■the American Volunteer 9 [•UBMStIBD EVERT THUUBD.i,T MOIININQ John B. Bratton, OFFIOB-BO UTS MARKET SQ UARR, Xbrms,—Two dollars per year if paid striotly la advance. Two Dollars and Fifty Cents If paid within threo mofltliß, after which Three pollard will be charged. These terms will bo rigidly adhered to In bvory instance. No sub scription discontinued until all arrearages are paid, unless at the option of the Editor. tho light, and for the flrst time the Continental Banner floated over the solitudes of the Doad Rivor. This is a fact attested by history and corroborated by tradition. IPfllSkal BDIINER TO HIS CONSTITUENTS, Prfl.Ulcntlal Candidates ContraMtod REASONS IN FAVOII OF MB. ÜBEEEEV EXTRACT PROM MR. SUMNER’S SPEECH. Liberal Republican Headquar ters, No. 21 School street, Boston, Aug. 24, 1872.—My Dear Sir: lam directed by the Liberal Republican State Com mittee to communicate to yon a vote,, of whieh the following is a copy : Voted, That the Chairman, in the name of the Liberal Republican State Committee, invite the Hon. Charles Sum ner to address his constituents on public affairs in Fanouil Hall at the earliest day that may suit his convenience. Allow me to add my earnest personal wishes that you will be able to comply with the request. “ The great soul of the world is just,” and the sober second thought of the people of Massachusetts will, I doubt not, sustain you in the po sition you have taken-in favor of reform and reconciliation, and therefore of the election of Greeley and Brown. Very faithfully yours, F. W. Bird. . To the Hon. Charles Sumner. Boston, Aug. 30, 1872. —Dear Sir: I i have been honored by your communica tion of August 24, inviting me in the name of the Liberal Republicans of Mas sachusetts to speak in li’aneuil ball. It is with inexpressible pain and regret that I feel constrained to decline this flattering opportunity. I had confidently hoped, on returning home, to meet my fellow-citizens in that venerable forum, so dear to us all, and to speak once more on great questions involving the welfare of our country.— But recurring symptoms of a painful character warn me against any such at tempt. My physician advises me that I must not, for the present, make any public. effort, and he prescribes rest. Valued friends, familiar with ray con dition, unite with the excellent physi cian Xn submitting most reluctantly to these admonitions, I cannot renounce the privilege of communicating with my fellow-citizens, and therefore, hand you a copy of what,- with the blessing of health, I hoped to say. in the House of Representatives undelivered speeches are sometimes ordered to be printed. You may follow this precedent with mine, or do with ft as you please. Meanwhile, accept my best wishes, and believe me, dear sir, very faithfully yours, Citables somneb,. . To the Hon, Francis Bird, Chairman, &c., &c, [The subjoined is the address referred to In Senator Sumner’s letter, and which was to have been delivered at Faneuil ball last week.] Fellow Citizens: It Is on the invi tation of the State Committee of Liberal • Republicans that I have the honor of ad dreaslngyou. I shall speak directly, on the Issue before us. If X am frank and plain, it will be only according to my nature, and the requirement of duty at this time. But nothing can X say that is not prompted by a desire to serve my country, and, especially, to promote that era of good will when the assent of all shall be assured to the equal rights' of all. THE TWO CANDIDATES. At the approaching Presidential elec tion the people are to choose between two candidates- By the operation of our electoral system and the superadded dic tation of national the choice is practically limited to President Grant and Horace Greeley, so that no prefer ence for another can be made effective. Preferring Horace Greeley,. I have no hesitation in assigning the reasons which lead me to this conclusion; Believing that the present incumbent unfit for the great office to which he aspires for a sec ond time, and not doubting that a vote for him would be regarded as the sanc tion of abuses and pretensions unrepub lican in character, I early saw the dif- ficulty of taking any part for bis re-elec tion. Long ago I declared that, while recognizing party ns an essential agency and convenience, X could not allow it to constrain my conscience against what seemed the requirements of public good. Regarding always substance rather than form, I have been indifferent to the name by which I might be called. Nor was I suppressed by the way in which tho can didate was urged. Supporters, while ad mitting his failure, anil even the abuses and pretensions so notorious in his civil *lfo, commended his re-election ashoces- VOL. 59.