■£i®
herican volunteer
JSHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING.
pi
BRATTON * KENNEDY.
him:— Two Dollars per year If paid strictly
(vance; Two Dollars and Fifty Cents if paid
In three months; after which Three Dollars
be charged. These terms will bo rigidly od
bto in every Instance. No subscription dls-
Inucd until all arrearages are paid, unless at
Ipdon of the Editor.
eneval fcnfovmaticm
U. S. GOVERNMENT,
Ldent—Andrew Johnson.
Be President —L. S. Foster,
fretary of Stato-Wm. H. Seward.
K.tlirv of Interior-Jas. Harlan,
feetnrvof Treasury—Hugh McCniloch.
Kctnrv of war—Edwin M. Stanton,
fc my of Navy-Gideon Wells,
ft Master Genoral-Wm. Dennison.
Snmev General —James S. Speed.
Kf Justice of the United States—Salmon P.
STATE GOVERNMENT.
Icruor-Audrew G. Curtin.
aretary of State —Ell Sllfor.
Iveyor General—James 1 .Barr.
Mitnr General —Isaac Slonkcr,
Key Gencral-Wm. M. Meredith.
Mutant General—A. L Hassell,
tte Treasurer —Henry D. Moore.
Jef Sustlce of the Supreme Court—George W .
E)chues—James Thompson, William Strong,
JM. Rend, Daniel Agnew.
I COUNTY OFFICERS.
Li.ipnt Judge—Hon. James H. Graham,
loclftte Judges—Hon. Michael Cocklln, Hon.
Kricl Attorney— I C. E. Mnglaughlln.
ffithonotory—Samuel Shlremnn.
Ku and Recorder—Ephraim Common.
Mister— George W. North.
mb sheriff—John Jacobs.
Ifinty Treasurer—Levi Zelgler.
aouer—David Smith.
Snty Commissioners—John McCoy, Henry
gs, Alex. F. Meek.
&k—James Armstrong.
Homey—M. C. Herman.
ErHouse Directors—C.Hiirimnu, W. Wherry,
Ithaii Snyder.
Sward—Henry Snyder.
tutors-D. U. Htevlck. J. A. Uebcrlig, Chris-
KDletz
b-slchm to Jail—Ur. S. P. Ziegler,
jygk’lan to Poor House—Dr. b. P. Ziegler.
[ BOROUGH OFFICERS.
.iudacl Burgess—Jolm Campbell.
''Assistant Burgess—William J. Cameron.
: f-T6wn Council—East Ward, J. W. D. Orillelen,
v Andrew B. Ziegler, Geo. Wetzel, (Jims. U. Holler,
f jSSiet Hoffman; West Ward, A. K. lleem, John
s'SSb, Kobt. M. Black, S. D. Hillman ; Clerk, Jus.
• itilasonhaininer. , , ,
IfrrarouKh Treasurer—David Cornman.
!Hleh Constable— Emanuel Swartz; \\ ard Con
itS>iPs—East Ward. Andrew Marlin ;N\ est V ard,
frfftps Widner.
fjSsessor—William Soaker.
fifiidltor—A. K. Shcafer. „ 1(1 „ .
JftxCollector—Andrew Kerr; Ward Collectors,
SttTWard, Jacob Goodyear; West W ayl, H. R.
Patrick Madden.
of the Peace—A. L. Sponsler, David
6bhlli„ Abrm. Dehuff, Michael Holcomb.
. Snip Lighters—Alex. F. Meek, Levi Albert.
Ait Presbyterian Church, northwest angle of
gre Square. Rev. Conway P. Wing, ( Pastor.—
Ices every Sunday morning at II o clock, A.
nd 7 o’clock, P. M. ~
I,‘Second Presbyterian Church, comer of south
BSover and Pomfret streets. Hey. John C. Bliss,
£U|or. Services commence at Ho clock, A, M.,
(ihurch, (rrot. Episcopal) northeast
&of Centre Square. Rev. E. J. Clcrc. Hector.
Mtlccs nt 11 o’clock, A. M., and 7 o’clock P. Jl.
trffihehsh Lutheran Church, Bedford, between
uX b ,„.,l Louther streets. Rev. Sami. Sprecher.
'factor. Services at 11 o’clock A. M., and OH
Church, Louther between
Bonover and Pitt streets. Rev. Samuel Philips,
pJuJtor. Services at 11 o’clock A. M. f and 0 o clock
• P, jfcthodlst E. Church, (first charge) corner of
Vofrn an u put streets. Rev Thomas H. Sherlock,
SSk>r. Services at 11 o’clock A. M., and 7 oclock
'-Methodist E. Church, (second charge) Hey. S. L.
