®|)e American Volunteer.
IMTHTIISHBD EVERY THURSDAY MORNING
BRATTON Ac KENNEDY.
OFFICE-.AOVTII MARKET SQUARE.
Terms:— Two Dollars per year If paid strictly
m advance; Two Dollars and Fifty Cents If paid
within throe months; oftor which Three Dollars
will be charged. Those terms will bo rigidly ad
hered to in every instance. No subscription dis
continued until all arrearages are paid, unless at
ho option of the Editor.
professional fflatfrs.
JOHN E. MILLEB, Attorney at
Daw Office in Hannon’s Building, opposite
me Court House, OarlitU, ra.
Nov, 14, 1807. ___
A DAM KKLLER, Attorney at
A. Law, Carlisle, Office with W. M. 1 enrose,
EsqT, Uhcom’s Hall,
October B,lW37—<3m*
yNXTED STATES CLAIM
REAL ESTATE AGENCY!
WM. B. BU-TLEE,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Office la 2d Story of InhofTe Building, No. 3 South
Hanover Street, Carlisle, Cumberland county,
tensions, Bounties, Buck Bay. *c„ promptly
C Applications by mull, wlll rcoelvo Immediate
attention gluen to the selling or rent-
Inc of Ileal Estate, In town or country. In all loi
ters of Inquiry, please enclose postage stamp. #
July 11,18C7~tf *
pvR. GEORGE S. SEARIGHT, Den-
U TI3T. From the Baltimore College of Dented
Nurffer//. OlUce ot the residence of bis
East Boutbor Street, three doors below Badford,
Cittllolo,
Deo. 1,1805.
JH WEAKLEY, Attorney AT Law.
* Office on South Hanover street. In the room
formerly occupied by A. B. Sharp o * ksq.
171 E. BELTZHO.OVER, Attorney
|» AND CoUNSEiiOn AT Law, Carlisle, Penna,
Office on South Hanover street. opposite Bonus
Store. By special arrangement with the I atont
OlQoe attends to securing Patent Rights.
Dec. 1, ISBS,
CHAS. E. MAGLAUGHLIN, Attor
ney at Law. Office in Building formerly
occupied by Volunteer, a few doors South of Han
non’s Hotel.
Deo. 1, 1805.
TOHN. C. GRAHAM, Attorney at
J Law. Office formerly occupied by Judge
Graham, South Hanover street. Carlisle, lonno.
Dec. 1,1805— ly.
MC. HERMAN, Attorney at Law.
. Office in RUeera’s Hall Building,
rear of the Court House, next door to the Her
ald” Office, Carlisle, Penna,
Deo. 1,1805.
S' F. SADLER, Attorney at Law,
. Carlisle, Penna. Office In Building for
occupled by Volunteer, South Hanover
street.
Dec. 1, 1805. __
\\T KENNEDY Attorney at Law.
W . Carlisle. Penna. Office same ns that ol
i he ‘‘American volunteer,” South side of the Pub
lic Square.
Dec. 1. 1805.
JOHN LEE, Attorney at Law,
North Hanover Street, Carlisle, Pa.,
i« eb. 15,1800—ly.
TAMES A. DUNBAR. Attorney at
ml law, Carlisle, Penna. Office a few doors
West of Hannon’s Hotel.
Deo. 1.1805. •
R. J. B. BIXLER offers bia profea
slonal services to the citizens of Carlisle ana
'officcT’on Main street, opposite the Jail, in the
room lately occupied by L. Todd, Esq.
April 11,1807— ly
?sartrtoaw, faints, &c.
TTARDWARE; IRON, NAILS, &c.
AT HENRY SAXTON’S
OLD AND
CHEAP HARDWARE STORE
EA a T M A Ijy 8 TR EE T,
NEXT DOOR TO THE CORMAN HOUSE,
I have Just returned from the East with the
largest and best selection .of HARDWARE over
offered in old Cumberland, and am able to sell
the following articles a little lower than else
where in the county. All orders attended U) per
sonally and with our usual promptness. Goods
delivered to all parts of the town free of charge.
Hammered, Roiled and English Refined Iron,
> Horse-Shoe Iron, Russia Sheet Iron. Burden s
Horse and Mule Shoes, Norway Nall Rods, San
derson’s Cast-Steel English and American Blister
Steel, Sleigh Solo Steel, Spring Steel, Carriage
Springs, Carriage Axles, Ac. The largest assort
• inonl or
CARRIAGE & WAGON FIXTURES
yet offered, such a«
SPOICES ,
HUBS,
FELLOES,
BOWS
PLAIN and'FINISHED SHAFTS
SLEIGHRUNNEBS, d-c., &c.
5,00 BARREL-S
llosondale, Scotland and Hancock Cement, all
warranted fresh. Douglas’ unci Cowing s ,
IRON AND CHAIN PUMPS.
POWDER.—A full stock oC Dupout’s Rock,
Rlllo and Duck Powder, Safety Fuse, Picks, Mat
tocks, Drills Crow-bars, Sledges, Ac.
1.000 KEGS NAILS,
which wo will sell low. Country merchants sup
plied at manufacturers prices,
PAINT'S.—2O Tons of tho following brands o 1
While Ldad and Zinc:
WhelheriWs French Zinc,
Liberty, American do.,
Suck, Colored do..
Crystal, Snow White do..
Mansion, Florence do.'
COLORS of every description, Dry and in Oil
xi i>nn« .and tubes, also, Gold Leaf, Freuch and
German Loaf Bronze u *
OILS AND VARNISHES.
Linseed OU, Turpentine, _
Sperm do., Coach Varnish do.,
Fish do.. Furniture do.,
Lard do., While Demar do.,
Lubrio do., Japan do.,
Neats Foot do., iron A Leather do
Also, Putty, Litharge, Whiting. Glue, Shellac
Rosin, Chalk, Alumn, Copperas, Borax, Madder,
Logwood, AO.. AC. HENRY SAXTON-
Sopt. 13. 1860
Miller & rowers,
BUCCBSSOBS TO
lewis f. lyne,
Iforlh Hanover Street, Carlisle, Fa
Dealers in American, English and German
HARDWARE,
Cutlorv,
Saddlery,
Coach Trimmings,
Shoe Findings,
Morocco and Lining Siting
Lasts,
Boot Trees
and Shoemaker Tools
of every description. Solid and Brass Box Vicos,
Bellows, Files, Rasps, Horae Shoes, Horse Shoo
Halls. Bar ana Rolled Iron of all sizes.
HAMES AND TRACES.
Carriage Springs, Axles, Spokes, Fellows, Hubs,
Ac.,&c. Saws of every variety, Carpenters’ lools
and Building Material, Table and Pocket Cutlery,
Plated Forks and Spoons, with an extensive as
sortment of Hardware of all kinds and of the best
manufacture, which will bo sold wholesale or re
tail at the lowest prices. We are • aking great
improvements in our already I y stock 01
goods, and invito all persons In want of Hard
ware of every description to give ua a call and we
are confident you will bo well paid for your trou
ble. - • '
Hoping that by strict attention to business and
a disposition to please oil we will be able to
maintain the reputation of the old stand.
