for tientlemeu,
and Patent Skirt Supporter and Brace for Ladie..,
jlll.l the article that la wattled at this time. Come
and see them at Family Medicine Store. Odd Fellows'
Hall. [April 9,1859
Prof. Gardner's Soap.
urn have the New England Soap for those who ate
Tr not obtain it from the Soap Man; it Is pleamnt
..to the skin, and will take gown: !mot. from Woolen
Good., it is therefore no humbug, for you get the.
Avon ft of your money nt the Family Itletheine Store.
Columbia, June It, 1059.
aIIiIIAM, or, Bona's Boston Crackers, for
u r pepiies, and Arrow Root Cruokerc
valids and rhildien—new nrtielca in Columbia, at
Alm Family Medicine Store,
April 16. 1859.
SPALDINO'S PREPARED RUE,The want of
such an article is felt in every family, and now
it can be supplied; for mending furniture, china
ware,omanieniul work, toys, &a., there is nothing
superior. We have found it useful in repairing amity
articles which have been useless for months. Von
Jan.2ein it at the
aaamisit.i EMILY MEDICINE STORE.
IRON AND SIMEIL!
fpflE Subscribers have received u New and Large
-1. sock of nil kinds and sizes o f
OAR IRON AND STEEL I
They are constantly eopplied with flock - loth's breech
of bin business. and eat funish it to cumonser% in large
err small quanuties, at the lowest rates
J. RUM I'LE dc, SON . .
Lorton *item below Second, Columbia, l'a.
April MI, 1060.
RITTER'S Compound Syrup of Jar anti
Wild Cherry, for Cough., Cold, &c. Fcr asle t
he Golden !Mortar DrogStore, Front st. I July:.
AYER'S Compound Concentrated txtraet
Sarsaparilla for the cure of crotalst I K;ngs
Evil.and all vcrofolous affections, to (rests ati—ilejust
received and for vole by
wept. t'4, 1859 R., WILLIAMS, Front St., Columbia,
FOR `SALE.
200 CROSS Prim:al Matches, very low for cash.
Joao 2.5. O. R. WILLIAM.
Dutch Herring!
A Nr one fond of a good Ile rrir,.ti.gr .1 , 4%014d at
Nor. 19, 195'9. Grocery Store, No. 71 Locust st.
LPURBOIIIO BILINDY
ji_j and PUI U WINES. cepecially for bledtemea
na Sacramental purpo•ea, ht the
Jan.2S.F4MILY AI EDI CINE STO
NICE RAISINS for 8 cu. per pound, are to
be had only at
March 10,1E60. EBERLEIN'S Grocery Store,
No. 71 Locust street.
GaRDEN SEEDS —Fresh Carlini Scuts, war
ranted pure, of all kinds, juvr received al
March 10,1864 EBERLEIN'S grocery Store,
. N 0.71 Loeuvt street
POCKET BOOKS AND PURSES.
A LARGE lot. or Fine and Common Pocket nook*
and Parses, at from 15 cents to two dollar. cacti.
He tdquartera and News Depct.
Colguabia, Aprill4.l
A:BEW more of those beautiful Mots
lett, which will be .old cheap, R
SAYLOR & bIcDONAI.D'S
Columbia. Pm.
ffill3
Just Received and For Sale.
1500 SACHS Ground illam Salt, in large
or small quanis ties, at
APPOI.D'S
'Warehouse. Canal Basin.
wars,llo.
VOLD CUM OF OLICERINE.—For the core
ma and prevention fa chapped bumf.. At. For vole
,nt the GOLDEN MORTAR DRUG STORE.
Dee.3.18:41. Front in rvel. Columbia.
Turkish Prunes!
poR a first rate &amide( Prance you mum Eo to
S. F. 1:131:1111.IN'S
III". / 9 , Imo. Grocery Store, No 71 Locust st.
GOLE - 1 -- 1 - E , NS, GOLD PENS.
jr/sT received a large and fine a . sortment of Gold
Pens. of Newton end Griswold , . ma.tufsorlorc, at
SAYLOR at 11cDONALIrS Soca Store.