Bdiinan, Pastor. Sciwices in Emory M. E. Church
o’clock A. M. M.
hoEurch of God Chapel, southwest cor. of West
mfetand Chapel Alley. Rev. B. F. Beck, Pas
ja| Services ut UA. M., and 0)4 1 • , .
ftol Patrick’s Catholic Church, Pomfret, near
Hatt street. Father Gerdeman. Services every
SflferSabbath, at 10 o’clock. Vespers at 3 P. M.
Puermau Lutheran Church, corner of Pomfret
tod Bedford streets. Kev. Kuhn, Pastor,—
MRlccs at II o clock A. M.
SWhen changes in the above are necessary,
roper persons are requested to notify us.
DICKINSON COLLEGE.
•. Herman M. Johnson, D. P., President and
.CTmeKsor of Moral Science and Biblical Lilera-
Mlmiel D. Hillman, A. M., Professor of Math-
K. Stayman, A. M., Professor of the X-*atln
*nd French Languages. _
James H. Graham, LL. D., Professor of
fcEarlea F. Himes, A. M., Professor of Natural
Bounce and Curator of the Museum.
£Bfev. James A. McCauley, A. M. Professor of
iMGreek and German Languages.
- (®v. Bernard H. Fadall, D. D., Professor of PUi
wiSpliy and the English Language.
Jttv. Henry C. Cheston, A. M., Principal ol the
Cwmmar School. , ,
M. Trimmer, Principal of the Commercial
Department.
AfS Watson McKeehan, Assistant in Grammar
School, and Teacher of Penmanship,
|'i| BOARD OP SCHOOL DIRECTORS.
s)§Cornman, President: James Hamilton, H,
fiOtou, R. C. Woodward, Henry Newsham, C. P.
Htttnerich,Sect.y; J. W. Eby, Treasurer; John
Bwhr, Messenger. Meet on the first Monday of
(®tth month at 3 o’clock A. M., ut Education Hall.
J CORPORATIONS.
v.Clrllble Deposit Bank.—President, It. M. Hen
aefton; Cashier, J. P. Hassler; Tellers, L. A.
rßodtb.W'A. Cox, J no. L, Waggoner; Messenger,
,im. underwood; Directors, K. M. Henderson,
c. Woodward, W» W. Dale, William
lime, John Zug, John Stuart, Jr., Abm. Bosior,
Henry Saxton, Sklles Woodburn.
; ‘-First National Bank.—President, Hon. Samuel
• Hepburn; Cashier, Joseph Holier; Tellers, Messrs.
Mtaetul Orr, and Brennemau; Directors, Samuel
r'&Pburn, William Kerr, John S. Steritt, W, B.
rJMilln, John B. Leidig, Isaac Brenneman, W. F
iMller.
Valley Railroad Company.—Pres-
IWent, Frederick Watts; Secretary and Treaa
tKer, Edward M. Biddle; Superintendent, 0. N.
ffifllb Passenger trains three times a day, Car-
JMe Accommodation, Eastward, leaves Carlisle
[5#;A. M,, arriving at Carlisle 5.2 U P. M. Through
fgina Eastward, 10.10 A. M., and 2;4O’P. M, West-
KBfdat 0.27 A. M.. and 2.55 P. M.
L Carlisle Gas and Water Company. —President,
Fttmuel Todd; Treasurer, A. L. Sponsler; Super
iglendent, George Wise; Directors, F. Watts, E.
Saddle. Henry Saxton, R. C. Woodward, J. B.
fwitton, Wm. M. Penrose, Peter. Spahr.
■J SOCIETIES.
Cumberland Star Lodge No. 107, A. Y. M. t mees
Clarion Hall on the 2d and 4th Tuesdays of ev-
CHURCHES.
I posters,
I CIRCULARS,
J PROGRAMMES,
I BUSINESS CARDS,
INVITATION CARDS
Is BANK CHECKS,
; LEGAL BLANKS,
| PAPER BOOKS,
I „. B , ILI - SOP lading,
i 1 al iphlets,
r «•. ic.
IN COLORS
fL _ PLAIN PRINTING,
j| Minting op every description,
iL Notice and reasonable rates.
r^era sent by mall, accompanied by the
j ' 1)6 promptly attended to
S ®
BY BRATTON & KENNEDY..