MILLER & BOWERS.
Dec. 1,18C5.
DRUGS! DRUGS!—Dr. D. Common
having to relinquish an extensive practice,
as well as Sis Drug business In the city of Pitts
burg. several years ago, on account of 111 health,
has now opened at Mo. 3d N. Hanover street, be
tween the oSice’s of Drs, Klelfor and Zltzer, a
DRUG STORE, where ho has and Is receiving ev
ery few days a pure stock of Drugs, Chemicals,
Dye Stuttb and everything generally kept in a
well-regulated City Drug Store. Prescriptions
carefully compounded and family receipts will
receive special care. The Dr. can be consulted at
any hour, at bis office, back of his store, or at his
dwelling. No. 112 N. Hanover street, after store
hours. Remember the place. No. 3d N. Hanover
Street, Carlisle.
* DR D. CORNMAN.
Bopt 12,1«J7—1y
pAXNTING AND
PAPER-HANGING
Tho undersigned has resumed his regular busl
neas of PAINTING AND PAPER-HANGING.-
.PLAIN AND
FANCY PAINTING,
SIGN PAINTING,
LETTERING, Ac.,
. N.EATLT EXECUTED AT SHORT NOTICE,
Residence and Shop No. 91 North Hanover
i.street, Carlisle.
July 1L IBC7—flm
TJIVERY VARIETY of Cooking Uten
. Jj alls. Tin, Sheet-Iron and Japanned Ware, for
'■Halt; by Hinksjiith a HUPP, No, (18 North Hanover
Street, Cavitate,
Oot. Bt, IWI7—H
BY BRATTON & KENNEDY.
PRESIDENT’S MESSAGE.
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House
of Representatives: .
The continued disorganization of the
Union, to which the President has so of
ten called the attention of Congress, is
yet a subject of profound and patriotic
concern. We may, however, And some
relief from that anxiety in the rcllection
that the painful political situation, al
though before untried by ourselves, is
not new.in the experience of nations.
Political science, perjhaps as highly
perfected In our own time and country
as in any other, has notyetdiscloscd any
•means by which civil wars can be abso
lutely prevented; an enlightened nation,
however, with a wise and beneficent
Constitution of free government, may
diminish their frequency and mitigate
their severity, by directing all its pro
ceedings in accordance with its funda
mental law. When a civil war has been
brought to a close, it is manifestly the
first interest and duty of the State to re
pair the injuries which the war Ims in
dicted, and to secure the benefit of the
lessons it teaches, as. fully and as speedi
ly as possible. This duty was, upon the
termination of the rebellion, promptly
accepted, not; only by tno Execuilvo De
partment, but by the insurrectionary
States themselves, ami restoration in the
first moment of peace, was believed to bo
as easy and certain ns it was'indispensa
ble.
The expectations, however, then so
reasonably and confidently entertained,
were disappointed by legislation from
which I felt constrained, by my obliga
tions to the Constitution, to withhold my
assent. It is, therefore, a source of pro
found regret that in’complying with the
obligation imposed upon the President
by the Constitution, to give to Congress
from time to time information of the
state of the Union, I am unable to com
municate any definitive adjustment sat
isfactory to the American people, of the
questions which, since the close of the
rebellion, have agitated the public mind.
On the contrary, candor compels mo to
declare that at this time there is no Union
as our fathers understood the term,
and as they meant it to bo understood.by
us. The Union which they established
can exist only where all the States are
represented in both Houses of Congress;
“ where one State is as free as auotner to
regulate its internal concerns according
to its own will,” and where the laws of the
central government, strictly confined to
matters of national jurisdiction, apply
with equal force to all the people of every
section.
That such is not the present “ state of
the Union” is a melancholy fact, and we
all must acknowledge that the restora
tion of the States to their proper legal re
lations with the Federal Government,
and with one another, according to the
terms of the original-compact, would be
the greatest temporal blessing which
God, in his kindest providence, could be
stow upon this nation.
It becomes our imperative duty to con
sider whether or not it is Impossible to
effect this most desirable consummation.
The Union and the Constitution are in
separable. As long as one is obeyed by
all parties, the other will be preserved;
and if one is destroyed, both must perish
together. The destruction of the Consti
tution will be followed by other and still
greater calamities. ,
It was ordained not only to form a
more perfect Union between the States,
but to “establish justice, insure domestic
tranquility, provide for the common de
fence, promote the general welfare, and
secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves
and our posterity.” Nothing but impli
cit obedience to its requirements, in all
parts of the country, will accomplish
these great ends. Without that obedi
ence wo can look forward only to contin
ual outrages upon individual rights, in
cessant breaches of the public peace, na
tional weakness, financial dishonor, the
total loss of our prosperity, the general
corruption of morals, and the final ex
tinction of popular freedom. To save our
country from evils so appalling as these,
we should renew our efforts again and
again.
To me the process of restoration geems
perfectly plain and simple. It consists
merely in a faithful application of the
Constitution and laws. The execu
tion of the laws is not now obstructed or
opposed by physical force; there is no
military or other necessity, real or pre
tended, which can prevent obedience to
the Constitution, either North or South.
All the rights and all the obligations of
State and individuals cau be protected
and enforced by means perfectly consist
ent with the fundamental law. Tjie
courts may be everywhere open, and, if
open, their process would be unimpeded.
Crimes against the United States can be
prevented or punished by the proper ju
dicial authorities in a manner entirely
practicable and legal.
There is, therefore, no reason why tho
Constitution should not beobeyed, unless
those who exercise its powers nave deter
mined that it ahull be disregarded and
violated. Tho mere naked will of this
Government, or of some one or more of
its branches, is the only obstacle that cau
exist to a perfect Union or all tlio States.
On this momentous question, and some
of the measures growing out of it, I have
had the misfortune to differ from Con
gress, and have expressed ray convictions
without reserve, though with becoming
deference to the opinion of the Legisla
tive Department. " .
Those convictions are not only un
changed, but strengthened bysubsequent
events and further reflection. The tran
scende'nt importance of the subject will
be a sufficient excuse for calling your at
tention to some of the reasons whir
have so strongly Influenced my own jud •
ment. The hope that we may all finally
concur in. a mode of settlement consistent
at once .with oUr true interests, and with
our sworn duties to the Constitutionals
too natural and too just to be easily relin
quished.
It is clear to my apprehension that tho
States lately in rebellion arc still mem
bers ofthe National-Union. When did
they cease to be so? Tho “ Ordinances of
Secession” ’adopted by most
of them a very small portion—of their
citizens were mere nullities. If we ad
mit n<> w that they were valid and effec
tual fc r the purpose intended by their
authors t we sweep from under our feet
tho whole ground upon whioh we justi
fied the war. Were those States after
wards expelled frdm the Union by t!
war? Thedlrectcontrary was averred by
this government to be its purpose, and
was so understood by all those who gave
their blood and treasure to aid in its pros
ecution.