Agri! 14. Front street. above Locus.
P P FRESH GROCERIF.S.
F: continue to Pell the heo."Levy" Symp. While
and Brown Hum
gagood Cokes and ehoiee Tema,
to be Nod in Cob:imam at the New Corner Store. "1"
panne e
Od 1 Fellows' Hall, and at the old Pinnd a4joine
In th toe,
H. e„ FON vats m ITIL
Segars, Tobacco, &c.
ALOT of first-rate Seger,. Tobaern end Sena will
be found at the store of the mine riber. tic Lap.
only a first rate article. Ce it,
rt. F. XBERLIIEIN'S
0et.6,*8 I Grocery Store.
Loeurt et., Colombia, Pa.
NT CRAN BERRIES
.11 ,
EW Crop Patheill, /Caw Citron,
Oct. 20. LOD. irt n A m mys
• SARDINES,
WC rreelerAire Sante, Rafted Coeob. ate_ last re
refired and for .ale by S. F. CHEILt.EIN.
Oct. 3%1960, NO:7 Loeu.t St.
CRANBERRIES. •
teemed a fle•li lot of Cianbereles and New
reaoraoto. at No. 71 Leen.' Street.
Vat at, lama S.
gfintittivo.
President's Message
Fellow Citizen., of the Senate and House
of Representatives:—Having been eonvened
on an extraordinary occasion, authorized by
the Constitution, your attention is not called
to any ordinary sulject of legislation.
At the beginning of the Presidential term
four months ago, the functions of the Fed
eral Government were found to bo generally
suspended,within the several States of South
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi,
Louisiana and Florida, excepting only those
of the Post Office Department. Within
these States all the forts, arsenals, dock-yards
custom houses, and the like, had been seized
and were held in open hostility to this Gov
ernment, excepting only Forts Pickens, Tay
lor and Jefferson, on or near the Florida
coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston har
bor, South Carolina.
EIEI
The forts thus seized had been put in
improved condition. New ones had been
built, and armed forces had been organized
and were organizing, all avowedly with the
same hostile purpose. The forts remaining
in the possession of the Federal Govern
ment, in and near these States, were either
beseiged or menaced by warlike prepara
tions, and especially Fort Sumter, which
was nearly surrounded by well-projected
hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality
to the best of its own, and outnumbering
the latter as perhaps ten to ono. A dispro
portionate share of the Federal muskets and
rifles had somehow found their way into
these States and had been siezed to b.; used
against the Government.
Accumulation of the public revenue lying
within them had been seized for the same
object. The Navy was scattered in distant
seas, leaving but a very small part of it
within the immediate reach of the Govern
ment. Officers of the Federal army and
navy had resigned in groat numbers, and of
those resigning a large proportion had
taken up arms against the Government.
Simultaneously, and in connection, with
all this, the purpose to sever the Federal
Union was openly avowed. In accordance
with this purpose, an ordinance had been
adopted in each of these States, declaring
the States respectively to be separated from
the National Union. A formula fur insti
tuting a combined Government for these
States had been promulgated, and this ilie- .
gal organization in the character of the Con
federate States was already invoking recog
nition, aid, and intervention from foreign
powers.
Finding this condition of things, and be
lieving it to be an imperative duty upon the
incoming Executive to prevent, if possible,
the consummation of such an attempt to de.
stroy the Federal Union, a choice of means
to that end, became indispensable. This
choice was made, and was declared in the
inaugural address. The policy chosen looked
to the exhaustion of all peaceful measures
before a resort to any stronger ones.
It sought only to hold the public places
and property not already wrested from the
Government, and to collect the revenue, re
lying for the rest on time, discussion, and
the ballot box. It promised a continuance
of the mails, at the Government expense, to
the very people who were resisting the Gov
ernment; and it gave repeated pledges
against any disturbance to any of the people
or any of their rights. Of all that whicl a
President might constitutionally and justi
fiubly do in such a case, everything was
forborne, without which, it was believed
possible to keep the Government on foot.