5-
A GLANCE AT NEW YORK.
A writer hi the New York Times of
Thursday, gives an account of a visit he
made through the lodging dons of the
Sixth ward. Ho. was accompanied by
M’Donnell, who has lived in this pre
cinct all his days, and had been connect
ed with the police several years. Yet he
is as healthy a man as one.can meet in a
day’s journey on Broadway.
'Now, what would you like to see first?’
said tlie roundsman.
I expressed a, preference for underground
lodging houses.
‘ All right,’ said the roundsman, ‘ 1 can
show you enough to sicken you.’
AVp went around to tire corner of Lau
rens and Baxter streets, and descended
about a dozen of stairs to the door of a
.cellar. It had a window, broken and
dirty. The roundsman rapped at the
dour with his club.
‘ Who’s there ?’ cried a woman’s voice.
‘A policeman.’
1 What does the policeman want?’ the
voice rejoined.
‘ Oil, let mo in and you’ll see,’ said the
roundsman.
A drunken male voice told the woman
to open. There was the sound of striking
a light.
1 Never mind a light,' said the rounds
man, 1 open ; I’ve got one.’
The door opened. A boy nine or ten ?i
entirely naked, stood before us. An un
shaven, hard-featured, elderly laborer sat
holt upright in bed —naked, too. A wo
man lay by his side.
This cellar, like all the rest, was less
than eight feet 'high, and its floor was in
bad order and extremely filthy, ft hail
once been a noted underground lintel,
kept by a negro, who lias since gone up
to the island or to Sing Sing. It had an
inner room, which once communicated
with rooms still further along, which
again were connected with a dark and
foul alloy. I thought then that the at
mosphere was deadly poisonous, but I re
member it now as the best ventilated <jf
those cellars that we visited. For it was
a private residence, not a lodging house,
now! ‘
1 John Lane’s rum shop’—the police
men call the place gin-mills—was next
startled by our visit. It was jammed.
White boys and prostitutes of both races
—Celtic and negro—black men and white
men, were in the closest fraternity. There
was a rush out at the back door as soon ns
M'Donncll’s bine eyes rested on the wo
men.
‘Oh,’ ho cried, ‘you needn’t run; [
ain’t going to touch you.’
They all knew him and seemed to have
full faith in his word. In fact, every
body we met knew Charley. I mentioned
the circumstance.
1 Yes,' said Charley, 1 most of them have
good reason to know me. •I’ve sent lots
of them up to the island!’
This gin-mill is one of the cheapest
and most liberally patronized gates to
ruin in the city. It is also one of the
best fitted. Go into it in the day time,
and you would report it to be clean ami
respectable, if you would use the last
word in relation to such a place in any
circumstances. Most of the forty or fifty
persons here are colored.
Fitzgarland’s gin mill is on the corner
of Baxter and White streets. Five or six
brutal-looking, ■ bloated, blackencd-eyc
prostitutes sat around the stove ; and one,
dead drunk, lay at full length on a form
near the door. - Four or five young wo
men stood near the bar and near the stove.
They all know Charley—the women. All
had been ‘ up,’ some more than once.
On the opposite corner is Tom Lane’s.
It is much larger than cither of the other
two. Tom is Jim’s brother. This is the
place of which Capt. Jordan says in his
report that it is the resort of thieves, beg
gars and prostitutes of the lowest class.
There were between twenty and thirty
men and women in the room when we
entered it. The prostitutes are of the
lowest grade. Thoirfaccs are bloated and
haggard, and oh! so drear;/ ! Thei r laugh
is hard and forced. Still they excite lit
tle pity. They seem to bo irrevocably
gone. Gone! And these are of the sox
of our mothers and our wives! There
seems to be no hope for them in this life;
and hopelessness is written on every lino
of their faces. And yet there arc hardly
any traces of vital wretchedness. It is
negative mainly ; it is the utter absence
of happiness rather than the presence of
misery that impresses one.
These women, so lost, so fallen, are
called lofters in the police vocabulary.
‘ There !’ said the roundsman, pointing
to a young woman who stood near the
end of the bar, ‘ there’s the greatest shop
lifter in the United States. And she’s
come to this.’
This girl had an intelligent face, keen,
black eyes, and her black hair hung down
in one mass. She seemed to be delighted
with the compliment.