It cannot be that a successful war,
waged for the preservation ot the Union,
had the legal effect of dissolving it
The victory, of the nation’s arms was not
the disgrace of her policy ; the defeat of
Secession on the battle-field was not the
triumph of its lawless principle; nor
could Congress, with of without the con
sent of the Executive, do anything which
would have the effect, directly or indi
rectly, of separating the States from each
other. To dissolve the Union is to re
peal the Constitution which holds it to
gether, and that Is a power which does
.not belong to any department of this gov
-eminent, or all of them united.
This is so plain that it has been ac
knowledged by all branches of the Fed
eral Government. The Executive, my
Eredecessor, as well as myself, and the
eads of all the departments have uni
formly acted upon the principle that the
Union is notonly undissolved, but indis
soluble. Congress submitted an amend
ment to the Constitution to be ratified by
the Southern States, and accepted their
acts of ratification as a necessary and
lawful exercise of their highest function.
If they were noc States, or were States
out of the Union, their consent to a
change in the fundamental law of the
Union would have been nugatory, and
Congress in asking it committed a politi
cal absurdity. ■
The Judiciary has also given the sol
emn sanction of its authority to the same
O. A.'BMITH.
«lu Mcrirfln flolnnteer
view of the case. The Judges of the Su
preme Court have included the Southern
Slates in their circuits, and they are con
stantly, in banc and elsewhere, exercis
ing jurisdiction which does notbelong to
them, unless those States are States of
the Union. If the Southern States are
component parts of the Union, the Con
stitution is the supreme law for them, as
it is for all the other States. They are
jiound to obej r it, and so are wo. The
right of the Federal Government, which
is so clear and unquestionable, to enforce
the Constitution upon them, implies the
corolativo obligation on our part to ob
serve its limitations and execute its guar
anties. Without the Constitution wo are
nothing; by, through and under the
Constitution we are what it makes us.
Wo may doubt the wisdom of law ; we
may not approve of its provisions, but we
cannot violate it merely because it seems
to coniine our powers within limits nar
rower than we could wish. It is not a
question of individual, or class, or sec
tional interests, much less of party pre
dominance, but of duty—of high ami sa
cred duty—which we are all sworn to
perform/ If wo cannot support the Con
stitution with the cheerful alacrity of
those who love aud believe in it, we must
give to It, at least, the fidelity of public
servonts who act under solemn obliga
tions and commands which they dare not
disregard. The constitutional duty is
not, the only one which requires the
.States to be restored; there is another
consideration, which, though of minor
importance, is yet of great weight.
. OBJECT OF THE DATE WAR.
On the 22d day of July, 1801, Congress
declared, by an almost unanimous vote
of both Houses, that the war should bo
conducted solely for the purpose of pre
serving tho. Union and maintaining the
supremacy of the Federal Constitution
and laws, without impairing the dignity,
equality and rights of the States or of in
dividuals, and that when this was done
the war should cease. I do not say that
this declaration is personally binding on
those who joined in.making it, any more
than individual members of Congress are
personally bound to pay a public debt
created under a law for which they vo
ted. But it was a solemn public official
pledge of the national honor, and I can
not Imagine upon what grounds- the re
pudiation ofit is to be justified.
If it be said that wo are not bound to
keep faith with rebels, let it bo remem
bered that th la promise was not made to re
bels only. Thousands of true men la the
South were drawn to our standard by it,
and hundreds of thousands in tho North
gave their lives in the belief that It would
be carried out. It was made on tho day
after the first great battle of the war bad
been fought and lost. All patriotic and
intelligent men then saw the necessity
of giving such an assurance, and believed
that without it the war would end in d s
aster to our cause. Having given that
assuranceintheextremity of our peril, tho
violation of it now, iii the day of our ppw
er, would be a rude rending of that good
faith which holds tho moral world to
gether. Our country would cease to have
any claim upon tho confidence of men.—
It would make the war not only a failure
but a fraud.
Being sincerely convinced that these
views are correct, I would bo unfaithful
to my duty if I did not recommend the
repeal of the acts of Congress which
place ten of the Southern .States under
tho domination of military masters. If
calm reflection shall satisfy a majority of
your honorable bodies that the acts re
ferred to are not only a violation of the
national faith, but in direct conflict with
the Constitution, I dare not permit my
self to doubt that you will immediately
strike them from tho statute book. To
demonstrate the unconstitutional charac-
ter of those nets, I need do no more than
refer to their general provisions. . -
It in us t be seen at once that they are not
authorized. To dictate what alterations
shall be made in the Constitutions of the
several States; to control tho elections of
tlie State legislators and State officers,
members of Congress and electors of Pres
ident and Vice President by arbitrarily
declaring who shall vote and who Shall
bo excluded from that privilege; to dis
solve State legislatures or prevent them
from assembling; to dismiss judges and
other civil functionaries of tho Slate and
appoint others without regard to State
law; to organize and operate ail the po
litical machinery of the States; to regu
late tho whole administration, of their
domestic and local affairs according to
tlie mere will of strange and irresponsi
ble agents sent among them for that pur-
Theso are powers not granted to the
Federal Government or'to any one of its
branches; not being granted, wo violate
our trust by assuming them as palpably
as we would byaotiug in the face of a po
sitive interdict, lor tho Constitution for
bids us to do whatever it does not affirma
tively authorize, even by express words
or by clear implication. If the authority
we desire to use does not come to us
through the Constitution, we can exer
cise it only by usurpation, and usurpation
is one of tho most dangerous of political
crimes. By that crime the enemies of
free government in all ages have worked
out their designs against public liberty
and private right. It leads directly and
immediately to the establishment of ab
solute rule; for undelegated power is al
ways unlimited and unrestrained.
The acts of Congress in question are not
only objectionable for their assumption
of uugranted power, but many of their
provisions are in conflict with the direct
prohibitions of the Constitution. The
Constitution commands that a republican
form of government shall be guaranteed
to all the States; that no person shall bo
deprived of life, liberty or property, with
out due process of law; arrested without
a judicial warrant, or punished withouta
fair trial before an impartial jury; that
the privilege of habeas corpus shall not
be denied in time of peace, and that no
bill of attainder shall bo parsed oven
against a single individual'. Yet tlie
system of measures established by these
acts of Congress does totally subvert and
destroy the form as well as tho substance
of republican government. In the ten
States to which they apply it bind's them
hand and foot in absolute slavery, and
subjects them to a strange and hostile
power more unlimited and more likely to
be abused than auy other now known
among civilized men.
It tramples down all those rights lu
which the essence of liberty consists, and
which a free government is always most
careful to protect. It denies the habeas
corpus and trial by jury. Personal free
dom, property and life, if assailed by the
passion, the prejudice or the rapacity of
the ruler, have no security whatever. It
has the effect of a bill of attainder, or bill
of pains and penalties, not upon a few in
dividuals, but upon whole masses, includ
ing the millions who inhabit the subject
States, and even their unborn children.
These wrongs being expressly forbidden,
cannot be constitutionally indicted upon
any portion of our people, no matter how
they may have come within our jurisdic
tion,’ and no matter whether they live in
States, Territories or Districts.