On the sth of March, the present incum
bent's first full day in office, a letter of Ma
jor Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter,
written on the 28th February, and received
at the War Department on the 4th of March,
was by that Department placed in his hands.
This letter expressed the professional opin
ion of the writer that reinforcements could
not be thrown into that fort, within the time
for his relief rendered necessary by the
limited supply of provisions, and with a
view of holding possession of the same, with
a force of less than twenty thousand good
and well disciplined men. This opinion was
concurred in by all the officers of his com
mand; and their memoranda on the subject
were made enclosures of Major Anderson's
letter. The whole was immediately laid
before Licut-Gen. Scott, who at once con
curred with Major Anderson in that opinion.
On reflection. however, he took full time,
consulting with other officers, both of the
Army and Navy, and at the end of four
days, came reluctantly but decidedly to the
same conclusion as before.
Ho also stated at the same time, that no
such sufficient force was then within the
control of the Government, or could be raised
and brought to the ground within the time
when the provisions - in the fort weld be ex
hausted. In a purely military point of view
this reduced the duty of the Administration
in the case to the mere matter of getting
the garrison safely out of the fort.
It was believed, however, that to so aban
don that position, under the circumstances,
would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity
under which it was to be done would not be
fully understood; that by many it would be
construed as a part of a voluntary policy;
that at home it would discourage the friends
of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and
go far to Inenrif to: the latter a recognition
abroad;" that; id fact, It would be our Na
tional destruction Conadmniattod. '
"NO ENTERTAINMENT IS SO CHEAP IS READING, NOR: ANY PLEASURE SO LASTING."
COLUMBIA, PENNSYLVANIA; SATURDAY MORNING, JULY 13, 1861.
This could not be allowed. Starvation
'was riot yet oven the garrison and ere it'
would be reached, Fort Pickens might be
reinforced. This last would be a clear in
dication of policy, and would better enable
the country to accept the evacuation of Fort
Sumter as a military necessity. An order
was at once directed to be sent for the land
ing of the troops from the steamshipßrook
iyn into Fort Pickens. This order could
not go by land, but must take the longer and
slower route by sea. The first return news
from the order was received just one week
before the fall of Fort Sumter.
The news itself was that the officers com
manding the Sabine, to which vessel the
troops had been transferred from the Brook
lyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of the
ante Administration, and of the existence of
which, the present Administration, up to
' the time the order was despatched, had only
too vague and uncertain rumors to fix at
tention—bad refused to land the troops.—
To now reinforce Fort Pickens before a cri
sis would bo reached at Fort Sumter was
impossible, rendered so by the near exhaus
tion of provisions in the latter named fort.
In such a conjuncture the Government had
a few days before commenced preparing nn
expedition, as well adapted as might be, to
relieve Fort Sumfbr, which expedition was
intended to be ultimately used or not, ac
cording to circumstances. The strongest
anticipated case for using it was now pre
sented, and it was resolved to send.it for
ward, as had been intended in this con
tingency. It was also resolved to notify the
Government of the Southern Confederacy,
that if the attempt should not be resisted
there would be no attempt to throw in arms,
men or ammunitien, without further notice,
or in case of an attack upon the fort. This
, notice was accordingly given whereupon the
fort was attacked and bombarded to its fall,
without even awaiting the arrival of the
provisioning expedition.
It is thus seen that the assault upon, and
the reduction of Fort Sumter was in no
sense a matter of self defence on the part of
the assailants. They well knew that the
garrison in the fort could by no possibility
commit aggression upon them. They know
they were expressly notified that the giving
of broad to the few brave and hungry men
of the garrison, was all which could on that
occ.tsion be attempted unless themselves, by
resisting so much, should provoke more.—
They knew that this Government desired to
keep this garrison in the fort, not to assail
them, but merely to maintain the visible
possession, trusting, as bereinbefore stated,
to time, discussion and the ballot box, for
final adjustment. And they assailed and
reduced the fort, for precisely the same ob
jest, to drive out the visible authority of the
Federal Union, and thus force it to imme
diate dissolution.