—N0. 14 sary to uphold tho party with which I have boon associated. But it is easy to see that avoto for such a candidate on such a reason was “ to do evil that good might come,” which is forbidden In pol itics as in morals. Two sourced seemed open. One was to abstain from'voting, and I confess that this was my drat in clination. But it is not easy for. me to be neutral, certainly where wrong doing is in question;- nor Is it my habit to shrink from responsibility. . But tho doubt that beset mo was removed when I saw the Democratic party adopt tho. candidate opposed to President Grant, being an original Republican already nominated by a Republican Convention, and at tho same time accept tho Republican plat form on whlcn he was nominated. Ah old party which had long stood out against the Republican cause now placed itself on a Republican platform, the best ever adopted, with a Republican candi date, who was the most devoted candi date ever nominated, thus completely accepting the results of tho war and of fering the hand of reconciliation. At I once the character of tho contest ohang | od. This was no common event. Par don me if say that to me it was of pe culiar interest. For years I have sought to establish in the national government the great principles of the declaration of independence, avowing always that when this was done nobody should surpass me in generosity toward former rebels. Not only by the logic of my life, but by con stant speeches, was I bound to welcome those who placed themselves on this glorious platform; The extent of this obligation will appear before I close; and now Its performance harmonizes with opposition to the prolonged misrule o the present incumbent. TWO REASONS IN FAVOR OF GREELEY. Evidently I am not at liberty to ab stain from voting. In considering tbe reasons in favor of Horace Greeley, X .find two, different in character, but of chief Importance—first, Chat ho repre sents a reformed civil service, beginning with the one term principle, without which this reform is too much like a sham; and, secondly, that he represents reconciliation, not only between the two sections, but between the two races, which is essential to the repose of the country and the safeguard of equal rights. To these must be added that he does not represent those personal pretensions so utterly inconsistent ’ with Republican government which'are now known as Qrantism. In voting for Horace Gree ley you will not sustain nepotism, you will not sustain gift-taking rewarded by official favor, and you will not lend sanction to tbe Ban Domingo machina tion, with Its unconstitutional usurpa tions, its violations of international law, and its indignity to the Black Republic. Elsewhere X have considered these fully, and I am not aware of any answer to those undeniable facts. I shall only glance at them now. NKP'OTXSMi Nepotism is already condemned by history, and justly; for it is obviously n form of self-seeking, hostile to purity of government, and strangely out of place in a republic. Nothing for self, but ail for country and mankind, should be the rule of our President; If the promptings of his inner nature fail, then must he feel the irresistible obligation of bis po sition. As he does, so will others do ; pud, therefore, must his example be such as to elevate the public service. Noth ing In Washington’s career has shone with more constant light than his refusal to confer office on his relations. Even at the time It arrested attention, not on ly at home, but abroad, finding praise In England. Of this there is a striking ii lustration. The licgislei- of the limes, published at London in 1795, in an arti cle entitled, “Interesting and Authentlo Documents Respecting the United States of America,” records this homage: "The execution of the office of Chief Magis trate has been attended through a term of four years with a circumstance which, to an admiring world, requires no com mentary. A native citizen of the United States, transferred from private life to that station, has not, during so long a term, appointed, a single relation to any office of emolument or honor.” [Vol. iv. p. 121. By such confession an admiring world looked on. Something would I do; something, I trust, the American people will do at the coming election, to secure this beautiful praise yet