I have no desire to save from the proper
and just consequences of their great crime
those who engaged in rebellion against
the government but ns a mode of punish
ment, the measures under consideration
are the most unreasonable that could be
invented. Many of those persons are
perfectly innocent. Many kept their fi
delity to the Union untainted to t(ie Inst.
Many were incapable of any legal offence.
A large proportion even of the persona
able to bear arms were forced into rebel
lion against their will; and of those who
are guilty with their own consent the de
grees of guilt are as’various ns the shades
of their character and temper.
But these acts of Congress confound
them all together in one common doom.
Indiscriminate vengeance upon classes,
sects, and parties, or upon whole comma
nicies for offences committed by a portion
of them against thegovernmentsto which
they owed obedience, was common in the
barbarous ages of the world. But Chris
tianity and civilization have made such
CARLISLE, PA., THURSDAY, DECEMBER 12, IB6T,
progress, that recourse to a punishment
so cruel and unjust would meet with 'the
condemnation of all unprejudiced and
right-minded men. The punitive justice
of this age, and especially of this country,
does not consist in stripping whole States
of their liberties and reducing all their
people, without distinction, to the condi
tion of slavery. It deals separately with
each individual, confines itself to the
forms of law, and vindicates its own pur
ity by an impartial examination of every
case before a competent judicial tribunal.
If this does not satisfy all our desires
with regard to Southern rebels, let us
console ourselves by reflecting that a free
Constitution, triumphant in war and un
broken in peate, is worth far more to us
and our children than the gratification of
any present feeling
I am aware it is assumed that this sys
tem of government for the Southern States
is not to bo perpetual. It is true this
military government is to bo only provis
ional, but it is through this temporary
evil that a greater evil is to be made per
petual. If thogunranteesof the Constitu
tion can bo broken provisionally to serve
a temporary purpose, and in part only of
the country, we can destroy them every-:
where, and for all time. Arbitrary meas
ures often change, but they generally
change for the worse. ;
It is the curse pf despotism that it nas
no halting place. The intermitted cxer
olaoof its power brings no sensoofaeci ri
ty to its subjects, for they can never ko>w
what more they will be called upon to
endure when its red right hand is armed
to plague them again. Nor is it possible
to conjecture how or where power unre
strained bylaw may seek Its next
The States that are still free may bo en
slaved at any moment, for if the Consti
tution does not protect all, it protects
none.
It is manifestly and avowedly the' ob
ject of these laws to confer upon negroes
the privilege of voting, ana to disfran
chise such a number of white citizens as
will give tho former a clear majority at
all elections in Southern States. This) to
tho minds of some persons, is so import
ant. that a violation of the Constitution
is justified as a means of bringing it
about.
The ujorallty Is always false which ex
cuses a wrong because it proposes to ac
complish a desirable end. Wo are not
S emitted to do evil that good may come,
ut in this also the end itself is evil as
well as'fne trioaijs. The subjugation of
States to negro domination would bo
worse than the military despotism under
which they'are now suffering. It was
believed beforehand that the people
would endure any amount of military op
pression for any length of lime, rather
than degrade themselves by subjection to
the negro race. Therefore they have been
left without a choice.
Negro suffrage was established byactof
Congress, and the military officers were
commanded to superintend the process of
clothing the negro race with political
privileges torn from white men.
The blacks of the South are entitled to
bo well and humanely governed, and to
have the protection of just laws for all
their rights of person and property. If it
were practicable at this Ume to give them
a government exclusively their own, un
der which they might manage their own
affairs in their own way, it would become
a grave question whether wo ought to do
so. or whether common humanity would
not require us to save them from them
selves. .
But, under the circumstances, this is
only a speculative point. It is not pro
posed merely that they shall govern
themselves, but that they shall rule the
white race, make and administer State
laws, elect Presidents and members of
Congress, and 'shape, to a greater or.lssij
extont, the future destiny of the whole
country. Would such ajtrust and power
be safe in such hands? The peculiar
qualities which should characterize any
people, who are lit to decide upon the
management of public affairs for q great
State, have seldom been eombiued.
It is the glory of white men to know
that they have had these qualities in suf
ficient measure to build upon this conti
nent a great political fabric, and to npe:
serve its stability for more than ninety
years, while in every other part of the
world all similar experiments have failed.
But if anything can be proved by known
facts ; if all reasoning upon evidence is
abandoned, it must be acknowledged that
in the progress of-nations negroes have
shown less capacity for government than
any other race of people. No independent
govern ment of any form has ever been suc
cessful in their hands. On the contrary,
wherever they have been left to their
own devices they have shown a constant
tendency to relapse into barbarism.
In the Southern States, however, Con
gress has undertaken to confer upon them
the privilege of the ballot. Just released
from slavery, it may be doubtful whether,
as a class, they know, more than their
ancestors, how to organize and regulate
civil society. Indeed, it is admitted that
the blacks of the South are not only re
gardless of the rights of property, but so
utterly ignorant of public affairs that
their voting can consist in nothing more
than carrying a ballot to the place where
they ore directed to deposit it.
I need not remind you that the exercise
of the elective franchise is the highest at
tribute of an American citizen, and that
when guided by virtue, intelligence and
patriotism, and a proper appreciation of
our free institutions, it constitutes the
true basis of a Democratic form of Gov
ernment, in which the sovorign power is
lodged in the body of the people. A trust
artificially created, not for its own soke,
but solely as a menus of promoting the
general welfare, its influence for good
must necessarily depend upon the eleva
ted character and true allegiance of the
elector; it ought, therefore, to bo reposed
in none except those who are lilted, mor
ally and mentally, to administer it well,
for if conferred upon persons who do not
justly estimate its value, and who are in
different as to its results, it willonlyserve
as a means of placing power in the hands
of the unprincipled and ambitious,
must eventually eud in the complete des-’
truction of that liberty of which itshould
be the most powerful conservator. , I
have, therefore, heretofore, urged upon
your attention the great danger to bo ap
prehended from an untimely extension
of the elective franchise to any new class
in our country, especially when the large
majority of that class, in wielding the
power thus placed in their hands, cannot
be expected correctly to comprehend the
duties and responsibilities which pertain
to suffrage. Yesterday, as it were, four
millions of persons were held in a condi
tion of slavery that had existed for gen
erations. To-day they are freemen, and
are assumed by law to be citizens. It
cannot be presumed from their previous
condition of servitude, that.asaclass, they
are as well informed as to the nature of
our government ss the intelligent foreign
er who makes our land the home of his
choice. , ~ ...
In the case of the latter, neither a resi
dence of five years nor the knowledge of
our institutions which it gives, nor at
tachment to the principles of the Consti
tution are the only conditions upon
which he cun bo admitted to citizenship.
Ho must prove-, in addition, a good mor
al character, and thus give reasonable
ground for the belief that he will bo
faithful to the obligations which he
assumes as a citizen of the Republic. ■
Where a people, the source of all political
power, speak by their suffrages through
the instrumentality of the ballot-box, it
must be carefully guarded against the con
trol of those who are corrupt In principle
and enemies of free Institutions, for It can
only become to our political and social
system a safe conductor of healty popular
sentiment when kept free from demoral
izing influences. Controlled through
fraud and usurpation by the designing,
anarchy and despotism must inevitably
follow.. In the hands of the patriotic and
worthy our government will he preserved
upon the principles of the Constitution
inherited from our fathers.