Thnt this was their object the Executive
well understood; and having said to them
in the inaugural address. "You can have
no conflict without yourselves being the ag
gressors," ho took pains not only to keep
this declaration good, but also to keep the
case so free from the power of ingenious
sophistry as that the world should not be
able to misunderstand it.
By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its sur
rounding circumstances, that point was
reachel. Then and there 4 the assailants
of the Government began the conflict of
arms without any gun in sight or in expec•
tancy to return their fires, save only the few
in the fort, sent to that harbor years before,
for their own protection and still ready to
give that protection in whatever was law
ful.
In this set, discarding all else they have
forced upon the country, the distinct issue,
immediate dissolution or blood. And this
issue embraces more than the fate of these
United States. It presents to the whole
family of man the question whether a Con
stitutional Republic or Democracy—a Gov
ernment of the people by the same people
can or cannot maintain its territorial integ
rity against its own domestic foes. It pre
sents the question whether discontented in
dividuals, too few in numbers to control the
Administration according to the organic law
in any case, can always upon the pretences
made in this case or any other pretence
break up their government, and thus prac- '
tinily put an end to free government upon
the earth. It forces 05 . 0 ask, Is there in
all republics this inherent and fatal weak
ness? Most a government of necessity'bo
too strong for the liberties of its own peo
ple, or too weak to, maintain its own exis
tence? •
So viewing the issue, no choice was left
but to call out the war power of the Gov
ernment, and. so to resist the force employed
for its destruction by force for its preserva
tion. Tho call was made, and the response
' of the country was most gratifying, surpass
ing in unanimity and spirit the most san
guine expectations.
Yet none of the States, commonly called
Slave States, except Delaware, gave a regi
ment through regular State organization.—
A few regiments have been organized within
tome others of those States by individual
enterprise, and received into the. Govern
meat service.
Of course the Seceded States, so called
and, to whieh Texas had been joined about
the time of the inauguration, gave no troops
to the cause of the Union. The Border
States, so called, were not uniform in I M
action, some of them being almost fu r e
while in others, as Virginia and
North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas,
the Union sentiment was nearly repressed
and bi enced.
The course taken by Virginia was the
most remarkable, perhaps the most impor
tant. A
Convention, elected by the people
of that State, to consider this very question
of disrupting the 'Federal Union, was in
session at the capital of Virginia when Fort
Sumter fell. To this body the people had
chosen a large majority of professed Union
men. Almost immediately after the fall of
Sumter, many members of that majority,
wont over to the original disunion minority,
and with them adopted en ordinance for
withdrawing the State from the Union.—
Whether this change was wrought by their
great approval of the assault upon Sumter,
or the great resentment at the Government's
resistance to that assault, is not definitely
known.
Although they submitted the ordinance
for ratification to a vote of the people, to be
taken on a day then somewhat more than a
month distant, the Convention and the Legis
lztture, which was also in session at the
same time and place, with leading member:
of the State, not members of either, imme
diately commenced acting as if the State
were already out of the Union.
They pushed their military preparations
vigorously forward all over the State. They
seized the United Sates armory at Harper's
Ferry, and the Navy Yard at Gosport, near
Norfolk. They received, perhaps invited
into their State, large bodies of troops with
their warlike appointments, from the so
called Seceded States. They formally en
tered into a treaty of temporary alliance and
co-operation with the so-called Confederate
States, and sent members to their Congress
at Montgomery, and finally they permitted
the insurrectionary Government to be trans
ferred to their Capital at, Richmond.
The people of 'Virginia have thus allowed
this giant insurrection to make its nest within
her borders, and thus Government has no
choice left but to deal with it where it finds
it, and it has the less regret, as the loyal
citizens have, in duo form, claimed its pro
tection. Those loyal citizens this Govern
ment is bound to recognize and protect, as
being Virginia.
In the Border Stater, so called, in fact
the Middle States, there aro those who fa
vor a policy which they call armed neutral.
ity, that is, an arming of those States to
prevent the Union forces passing one way,
or the disunion the other, over their soil;
this would he disunion completed. Figura
atively speaking, it would bo the build
ing of an impassable wall along the lino of
separation, and yet not quite an impassable
one, fur under the guise of neutrality it
would be in the hands of the Disunion linen,
and freely pass supplies from among them
CO the insurrectionists, which it could not
do as an open enemy.