As we were going out, one of the young
rowdies made a mocking sound at the
roundsman. ‘ Charley’ whistled. A low
whistle answered. A policeman emerged
from the gloom of a neighboring house
and came forward.
1 Clear them follows out,’ said the
roundsman.
The tall man in blue went into the bar
room like a wolf on the fold, and there
was a sudden scampering of the young
rowdies. They made a simultaneous rush
for the door, in their eagerness to escape
they blocked each other’s way. Mean
while the policeman laid on his club with
a vigor which must have left marks on
the lower region of their bodies. The
women laughed.
‘Now let us go over to “Cow Bay,”
said the roundsman, ‘and you will see
how they live way up Jacob’s Ladder.
That’s the name it goes by. Cow Bay
used to be where the house of industry is
now, but there’s one building still stand
ing—where they keep lodgers.’
Jacob’s ladder is an outside stairway,
high and steep, which ends at a lauding
so ricketty, and in every way dilapidated
that it excites one’s wonder that it should
be suffered to remain standing. You
land as high up s as the third story would
have been. There were two doors. The
..roundsman..rapped at.both.oLtheux. j
‘Whose there?’ asked a female voice.
‘ Open the door, Suse,’ said the rounds
man.
‘Ah! that’s Charley,’ returned a voice.
A little room; throe women in it; a pan
filled with coal cinders in the centre of
the floor. One woman on her haunches,
warming her hands over it. On a filthy
mattress, with one filthy coverlet over
lier, lay a woman asleep. No bedstead.
No pillow. No other mattress. The
room—how filthy, how cheerless, how
ricketty, no pen can describe. The gas
from the fire was enough to suffocate me.
Next room ; a devilish looking little
Gorman woman, half-dressed, opened the
door. Two me it in one bed —her husband
in the''other —perhaps her husband.
Filthy, everything. Had I written about
it then and there I would have said ex
tremely filthy. But there was worse to
come.
We go up the narrow, worn-out wind
ing stairs. We enter—no I didn’t, for I
should have vomited had I done so—the
roundsman entered, and I looked into
three of the upper chambers. In one,
under the eaves almost, small and low
and slanting, a negro'woman had three
or four boarders—she paid a dollar a week
for rent. Next door there were live or
six women huddled near a stove. Who
is that man lying beside a woman under
a heap of rags near by them?
‘ They are all prostitutes here,' said the
roundsman.
1 All five?’
‘ All in this building.'
‘ And men come here ?’
1 Oh, yes—they have no sense of decen
cy.’
One of those women was so frightfully
diseased that the foul odors of her body
were distinguishable above the other
fetid odors of the room and its inmates
and the fumes of the coal gas. For in all
these caverns thei;o are no fire-places,
A man had died ofTcvcr In the attic
room opposite only that morning—and
his willow and her children and lodg
ers were still living there, as filthy and
crowded together as over.
‘ We have lo cany corpses from those
places sometimes, said the roundsman,
‘ and they arc crawling—!’
‘ Are all those women—ail of them. —of
had character?’
‘ Fvory one,’ said the roundsman. We
descended.
1 Over there,’ observed the roundsman,
as lie pointed to a place near by, ‘ over
there is where a nigger killed the'whito
man some time since. They call it S
Alloy. AVonld you like to go over?’
\Ve picked our way over the half frozen
slush, and came to a stable door, as I.
thought, for there was a heap of stable
refuse near it. The roundsman rapped.
By and by an old negro man appeared, with
but one article of clothing on his body—a
short, thick old mail, who made his liv
ing by begging. A low, filthy room,
miserably furnished, but with more in it
than the"rooms up Jacob’s ladder.
Ou the Horn - , lay a young man and a
woman on a filthy mattress. They were
man and wife—or, at least, the old man
said so. They were colored.
Near by, up one liight of rickety stairs,
we saw a*sadder sight still. A stove —not
a large open pot only—stood in the mid
dle of the main room. Three little rooms
led out of it, and one of them had been
a china closet once. Four squalid ami
debauched women were squatted down
near JJio stove. A mattress lay on
the floor close by the fire, and on if,
clasped in each other’s arms—not a
blanket nor rug nor coverlid, but only an
overcoat over them —two persons were
stretched out.
‘ Who’s that man?’ asked the rounds
man.
‘ Dniino.'
‘ Who keeps this place’.”
‘ Me!’ said a debauched creature, in un
womanly rags clad, looking up at the
officer.
‘How came you here? said the officer
to the man.
‘Coming homo’ —
‘ And this crow picked you up’.”