It follows, therefore, that in admitting
to the ballot-box anew class of voters, not
qualified for the exercise of the elective
franchise, we weaken onr system of gov
eVhtnent Instead of aiding strength and
durability.
I yield to no one in attachment to that
rule of general suffrage which distinguish
es our policy as a nation. But there is a
limit, wisely observed hitherto, which
makes the ballot a privilege and a trust
which requires of some classes a time
suitable for probation am! preparation.—
To give it indiscriminately to a new class,
wholly unprepared by previous habits
and opportunities to perform the trust
which U demands, is to degrade it, and
finally destroy its power, for it may be
safely assumed that no political truth is
better established than such indiscrimi
nate ami all-embracing extension of pop
ular suffrage must end at last in over
throw and destruction.
I repent the expression of my willing
ness to join in any plan within the scope
of our constitutional authority which
promises to better the condition of the ne
groes In the South, by encouraging them
in Industry, enlightening their minds,
improving their morals and giving pro
tected to all their just rights ns freed
men. But the transfer of our political
inheritance to them, would, in my opin
ion, bo an abandonment of a duty which
we owe alike to the memory of our fath
ers and the rights of our children.
The plan of putting the Southern States
wholly, and the General Government
partially, into the bauds of negroes, is
proposed at a time peculiarly unpropi
tious. The foundations of society have
been broken up by civil war. Industry
must bo reorganized, justice re-establish
ed, public credit maintained, and order
brought out of confusion. To accomplish
these ends would require all the wisdom
and virtue of the great men who formed
our institutions originally. I confiden
tly believe that their descendants will be
equal to the arduous task before them ;
but it is worse than madness to expect
that negroes will perform it for us. Cer
tainly we ought not- to ask their assis
tance until we despair of our own com
petency.
The great difference between the two
races iirphysical, mental an(J moral char
acteristics will prevent an amalgamation
or them together in one homo
geneous mass. If the Inferior obtains the
ascendency over the other, it will govern
with reference only to its own Interests—
for it will recognize no common Interest—
and'create such a tyranny as this Continent
has never yet witnessed. Already the
negroes are influenced by promises of
confiscation and plunder; they are taught
to regard ns an enemy every white mnh
who has any respect for the rights of his
own race.
If this continues it must become worse
and worse, until all order will bo subver
ted, all industry cease, aud the fertile
fields of the South grow up Into a wilder
ness. Of all the dangers which bur na
tion has yet encountered, none are equal
to those which must result from the suc
cess of the effort now making to African
ize the half of our country.
Iwould not put considerations of mon-.
ey in competition with justice and right,
but the expenses Incident to reconstruc
tion under the system adopted by Con
gress aggravate what Iregard as the in
trinsic wrong of the measure itself. It
has cost uncounted millions already, and
if persisted in will add largely to the
weight of taxation already too oppres
sive to bo borne without just complaint,
and may finally reduce the treasury of
the nation to n condition of bankruptcy.
We must not delude ourselves. It will
require a strong standing army, and
probably more than two hundred mil
lions of dollars per anum to maintain
the supremacy of negro governments af
ter they are established. The sum thus
thrown away would if properly used,
form a sinking fund large enough to pay
the whole national debt in less than fif
teen years. It is vain to hope that ne
groes will maintain their ascendency
Uiemselves. Without military power
they are wholly incapable of holding in
subjection the white people of the South.
I submit to the judgment of Congress
whether the public credit may not bo in
juriously affected by a system of meas
ures like this. With our debt, and the
vast private interests which are compli
cated with it, we cannot ho too cautious,
of n policy which might by possißlity
impair the confldenceof the world in our
government. That confidence can only
bo retained by carefully inculcating the
principles of justice and honor on the
popular mind, and by the most scrupu
lous fidelity to allour engagements of eve
ry sort. Any serious breach of the or
ganic law, persisted in for a considerable
time, cannot but create fears for the sta
bility of our institutions. Habitual vio
lation of prescribed rules, which wo bind
ourselves to observe, must demoralize the
people. Our only standard of civil duty
being set at naught the sheet anchor of
our political morality is lost, the public
conscience swings from Us moorings, and
yields to every impulse of passion and In
terest. If we repudiate the Constitution
wo will not be expected to care much for
mere pecuniary obligations.
The violation of such a pledge as we
made on the 22d day of July, 1801, will
assuredly diminish the market value of
our other promises; besides, if we now ac
knowledge that the national dept was
created not to hold the States in the
Union, as the tax-payors were led to sup
'pose, but to expel them from it and hand
them over to be goverened by negroes,
the moral duty to pay it may seem much
less clear. I say it may seem so, for Ido
not admit that this or any other argu
■ ment in favor of repudiation can bo en
tertained as sound; but its Influence on
some classes of minds may well be ap
prehended. The financial honor of a
great commercial nation, largely indebt
ed, and with a republican form of gov
ernment administered by agents of the
popular choice, is u tiling oi such deli
cate texture, and the destruction of it
would be followed by such unspeakable
calamity, that every true patriot must de
sire to avoid whatever might expose it to
the slightest clanger.
The great interests of the country re
quire immediate relief from these ennet
•mouts. Business in the South Is para
lyzed by asenseof general insecurity, by
the terror of confiscation and the dread of
negro supremacy.
The Southern trade from which the
North would have derived so great a
profit under a government of
languishes, and can never bo revived un
til it ceases to befettored by the arbitrary
power whlcbmakes all Us operations
unsafe. Thatrich country, tho reheat in
national resorces the world ever saw, is
worse thnulost, if it be not soon placed
under theprotectlou of a free constitution.
Instead of being as itou ght tobe, a source
of wealth aud power, it will become an
intolerable burden upon the rest of tho
nation.
Another reason for retracing our steps
will doubtless be seen by Congress in the
late manifestations of public opinion up
on this subject. We live in a country
whore the popular will always enforces
obedience to Itself, sooner or later. It is
vain to think of opposing it with any
thing short of legal authority, backed by
overwhelming force. It cannot have es
caped your attention that, from tho day
on which Congress fairly and formally
presented tho proposition to govern the
Southern States by military force, with
a view to the ultimate establishment of
negrosupremacy, every expression of the
general sentiment has been more or Jess
adverse to it. The affections of this gen
eration cannot be detached from the in
stitutions of their ancestors. Their de
termination to preserve tho Inheritance
of free grovernment in their own hands,
and transmit it undivided and unimpair
ed, to their own posterity, is too strong
to be successfully opposed. Every weak
er passion will disappear before that love
of liberty and law for which the Ameri
can people are distinguished above all
others in the world.