At a stroke it would take all the trouble
off the hands of Secession, except only what
proceeds from the external blockade. It
would do for the Disunionists that which of
all things they most desire, feed them well
and give them Disunion without a struggle
of their own.
ft requires no fidelity to the Constitution,
no obligation to maintain the Union, nod
while very many who have favored it are
doubtless loyal, it is nevertheless very inju
rious in effect. Recurring to the action of
the Government, it may be stated that at
first a call was made for 75,000 militia, and
rapidly following this n proclamation was
issued for closing the ports of the insurrec
tionary districts, by proceedings in tho na
ture of a blookade. So far, all was believed
to be strictly legal.
At this point the insurrectionists an
nounced their purpose to enter upon the
practice of privateering. Other calls were
made for volunteers, to serve for three years,
unless sooner discharged, and also for large
additions to the regular army and navy.—
These measures, whether strictly legal or
not, were ventured upon under what ap
peared to be a popular demand and a public
necessity, trusting then as now that Con
gress would readily ratify them. It is be
lieved that nothing has been done . beyond
the constitutional competency of Congress.
Soon after the first call for militia, it was
considered a duty to authorize the Command
ing General in proper cases, according to
hie discretion, to suspend the privilege of
the writs of habeas corpus, or, in other
words, to arrest and detain without resort
to the ordinary processes and forms of law.
such individuals as ho might deem danger-,
ous to the public safety. This authority
has purposely been exercised but very spar
ingly. Nevertheless the legality and pro
priety of what has been dune under it are
questioned, and the attention of the coun
try has been called to the proposition that
one who is sworn to take care that the laws
be faithfully executed should not himself
violate them. Of course some consideration
was given to the questions of power and
propriety before this matter was acted on.
The whole of the laws which were required
to be faithfully executed, were being resisted
and failing of execution in nearly one-third
of the States. Must they be allowed to finally
fail of execution, even had it been perfectly
clear that by the use of the means necessary
to their execution, some single law, made in
such extreme tenderness of the citizens' lib
erty that practically it relieves more of the
guilty than of the innocent, should to a very
limited extent be violated?
To state the question more directly. are
all the laws bat one to go upessanttel and
the gacernment itself go to pieces, lest that
one be molested? Even in such a case,
would not the official oath be broken if the
Government should be overthrown, when it'
was believed that disregarding the single
law would tend to preserve it?
But it was not believed that this question
was presented. It was not believed that
any law was violated. The provision of the !
Constitution that the privilege of the writ of
habeas corpus should not be suspended un- !
less in eases of rebellion or invasion, or the ;
public safety require it, ' is equivalent to a
provision that such privilege may be sus- i
pended when in cases of rebellion or inra- I
sion the public safety does require it. It was
decided that we have a case of rebellion, and ;
that the public safety does require the quail
fled suspension of the privilege of the writ
which was authorized to bo made.
Now it is insisted thnt Congress and not
the Executive is vested with this power.
But the Constitution itself is silent as to
which or whn is to exercise the power, and
as the provision was plainly made for a
dangerous emergency, it cannot be believed
that the framers of the instrument intended
that in every case the danger should run its
course until Conzress could be called togeth
er, the very assembling of which might be
prevented, as was intended in this case, by
the Rebellion.
No more extended argument is now of
fered, as an opinion at some length will
probably be presented by the Attorney-Gen
eral. Whether there shall be any legisla
tion upon the subject, and if any what, is
submittol entirely to the better judgement
of Congress.
The forbearance of this Government had
been so extraordinary and so long continued
as to lead some foreign nations to shape
their action as if they supposed the early
destruction of our National Union was
probable.
While this, on discovery, gave . the Exec
utive some concern, ho is now happy to say
that the sovereignty and rights of the Uni
ted States are now everywhere practically
respected by foreign powers, and a general
sympathy with the country is manifested
throughout the world.