‘ Yes.’
There are men who arc as low in char
acter as these women ; but they come out
of- these alleys and dens and redeem
themselves. Bffi, once there, a woman
can escape in way only—in a coffin.
At the corner Water street, where
once a missionary lived, wo went through
another house; this the abode of the bet
tor, or, more-properly, the less wretched
class.
‘ You may make comparisons,’ said the
roundsman. ‘ Thin in the way down.
They try to keep up a more decent ap
pearance ; but they all go down to the
collars on Cow Bay at last.’
‘ And then’’’
‘They soon drink themselves to death,'
said the roundsman.
mxit tug noon.
Did you ever observe howstrongastreot
door is? how thick the wood is? how
heavy the chain is? what large bolts it
has, and what a lock? If there was noth
ing of value in the house, or no thieves
outside, this would not bo needed; but
as there are precious things within, and
had men without, there is need that the
door be strong, and we must mind the
door.
Wo have a house. Our heart and mind
is in that house. Bad things are forever
trying to come in and go out of our mind
and heart. 1 will describe some of these
bad things to you.
Who isat that door? Ah, 1 know him;
it is Anger. What a frown there is on
his face! how his lips quiver! how fierce
lie looks! I will hold the door, and not
let him in, or he will do mo harm, and
perhaps some one else.
Who is that? It is Bride. How haugh
ty he seems! he looks down on evorthing
as if it wore too mean for his notice.' Ah,
wicked Pride! I will hold the door fast,
and try to keep him out.
Here is some one else. lam sure from
his sour look, his name is 111-temper. It
will never do to let him in, for if lie can
only sit down in the house, he makes ev
ery one unhappy, and it will bo hard to
get him out again. No sir; we shall nev
er let you in, so you may go away.
Who is this? ft must bo Vanity, with
his Haunting spirit, and gay clothes, Ho
is never so well pleased as when he has a
lino dress to wear, and is admired. You
will not come in, my fine fellow ; wo have
to much to do to attend to such folks as
you. Mind the door!
Here comes a stranger. By his sleepy
look and slow pace I think I know him.
It is Sloth. He would like nothing bet
ter thari to live in my house, sleep or yawn
the hours away, and bring me to rags and 1
ruin. No, no, you idle drone; work is
pleasure, and I have much to do. Go
away, you shall not come in!
But who is this? What a sweet smile!
what a kind, lace! She looks like an an
gel.
It is Lova. How happy she will make
us if we asl“hcr in! Come in; wo must
open the door for you.
Others are coming. Good and bad are
crowding up. Oh! if men kept the door
of their hearts bad thoughts and bad words
would not come in and go out as they do.
Welcome to all things good, war with all
things bad. We must mark well who
comes in ; wc must be watchful and in ear
nest. Keep the guard! Mind the doorl
mind the door! “ Keep thy heart with ail
diligence; for out of it are the Issues* of
life.”
- And would y ou-k-now—how- to-keep-it?-
Lct Jesus in, and he will give you daily
and hourly of his spirit. “Behold,” he
says, I stand at the door and knock; if
any’ man hear my voice, and open the
door, I will come in to him, and will sup
with him, and he with me.” —Jlami of
Hope. Review,
A newly arrived John Chinaman
in California purchased some ice, and
finding it very wot, laid it out to dry jn
the sun. On going to look for it again ho
found it had disappeared, and forthwith
accused the whole Chinese neighborhood
with larceny, A general riot was the eon
secpience.
A well-known lawyer had a horse
that always stopped and refused to cross
the mill-tlam bridge leading out of the
city. No whipping, no urging, would
carry him over without stopping. So he
advertised him, “ To be sold for no other
reason than the owner wants to go nut of
town.”
Cc2f" “1 am passionately fond of paint
ings,” as the young man said when lie
kissed the rouged cheek of his sweet
heart.
CARLISLE, PA., THURSDAY, MARCH 15,1866.
NEGRO SUFFRAGE IN THE SENATE OF
PENNSYLVANIA.
[COMPILED FROM THE OFFICIAL RECORD.]
Air. Landon, Republican Senator from
Bradford county, offered the following
joint resolutions, which were rend ;
Whereas, A hill enfranchising the
colored citizens of the District ot Colum
bia lately passed in the lower House of
Congress, receiving the earnest support
of our Republican members; therefore
bo it
Resolved by the Senate and House of
Representatives , etc., That wo approve
and commend the action of our members
in their support of this measure, and our
Senators are requested, and hereby in
structed to vote for the same.