How far the duty of-the President “ to
preserve, protect and defend the Consti
tution” requires him to go on in oppos
ing an unconstitutional act of Congress,
is a very serious and important question,
on which I have deliberated much and
felt extremely anxious to reach a proper
conclusion. Where an act has been pass
ed according to the forms of the Consti
tution, by the supremo legislative au
thority, and is regularly enrolled among
the publid statutes of the country, Ex
ecutive resistance to It, especially in time
of high party excitement, would be like
ly to produce violent collision between
the respective adherents of the two
branches of the government! Trills would
be simply civil war, and civil war must
be resorted to only as the lust remedy for
the worst of evils. Whatever might tend
to provoke it should be most carefully
avoided. A faithful and conscientious
magistrate will concede very much to
honest error aud something even to per
verse malice, before lie will endanger the
public peace, and he will not adopt forci
ble measures, or such as might lead to
force, as long as those which are peace
able remain open to him or to his constit
uents.
It is true that cases may occur in which
the Executive would be compelled to
stand on its rights, and maintain them
regardless of all consequences. If Con
gress should pass an act which is not on
ly in palpable conflict with the Constitu
tion. but will, certainly, if carried out,
produce immediate and irreparable inju
ry to the organic structure of the govern
ment,.and if there be neither judicial
remedy for tho wrongs it inflicts, nor
power in the people to protect themselves
without the official aid of their elected
defender; If for instance, the Legislative
Department should pass an net, even
through all the forms of Jaw, to abolish
a co-ordinate department of tho govern
ment, in such a cose the President must
take tho high responsibilities of his of
fice, and save tho life of- the nation at all
hazards.
The so-called Beconslruclion acts,
though os plainly unconstitutional as
any that can be imagined, wore not be
lieved to be within the class last mention
ed. The people were not wholly disarmed
of tho power of self-defence. In all the
Northern States they still held in their
hands the sacred rightsof the ballot, and
it was safe to believe that in due time
they would come to the rescue of their
own institutions. It gives me pleasure
to add that the appeal to our common
constituents was not taken in vain, and
that my confidence in their wisdom and
virtue seems not to have been misplaced.
It is well and publicly known "that
euorm9us frauds have been perpetrated
on the Treasury, and that collossal for
tunes have been made at the public ox
fieuse ; this species of corruption has
ncreased, Is increasing, and, and if not
diminished, will soon bring us into total
ruin aud disgrace. Tho public creditors
and the tax-payers are alike interested in
an honest administration of the finances,
and neither class will long endure' the
large-handed robberies of the recent
past. For this discreditable state of
things there are several causes. Borne of
< the taxes are so laid as to present an irre
sistible temptation to evade payment.—
Tho great sums which officers may win
by connivance at fraud, create a pressure
which is more than the virtue of many
can withstand, and there cun be no doubt
that the open disregard of constitutional
obligations avowed by some of the high
est and most influential men in the coun
try, has greatly weakened the moral
sense of those who servo in subordinate
places.
The expenses of the United Slates, in
cluding interest on the public debt, are
more than six times as much us they
were seven years ago. To collect and
disburse this vast amount requires care
ful supervision as well as systematic vigi
lance. Tho system, never perfected, was
much disorganized by the “Tenure of
Olfico bill," which has almost destroyed
official accountability. Tho President
may bo thoroughly convinced that an of
ficer is incapable, dishonest and unfaith
ful to the Constitution, but, under the
law which 1 have named, the utmost he
cun do is to complain to the Senate, and
ask the privilege of supplying his place
with a better man. If the Senate be re
garded as personally or politically hostile
to tho President, it is natural apd not al
together unreasonable for the officer to
expect that it will take his part as far
as possible, restore him to his place,
and give him a triumph over his Execu
tive superior.
The officer has other chances of impu
nity, arising from accidental defects.of
evidence, the mode of investigating it
and ttie secrecy of the hearing. It Is not
wonderful that official malfeasance
should become bold in proportion as
the delinquents learn to think them
selves safe. lam entirely persuaded that
under such a rule the President cannot
perform tho great duty assigned to him
of seeing the laws faithfully executed, and
that itdisables him most especially from
enforcing that rigid accountability which
is necessary to the due execution of tho
Bevenue laws,
Tho Constitution invests tho President
with authority to decide whether a re
moval should bo madein any given case ;
the act of Congress declares in substance
that he shall only.accuse such as he sup
poses to be unworthy of their trust. The
Constitution makes him tho sole judge
in the premises; but tho statute takes
away his jurisdiction, transfers it to the
Senate, and leaves him nothing but the
odious, and sometimes Impracticable, du
ty of becoming a prosecutor. The prose
cution is to bo conducted before a tribu
nal whose members are not, like him, re
sponsible to the whole people, but to
separate constituent bodies, aud who may
hear his accusation with great disfavor. —
Tho {Senate is absolutely without any
know’ll standard of decision applicable to
such a case. ‘ Its judgment cannot be an
ticipated, for it is not governed by any
rule. .
'i'lie law does not define what shall bo
deemed good cause for removal; it is im
possible even to conjecture what may or
may not be so considered by the Semite.
The nature of the subject forbids clear
proof. If the charge be incapacity, what
evidence will support it? Fidelity to Hie
Constitution may bo understood or mis
understood in a thousand didcreut ways ;
and by violent party men, in violent par
ty limes, unfaithfulness to the Constitu
tion may even come to lie considered
meritorious. If the officer be accused of
dishonesty, how shall it be made out?—
Will it be inferred from act- unconnected
with public duty, from private history,
or from general reputation ? Or must the
President await the commission of an ac
tual misdemeanor in office? Shall he,
in the meantime, risk the character and
interest of the nation in the hands of
men to whom ho cannot give his confi
dence? Must lie forbear his complaint
until the mischief is done and cannot be
prevented? If his zeal in the public ser
vice should Impel him to anticipate the
overt net, must he move at the peril of
being tried himself for the oflonce of
slandering ins subordinate? In the
present circumstances of the country,
some one must be held responsible for
official delinquency of every kind. It is
extremely difficult to say whore that re
sponsibility should bo thrown, if it be not
left where It has been placed by the Con
stitution. But all just men will admit
that the President ought to be entirely
relieved from such responsibility. If he
cannot meet it by reason of restrictions
placed by law upon his action.
The unrestricted power of removal
from office Is a very great one to bo trust
ed even to a magistrate chosen by the
general suffrage of the whole people, and
accountable directly to them lor his acts.
It. la undoubtedly liable to abuse, and at
some periods of our history perhaps has
been abusid. I fit be thought desirable
and conMilutbnml that it should be so
limited as to make the President merely
a common Informer against other public
agents, he should at least be permitted to
act in that capacity before some open tri
bunal, independent of party politics,
ready to investigate the merits of every
case, furnished with the means of taking
evidence, and bound to decide according
to established rules. This would guaran
tee the safety of the accuser when he acta
in good faith, and at the same time se
cure the rights of the other party. I
VOL. 54.—N0. 26.
speak of course with all proper respect
for the present Senate* but ft dees not
seem to mo that any legislative body can
be bo constituted as to insure its fitness
for these functions.