The reports of the Secretaries of the
Treasury, War and the Navy, will give the
information in detail deemed necessary and
convenient for your deliberation and action,
while the Executive and all the Depart
ments will stand ready to supply omissions,
or to communicate new facts considered im
portant for you to know.
It is now recommended that you give the
legal means for making this contest a short
and decisive ono; that you place at the con
trol of the Government fur the work at least
400,000 men and $400,000,000.
That number of men is about one-tenth of
those of proper ages within the regions
where apparently all are willing to engage,
and the sum is less than the twenty-third
part of the money value owned by the men
who seem ready to devote the whole.
A debt of 5G00,000,000 now is a loss sum
per head than was the debt of our own Revo
lution when we came out of that struggle,
and the money value in the country now
bears even a greater proportion to what it
was then than does the population. Surely
each man has as strong a motive now to pre
serve our liberties as each had then to es
tablish them?
A right result at this time will be worth
more to the world than tea times the men
and ten times the money. The evidence
reaching us from the country, leaves no
doubt that the material for the work is
abundant. and that it needs only the hand
of legislation to give it legal sanction, and
the hand of the Executive to give it practi
cal shape and efficiency.
Ono of the greatest perplexities of the
Government is to avoid receiving troops fas
ter than can be provided fur them. In a
word, the people will save their Government,
if the Government itself will du its part only
indifferently well. It might,seem, at first
thought, to be of little difference whether
the present movement at the South be called
Secession, or Rebellion. The movers, how.
ever, well understand the difference. At
the beginning they knew they could never
raise treason to any respectable magnitude
by any name which implies violation of law.
They know their people possessed as much
of moral sense, as much of devotion to law
and order, and as much pride in, and rev
erence for the history and Government of
their common country as any other civilized
and patriotic people.
They knew they could make no advance.
meat directly in the teeth of these strong
and noble sentiments. Accordingly, they
commenced, by an insiduous debauching of
the public mind. They invented an ingen
ious sophism which, if conceded, was follow.
ed by perfectly logical steps through all the
incidents to the complete destruction of the
Union. The sophism itself is that any State
of the Union may, consistently with the Na
tional Constitution, and therefore lawfully
and peacefully withdraw from the Union '
without the consent of the Union or of any
other State.. The little disguise, that the
supposed right is to be exercised only for a
just cause, because they themselves are to •
be the sole judges of its justice, is too thin
to merit any notice.
With rebellion thus sugar-coated, they
have been drugging the.publio mind of their
section fur more than thirty years, and until
at length they have brought many good men
to a willingness to.take up arm; against the
Government the day after 80100 assemblage
of men have enactcd . tbe farcical pretence of
to1;60 -MEL YEAR .I. AIWA CE; $2,00 :IF NOT ADV ANCE
taking their State out of the Union, who
could have been brought to no such thing
the day before.
The sophism tiering much, perhaps the
whole of its currency, from the :assumption
that there is some omnipotent and sacred
supremacy reitaining to a State, to each
State of our Federal Union. Our States
have neither more nor less power than that
reserved to them in -the Union by the Consti
tution, no one of them ever having been a
State out of the Union. Tho original ones
passed into the Union even before they cast
off their British Colonial dependence, and
the new ones each came into the Union di
rectly from a condition of dependence, ex
cepting Texas; and even Texas, in its tem
porary independence, was never designated
a State.
The now ones only took the designation of
States on coming into the Union; while that
name was first adopted for the old one in
and by the DLelaration of Independence.—
Therein the United Colonies were declared
to be free and independent States.
But even then the object was plainly not
to declare their independence of one another,
or of the Union, but directly the contrary.
as their mutual pledge and their mutual ac
tion, before at the time and afterwards,
abundantly show. The express plighting of
faith, by each and all of the original thirteen,
in the articles of confederation, two years
later, that "the Union shall be perpetual,"
is most conclusive. llaving ' never been
States, either in substance or in name ont
side of the Union, whence this magical om
nipotence of State Rights asserting a claim
of power to lawfully destroy the Union of
the States?