again. for our country GIFT-TAKING' Like nepotism, the taking of gifts by a public servant is condemned by history. No honest nature can uphold It.. How well did our late Gen, Thomas, so admit rable in character, rebuke this abuse when be replied to an offer of $lOO,OOO, as I am told, “let me go to my men !” If not a form of bribery, it is kindred in nature, and this has long been, recog nized, from the Bible down to our day. According to the latter it' is destructive ; “The king by judgment established the land, but he that receiveth gifts over throweth it.” [Proverbs, chap, xxxix, y. 4.] Here again is the example of Washington brightly lighting the true Republican pathway. The same Presi dent who would not appoint a relation would not take a gift even when out of office. His example was in harmony with the lesson of colonial days. As long ago as April 20, 1703, Queen Anne, in a communication to Lord Combury, Gov ernor of New Jersey, laid down the fol lowing rule : that neither the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Commander-lu chlef, or President of the council, “ do receive any gift or present from the As sembly or other on any account or In any manner whatsoever, upon pain of our highest displeasure, and being recalled from your government,” This rule is as good for our day as for that in which it was ordained by royal authority. There la another instance which should not bo forgotten. It Is that of Lord Wellesley, the accomplished brother of the Duke of Wellington) A word so common as that of Smiles on Self-help, records that while governor general of India, ho positively refused a present of £lOO,OOO from the di rectors of the East India company on the conquest of Mysore, and hero the terms of his refusal are important. " la la not necessary for me to allude to the inde pendence of my character, and the pro per dignity attaching to my offioe.Other reasons besides these important consid erations lead mo to decline this testimo- I ny, which is not suitable to me, I think * 00 *3 .*OO |7 00 $l2 00 f 22 . . .50 800 < 500 'O.OO 14 00 20 00 a** f 2.00 400 6uj 600 11 00.10 00 8000 4•• 260 475 675 075 12 60 1H 00 82 GO 5•• 300 550 660 7£l 14 09 SO 00 Si 00 6•* 3GO OGO 750 860 15 60 22 60 87 60 2m 400 760 860 050 17 50 25 00 42 00 3« 500 860 .060 10 GO 20 00 80 00 60 00 O' 1 750 10 CO 13 60 10 00 23 00 40 00 75 00 I y 10 00 15 CO 20 00 25 00 40 00 75 00 100 00 Twelve lines constitute a square. For Executors’ and Adm’rs'. Notices ' ft For Auditors' Notices, 2 00 For Assignees’ and similar Notices, - 800 For Yearly Car'd b, not exceeding six lines, 7Of For Annoancomontii live centsporllne un loss contracted for by the year; For Business and special Notices, 10 centr per line. , Double column advertisements extra. of nothing but the army. I should ba much distressed'to curtail'the share of I those bravo soldiers." His refusal re malaed unalterable. At a later period, when nearly SO years of age, embarrassed by debts, and entirely withdrawn from public life, be allowed the company to vote him a much smaller sum, in con sideration of bis signal services. OIPT-MAKEKS APPOINTED TO OFFICE. The allowances voted by parliament to Marlborough and Wellington on ac count of their victories, can bo no pre cedent for the acceptance of gifts from fellow citizens. The distinction is clear. But the case against the present Incum bent is not only that while bolding high offices be accepted gifts from fellow citi zens but subsequently appointed the gift makers to office, thus using the Presiden cy to pay offhls.own personal obligations. Please bear this in mind, and when some apologist attempts to defend the taking of gifts, let him know that he must go still further, and show that the Presiden cy, with all its patronage, is a perquisite to be employed for the private advan tage of the Incumbent. santo domingo; Next in illustration of the prevailing misrule is the Santo Domingo business, with its eccentricities of wrong doing, and this,' too, is now in issue. At the thought of this unprecedented enormity, where wrong assumes such various forms, it is bard to be silent; butlsliall be brief. The case is clear, and stands on docu ments which cannot be questioned. I ■keep within the line.of moderate state* ment, when I say that front the begin ning of government, nothing in our for* elgn relations has been so absolutely in defensible. It will not do to call it sim ply a fault and an insolence; it Was an elaborate contrivance, conceived in lust of territory, pursued In