It Is not the theory of this Government
that public offices are the property of
those who hold them. They arc given
merely as a trust for the public benefit,
sometimes for a fixed period, sometimes
during good behavior, butgonorally they
are liable to bo terminated at the pleasure
of the appointing power, which repre
sents the collective majesty and speaks
the will of the people. The forced reten
tion in office of a single dishonest person
may work great injury to the public in
terests. The danger to the public service
comes not from the power to remove, but
from the power to appoint. Therefore it
was that the framers of the Constitution
left the power of removal unrestricted,
while they gave the Senate a right to re
ject all appointments which, in Its opin
ion, -were not tit to be made. A little re
flection on this subject will probably sat
isfy all who have the good of the country
at heart that our best course is to take the
Constitution for our guide, walk in the
path marked out by the founders of the
Itepublio, and obey the rules made sa
cred by the observance of our great pre
decessors.
The present condition ol our finances
and circulating medium is one to which
your early consideration is invited.
Tho proportion which the currency of
any country should bear to the whole
value of the annual produce circulated by
its meuus Is a question upon which polit
ical economists have not agreed. Nor
can it be controlled by legislation, but
must be left to the Irrevocable laws which
everywhere regulate commerce aud trace.
The circulating medium will ever irre
sistibly How to those points where it is in
greatest demand. The law of demand
and supply is as unerring as that which
regulates tho tides of the ocean ; and in
deed currency, like the tides, has Us ebbs
and Hows throughout' tho commercial
world.
Attlie beginning of tho rebellion tho
bank-note circulation of tho country
amounted to not much more than two
hundred millions of dollars; now tho
circulation of National Bank notes and
those known as “ legal tenders” is near
ly seven hundred millions. While it is
urged by some that this amount should
be increased, others contend that n deci
ded reduction Is absolutely essential to
the best interests of the country; Xu
view of these diverse opinions, It may be
•well to ascertain the real value of our pa
per issues, when compared with a metal
lic or convertible currency. For this
purpose' let us inquire how much gold
and silver could be purchased by the sev
en hundred millions of paper money now
In circulation? Probably not more than
half the amount of the latter—showing
that when our paper currency is compar
ed with gold and silver, its commercial
value is compressed into three hundred
and fifty millions. This striking fact
makes it the obvious duty of the Govern
ment, as early as may bo consistent with
the principles of sound political economy,
to take such measures as will enable tho
holder of its notes and those of the Na
tional Banks to convert them, without
loss, into specie or its equivalent. A re
duction of our paper circulating medium
need not necessarily follow. This, how
ever, would depend upon the law of de
' mand and supply, though U should be
borne in mind that by making legal-ten
der and bank notes convertible into coin
or its equivalent, their present specie val
ue in the hands of their holders would be
enhanced one hundred per cent.
Legislation for the accomplishment of
a result so desirable is demanded by the
highest public considerations. The Con
stitution contemplates that tho circula
ting medium of the country shall bo uni
form in quality and value. At the time
of the formation of that instrument, the
country had just emerged from tho war
of the Revolution, and was suffering from
tho effects of a redundant and worthless
paper currency. The stages of that peri
od were anxious to protect their posteri
ty from the evils which they themselves
had experienced. Hence, in providinga
circulating medium, they conferred upon
Congress tho power to coin money and
regulate tho value thereof, and at tho
same time prohibiting tho States from
making anything but gold and silver a
tender in payment of debts.
The anomalous condition of our cur
rency \s in striking contrast with that
which was originally designed. Our cir
culation now embraces, first, notes of the
National Banks, which are made receiv
able for all dues to the Government, ex
cluding Imposts, and by nil its creditors,
excepting in payment of interest upon
its bonds and the securities themselves ;
second, legal-tender notes, issued by tho
United States, and which the law re
quires shall be received as well in pay
ment of all debts between citizens as of
all Government dues, excepting imposts ;
and, third, gold and silver coin. By the
operation of our present system of finance,
however, the metallic currency, when
collected, is reserved only for one class of
Government creditors, who holding its
bonds, semi-annually receive their inter
est In coin from the National Treasury.
They are thus made to occupy an invidi
ous position, which may be used to
strengthen the arguments of those who
would bring into disrepute the obliga
tions of the nation. In tho payment of
all Us debts, the plighted faith of the
Government should be inviolably main
tained. But while it acts with fidelity
toward the bondholder who loaned his
money that.the integrity of the Union
might be preserved, it should at the same
time observe good faith with the. gicat
masses of the people, who. having rescued
tlie Union from tho perils of rebellion,
now bear tho burdens of taxation, that
the Government may be able to fulfil Us
engagements. There is no reason which
will do accepted as satisfactory by the
people why thoso who defend us on the
land and protect us on the sea ; the pen
sioner upon the gratitude of tho nation,
bearing the scars and wounds received
while in its service; the public servants
in the various .Departments of the Gov
ernment; the farmer who supples the
soldiers of thearmy and thesallors of the
navy; the artisan who toils in the na
tion’s workshops, or the mechanics ami
laborers who build Us edifices and con
struct its fona and vessels of war—should,
in payment of their justand hard-earned
dues, receive depreciated paper, while an
other class of thoircouutrymen, no more
deserving, are paid in coin of gold and
silver. Equal and exact Justice requires
that all tho creditors of the Government
should be paid in a currency possessing a
uniform value. This can only bo accom
plished by the restoration of the curren
cy to tho standard, established by the
Constitution,and by this means we would
remove a discrimination which may, if
It has not already done so, create a pre
judice that may become dccp-rootcd'aml
wide-spread, mid imperil the national
credit.
The feasibility of making our currency
correspond with the constitutional stand
ard may bo seen by reference to a few
facts derived from our commercial sta
tistics.
The production of precious metals in
the United States from 1840 to 1858, in
clusive. amounted to $570,000,000; Irani
1858 to 1800. Inclusive, to $137,500,000;
and from 1801 to 1807, inclusive, to $457,-
500,000— making the grand aggregate of
products since 1840, $1,174,000,000. The
amount of specie coined from 1849 to 1857,
inclusive, was $439,000,000; from 1858 to
18G0, inclusive, $125,00rt,000- : and from 1801
to 1807, Inclusive,s3lo,ooo, 000-muking the
total (‘•ullage since 1849, $874,000,000.
From 18-*o to 1851, inclusive, the net ex
ports of specie amounted to $271,000,000;
from 1858 to 18110, inclusive, to $148,000,-
000; and from 1801. to 1807, inclusive,
$322,000,000— making the aggregate of net
exports since .1849, $741,000,000. Tneae
iiguresshow an access of product over net
exports of $433,000,000. There ere in tiic
Treasury $111,000,000 in coin, something
more than $40,000,000 in circulation on
the Pacific* Coast, and a few millions in
the National and other Banks—in all
Kates for
Advertisements will Do inserted at Ten omUb
per line for tho first Insertion, and five cents
per lino for each subsequent Insertion. Quar
terly, half-yearly, and yearly adverUsemouta In
serted at a liberal redaction on the above rat**.
Advertisements should bo accompanied by tho
Cash. When sent without any length of time
specified for publication, they will be continued
until ordered ont and charged according^*.
JOB PRINTING.