Much is said about the sovereignty of the
States, but the word even is not in the
National Constitution, nor as is believed in
any of the State Constitutions. What is a
Sovereignty, in the political sense of the
term? Would it be far wrong to define it
a "political community without a political
superior?" Tested by this, no one of our
States, except Texas, ever was a sovereign
ty, and even Texas gave np•the character on
coming into the- Union, by which act she
acknowledged the Constitution of the United
States and the laws and treaties of the
United States, made in pursuance of the
Constitution, to be for her the supreme law
of the land. The States have their status in
tho Union, and they have no other legal
status. If they break from tbie, they can
only do so against law and by revolution.—
The Union, and not themselves separated,
procured their independence and their lib
erty. By conquest or purchase, the Union
gave each of them whatever of independence
and liberty it has.
The Union is older than any of the States,
and in fact it created them as States. Origi
nally some dependent. colonies made the
Union and, in turn, the Union threw off their
old dependence for them and made them
States: States, such ns they are, not one of
them ever had a State Constitution inde
pendent of the Union. _
Of course it is not forgotten that all the
new States framed their Constitutions before
they entered the Union; nevertheless depen
dent upon, and preparatory to coming into
the Union.
Unquestionably the States have the _pow
ers and rights reserved to them in add by
the National Constitution; but among those,
surely, are not included all contaivable
powers, however mischievous or destructive,
but at most such only ns nre known in the
world at the time, as Governmental powers,
and certainly a plover to destroy the Govern.
ment itself had never been known as a Gov
ernmental as a merely administrative power.
This relative matter of National power
and State Rights as a principle, 2i no other
than the principle of generality and locality.
Whatever concerns the whole should be
confided to the whole—to the General Gov
ernment; while whatever concerns only the
State should be left exclusively to the State.
This is all there is of original principle
about it. Whether the National Constitu•
tion, in defining boundaries between the
two, has applied the principle with exact
accuracy, is not to be questioned. Wo are
-also bound by the t defining, without ques
tion. What Is now combatted is the posi
tion that Seces'.ion is consistent with the
Constitution, is lawful and peaceful, It is
not contended that there is any express law,
and nothing should ever be implied as law
which leads to unjust or absurd conse
quences. .
The nation purchased with money the
countries out of which several of these
States, were (Premed. Is it just that they
'should go otr without refunding? The na
tion paid very large sums—in the aggregate,
I believe, of a hundred-millioni—to relieve
Florida of the Aboriginal tribes.' -
Is it just that she shall now go off without
consent or without making nay return? The
nation is now in debt for money applied to
the benefit ofthese so-called Seceded States
in common with the rest. Is it just either
that creditor* shall go unpaid, or the re
maining States, pay the whole? Part of the
present national debt was-contracted to pay
the old debts of Texas. le it just that she
shall leave and pay no part of this het
self?
Again, if one State may secede, so may
another, and when all shall have seceded.
none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite
just to creditors? Did we notify them of this
sage view of ours when we borrowed their
money? If we now recognize this doctrine
by allowing the Seceders to go in peace. it
is difGeult to see what we este do if others
CWIIOLE
choose to go, or to extort terms upon which
they will promise to remain.
IThe'seeeders insist that our Consditntion
admits of secession. They have assumed
to make a National Constitution of the ir
,
own, in which, .orneceisity`they'hti've either
discarded or retained tho right of secession
las they insist it exists in ours. II they hare
d iscarded it, they thereby admit that ca
! rinoiple it ought not to be in our , :
! If they have retained it by their o7sn ec
struction of ours, they ehow, that to be cot:-
!
sostent they must becede from one another
whenever they shall find it. the easiest way
!of settling their debts, or eTectinz Roy other
! selfish or unjust object. The principle itself
is one of disintegration, and 'Ton whicl no
Government can possibly endure'.
llf all the States save one should astlrt
' the power to drive that one out thetnion,
it is pteatuned the whole class of seceder
p diticions would at once 'deny the power.
and denounce the act as the greatest outrage
, upon State rights. But suppose that pre
cisely the same act, instead of being called
to driving tho one out, should he called the
seceding of the otherfrom thatone. Itwould
ba exactly what the seceders claim to do,
unless, indeed, they make thapnint, that the
one because it is a minority, may rightfully
do what the other, because they are a major
' ity, may not rightfully do. These politic ens
are subtle and profound on the rights , A*ln!-
norities; they are not partial to that power
which made the Constitution, and spooks
from the preamble calling itself "The Peo
ple."