ignorance, main* tninedln open violation of the.natlonal constitution, pushed' forward in similar violation of International law in . funds* mental principles, and crowned by in tolerable lndignity to the black republic, oven to the extent of menacing hostili ties and the sinking of its ships—all without the authority of Congress, and by Presidential prerogative alone. In this drama, the President, line a favor ite aptor, assumed every part. In nego tiating the treaty, he was President; in declaring war, he was In Congress; in sending ships and men, be was comman der in chief; and then, in employing private influence with Senators, to pro mote his scheme according to the prom ise in the protocol with Baez, signed in bis name by Orville E. Babcock, entitled therein, “ aid-de-camp of bis excellency General Ulysses 8. Grant, President of" the United States of America," he was lobbyist. That such things can be done by a President without Indignant con demnation, loud and universal, shows a painful .demoralization in the country. That their author can be presented for re-election to the Presidency, whose powers he has thus misused, shows dis heartening insensibility to public virtue. Here 1 remark that so long as the Presi dent confined himself to negotiation, he was strictly within the line of the con stitution. Even if Indiscreet in charac ter and impolitic in object, it was not unconstitional. But in seizing war pow ers without the authority of Congress in upholding the usurper Baez, that ho might sell his country—in menacing the black republic, and then paying the lob byist to promote the contrivance, the President did what no other President ever did before, and what, for the sake of Republican institutions, should be re buked by the American people. It was the knowledge of these proceedings that changed essentially my relations to the question. PERSONAL MISREPRESENTATIONS. I allude with hesl tation' to personal misrepresentations on the matter. It has been said that I promised originally to support the treaty. This is'a mistake, I Uaow nothing of tho treaty, nod had no suspicion of it until several months after the protocol, and some time after the negotiations were completed ; and then my simple promise was that it should have! from me “ the most .careful and candid considerationand such I gave it most sincerely. At first my opposi- tion was reserved and without allusion to the President.. It was only when the strange business was fully disclosed in official documents, communicated in confidence to the senate, and it was still pressed, that I felt impelled to a sterner resistance. Especially was I constrained when ! found how tho people of Haytl suffered. It so happened that I had re ported the bill acknowledging their in dependence and establishing diplomatic relations between the two countries, assuring that equality which had been violated. Not unmoved could I witness the wrong inflicted upon them. And has it come to this, that the President of the Great Republic Instead of carrying peace and good tidings to Africans com mencing the experiment of self-govern ment, should become to them an agent of terror? It Is difficult to see how I could have done otherwise. Anxious to excuse the anger toward me, it has. been said that I opposed the treaty because Mr. Motley was unceremoniously re- moved from the mission at London; and hero you will see the extent to which misrepresentation has gone. It so happens that Mr. Motley was removed on tho day immediately fol lowing the rejection of the treaty. Ev idently my opposition was not influ enced by the removal, Was the removal influenced by my opposition ? Equally absurd is the story that t am now in fluenced by personal feelings. lam a public servant, trained to duty, and now, ns always before, I have yielded only to this irresistible mandate/ With mo there Is no alternative. The mis- conduct of tho Resident, so apparent In tho' Santo Domingo device, became more conspicuous In the light of Illus trated facts, showing It to be a part of a prevailing misrule, which, for the sake of our country, should not be prolonged. As a patriot citizen, anxious for the na • tionnl welfare and renown, am I obliged lo declare these convictions. lam now brought to thoso two chief measures to bo advanced by the election, of Horace Qreoloy.each of controlling Importance; ono looking directly to purity and effi- ciency in the government, and the oth- er to tho peace and welfare of our conn- try. advertising. Ho I 1 001 T IQ. I 'A O 99