Cards, Handbills. Circulars, and every olfc
or description ol Jon and Card Printing execu
ted in tho neatest style, at low prices.
about §100,000,000. This, however, ta
king into account tho specie in the coun
try prior to 1849, leaves moro than three
hundred millions of dollars which have
not been accounted for by exportation,
and therefore may yet remain in tho
country.
' These are important facts, and show
how completely tho inferior currency
will supercede tho better, forcing it from
circulation among the masses, ami caus
ing it to be exported os a mere article of
trade, to add to money capital of foreign
lands. They show the necessity of
retiring our 'paper money, that the re
turn of gold and silver to tho avenues of
trade may be invited, and a demand cre
ated which will cause tho retention at
homo of at least so much of tho produc
tions of our rich and inexhaustible gold
bearing Helds as may bo sufficicient for
purposes of circulation. It is unreason
able to expect a return to sound.currency
so long as tho Government by continuing
to issue irredeemable notes, fills the chan
nels of circulation with depreciated paper.
Notwithstanding a coinage by our mints,
since 1849, of eight hundred and seventy
four millions of dollars, tho people are
now strangers to the currency which was
designed for their use and benelit, ami
specimens of tho precious metals bearing
the national device are seldom scon, ex
cept when produced to gratify the Interest
excited by their novelty. If depreciated
paper Is to be continued os the permanent
currcucy, and all our coin is to become u
mere article of traffic and speculation, to
the enchancement in price of all that is
indispensable to tho comfort of the peo
ple, it would be wise econcomy to abolish
our mints, thus saving tho nation the
care and expense incident to such estub
ments and let all our own precious
metals be exported in bullion. The
time has come, however, when the Gov
ernment and National Banks should be
required to take tho most efficient steps
and make all necessary arrangements for
a resumption of specie payments at the
earliest practicable period. Specie pay
ments having been once resumed by the
Government and banks, all notes or bills
of paper issued by either of a less denomi
nation than twenty dollars should by law
bo excluded from circulation, so that tho
people may have the benefit and conve
nience of gold and silver currency which
in all their business transactions will be
uniform in value at home and abroad.
Every man of property or industry,
every man who.desires to prooovYo'WtlUZ
he honestly possesses, or to obtain wlmt
he can honestly earn, has a direct inter
est in maintaining a safe circulating me
dium—auch a medium as shall bo real
and substantial, not liable to vibrato with
opinions, not subject to bo blown up or
down by the breath of speculation, but to
bo made stable aud secure, A disordered
currency is one of tUp greatest political
evils. It undermines tho virtues neces
sary for tho support of the social system,
and encourages prophnaitics destructive
of its happiness; it wars against Indus
try, frugality, and economy, and it fos
ters the evil spirits of extravagance and
speculation.” It has been asserted by
one of our profound and moat gifted
statesmen, that “of all the contrivances
for cheating tho laboring classes of man
kind, none has been more cffectutal than
that which deludes them with paper
money. This is the most effectual of in
ventions to fertilize the rich man’s fields
by the sweat of the poor man’s brow.—
Ordinary tyranny, oppression, excessive
taxation —these bear lightly on the hap
piness of the mass of tho community
compared with a fraudulent currency,
and tho roberries committed by depreci
ated paper. Our own history hus.record
cd for our instruction enough, aud more
than enough of tho demoralizing tenden
cy, tho injustice and tho Intolerable op
pression on the virtuous aud well-dispos
ed of a degraded paper currency, autho
rized by law or in any way countenanced
by Government.” It is one of the most
successful devices, In times of peace pr
war, expansions or revulsions, to accom?
plish the transfer of all Ifio precious met
als from the great moss of the people in
to tho hands of the few, where they are
hoarded in secret places or deposited in
strong boxes under bolts and bars, while
the people are left to endure all the in
convenience, sacrifice, and' demoraliza
tion resulting from tho uso of a depreci
ated and worthless paper money.
The condition of our finances and the
operations of our revenue system are set
forth and fully explained in the able and
instructive report of the Secretary of tho
Treasury. On the 30th of June, 1860, tho
public debt amounted to $2,783,425,870;
on the 30th of June Jastit wa552,092,190,-
215, showing a reduction during the lis
cal year of $91,226,004. During tho fiscal
year ending June 30, 1807, the receipts
wore $490,034,010, and the expenditures
$340,729,129, leaving au available surplus
of $143,904,880. It is estimated that tho
receipts for tho fiscal year ending Juno
30, 1808, will be $417,101,928, and that tho
expenditures will reach thosfim of $3.93,-
209,220, leaving in the Treasury a surplus
of $23,892,702. For tho fiscal year ending
June 30, 18G9, it is estimated that the re
ceipts will amount to $381,000,000, and
that tho expenditures will be 5372,000,000,
showing au excess of $9,000,000 in favor
of the Government.
Tho attention of Congress is earnestly
invited to tho necessity of a thorough re
vision of our revenue system. Ourintcr
nal revenue laws and impost system
should bo so adjusted as to bear most
heavily on articles of luxury, leaving tlio
necessaries of life us free from taxation as
may be consistent with tho real wants of
the Government, economically adminis
tered. Taxation would not then fall un
duly on tho man of moderate means;
and while none would be entirely exempt
from assessment, all, in proportion to
their pecuniary abilities, would contrib
ute towards the support of the State. A
modification of the internal revenue sys
tem, by a large reduction in tho number
of articles now subject to tax, would
be followed by results equally advan
tageous to tho citizen and the ■ Gov
ernment. It would render the execution
of the law less expensive and more cer
tain, remove obstruction to industry, les
sen the temptations to evade tho law, di
minish tho violations and frauds perpe
trated upon its provisions, make its ope
rations less inquisitorial, aud greatly
reduce in numbers the army of taxgath
crers created by the system, who “ take
from the mouth of honest labor the bread
it has earned. n Retrenchment, reform
and economy should be carried into every
branch of the public service, that the
expenditures,of tho Government may be
reduced aud the people relieved from op
pressive taxation ; a sound currency
should be restored, and the public faith
in regard to tho national dent sacredly
observed. The accomplishment of these
important results, together with the res
toration of the Union of the States upon
the principles of tho Constitution, would
inspire confidence at home and abroad in
the stability of our institutions, aud bring
to the nation prosperity, peace, and good
will.
Tho report of the Secretary of War cui
interim exhibits tbo operations of the
army and of the several Bureaus of the
War Demartraeut. The aggregate
strength of our military force, on the
3(Hh of September last, was 50,315. The
total estimate for military appropriation
Is $77,124,707, including a deficiency in
dost year’s appropriation of $13,600,000. —
Tho payments at the Treasury onaecount
of tho service of the War Department
from January 1 to October.2o,lB67 —a pe
riod of ten mouths—amounted to $109,-
807,000. Tho expenses of the military
establishment, as well os the numbers of
tho army, aro now three times us great us
they have over been in time *of peace;
while the discretionary power is vested
in the Executive to add millions to this
expenditure by an increase of the army
to the maxima strength allowed by the
law. „ . '
The menacing attitude of some ot the
warlike bauds of Indians inhabiting the
district of country between the Arkansas
and Platte rivers, and portions of Dakota
Territory, required the presence of a large
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