It may well be questioned whether theie
is to-day, a majority of the legally qualified
voters of any State except, perhaps, South
Carolina in favor of Disunion. There is
much reason to believe that' the Union men
are the majority in many, if not in every
other one of the so-called Seceded States.
As the contrary has not been demonstra
ted in any one of them, it is ventured to of-
Um this even of Virginia and Tennessee,
for the result of an election held in military
camps • where the bayonets • were all
on one side of the question' vote! upon, earl
scarcely be considered as a demonstration
of popular sentiment. • At such an election
all that large class who are not at once for
the Union and against coati* would be
coerced to vote for the Union. It may be
affirmed, without irxtravaganee, that the free
institutions• we enjoy have divelotaid the
power and - improved the" condition -of our
whole people beyond any example in the
world.
This is, I hope, a striking andimprassive
illustration. So large an army as the -06 -
Grua:tent has now on foot, was never befo're
known without a soldier in it but wha kid
taken his place there of hie own
But more than this. There ore'' many
regiments whose members, one and ancrthir,
possess full practical knowledge of all the
arts, sciences, professions, and whateier
else, whether useful 'or elegant, ilia( is
known in the world; and 'there is sturctily
one from which there could tiorbelieleatea a
President, a Cabinet; a*CoMkreis,larid -*-
haps a Court, abundantly oSiai)fitent 4 to tid•
minister the Government itself:' ' ' '
Nor do I say thin is not true also in' the
army of our' late friends, now advrearibs,
in this contest. But if it is, so much bettor
the reason why the government, whieb - has
conferred inch benefits on both theuViiiod
us. should not be broken up.- Whoever:lin
any section, prophses to. isbandhlVefich a
Government ; --would do well-to consider in
deference to what principle it is.thit tie does
it.
What better he is likely to get in its *lead.
Whether the substitute will, give, or be•in•
tended to give. ma much of good tothe peo
ple. There are some foreshadowings on this
subject. Our adversaries have• adopted
some declarations of indepeadenee, in whieh.
unlike the good old one penned by Jefferson.
they omit the words, "All men *recreated
equal." Why? They have adopted.a
tem
porary National Constitution in the pream
ble cf which unlike our good oldtonev.signed
by WAMTNOTON, they omit "We,t thiCpso
pie," and substitute "We, the deputies of
the sovereign and independent Stittvief—
, Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of
view the rights of men, nod the authority of
the people? • •
This is essentially a people's contest. On
the side of the Union-it is a straggle fur
maintaining in the world thattom arid sub
stance of government, whose leading object
is to elevate the condition of.men; to lift ar
tificial weights from all shoulders; to clear
the paths of laudable pursuit for all; to af
ford all an unfettered start, and, a fair chatico
in the race of life.
Yielding to partiid and temporary depar
tures from impurity. this s theArading
jest of theGoympinent for whose st4tencs
Ira contead.
I am most happy to believe that.the plain
people understand and appreoistethie, It
is worthy of note that while inthis, the Gov
ernment's hour of trial...large Awakens of
those in the army and ans.,. who hue been
favored, with the offices, Imes.rserszlsed and
preyed Matto the hand which lusdiescaper
al thew, not one Commons soldier°rowan:on
sailor is bums to have dessrted - hieflik—
Greet IgNIOt is due to those offteareWho.re
realised true, despite the example ofstizeir
treacherous associates. - • - • -
Bat the greatest honor and morn Imre
taut fact of all is theannuthooqiiinnitere of
the common soldiers and
To the hest cow. so fa:4'B.kt 'esierigiborleave
successfully twisted tbsitailtsniot *Sea of-
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