Resolved, That tire Governor bo request
ed to forward to each of our members and
Senators in Congress a copy of this pre
amble and resolution.
On motion of Air. Nichols, the Senate
proceeded to a second reading and consid
eration of the resolution.
On the question, will the Senate agree
to the first resolution ?
The yeas and nays were required by
Air. Crlatz and Air. Latta, and were as fol
lows, viz:
YEAS,—Messrs. Blgham, of Allegheny: Browne
of Lawrence: Champneys, of Lancaster ; Connell,
of Philadelphia: Dunlap, of Lancaster; Graham,
of Allegheny: Haines, ol Perry: ifoge, of Venan
go: Landon, of Bradford: Lowry, of Erie: M’Con
angliy, of Adams : Nichols, of Philadelphia: Boy
er. of Montgomery: Shoemaker, of Luzerne: ll—
all Republicans,
NAYS.—Messrs. Bcnrd.slce, of Wayne: Glatz, of
York : James, of Bucks; Latta, of Westmoreland:
Montgomery, of Northumberland: Randall, of
Schuylkill; Wallace of Cloarticld: 7—all Demo
crats.
During the foregoing proceedings, Ales
srs. Hopkins, Walls, Donovan and
Heir all, Democratic Senators were absent
at homo on leave.
On Wednesday, January 31, IWiO, tiro
discussion of these resolutions commen
ced. Alessrs. Landon, White, Lowry,
Bin ham, Browne and Hall all spoke
in favor of Negro Suffrage, and Alessrs.
Donovan, Clymf.r, Wallace, Latta,
Beardslef. and Hopkins spoke against
it; and after a lengthy discussion the
resolutions were recommitted to the Com
mittee on Federal Relations by the ma
jority, because they lacked the courage to
place upon the record their votes upon
the final passage of a measure they advo
cated for two days, and which is, in truth,
a cardinal doctrine with these gentlemen.
K.XTHACTS FUOM SI’KKCiIBS' 31AU13 FOR
AND AfiAINST TUB MKASUIU3 Dl’lilXO
TUB DISCUSSION,
Senator LiANDON, «j f Bradford, said:
Mr. Speaker, not nuiny days since the
following bill was before'the lower House
of Congress: "Jit: it enacted, dc., That
from all laws and parts of laws prescribing
the (inalilicntions of electors lor any office
in the District of Columbia, the word
‘white’ be and the same is hereby stricken
out, and that from and after the passage
of this act, no person shall bo disqualified
from voting at any election held in said
District on account of color.”
In looking over the records of the House,
1 find that the bill passed by one hundred
and sixteen yeas to fifty nays, mid it gave
me personally great satisfaction to find
that every Mepublicanmcmbcrfroni Penn
sylvania voted aye, with a single excep
tion, and he was absent —he was non cut
in body, but csl in spirit, and would have
voted aye had lie been present. This ac
tion, in my judgment, is honorable to the
men themselves, and reflects credit upon
the great Commonwealth which they re
present. To meet heroically the duties
of tlie hour, and bear manfully the respon
sibilities of the occasion, is the highest
attainment of mortals, and ever deserves
praise. Believing this, it occurred to me
that the very least we could consistently
do, was to say to our Representatives, in
words of cheer, “Well done, good and
faithful servants;” you acted rigid, and
we endorse you in that act.
J. B.
A WAU OF BACKS.
(Senator Landon also said
How will you have peace in the South?
Hero are four millions of colored people,
just disenthralled and emancipated, and
twice ns many millions of whites The
colored people have snufi'ed tlie breath of
liberty—some have fought in your battles,
some have begun to read, some have road
the speeches of Patrick Henry, they have
tire right to take the Tribune, and they
do. As they have road their minds have
expanded, their impulses toward liberty
and the privileges of liberty are becoming
stronger every hour.
Here are those two antagonisms of life
running on side by side, the colored man
learning more and more, a? his mind ex
pands, of the rights that belong to him
as a man ; the white man, on the other
hand, abridging his privileges by un
friendly legislation: and we know that
hi/ and by these two antagonists must conic
into coltison. It will conic, infallibly as
fate. Tlie colored man will begin to feel
that Ire that would be free must himself
strikeo tli blow, and ho may strike it, and
then will come the war of races in the
Southern States; then will it ho the black
against the white and the white against
the black. Each clutching at the throat
of the other, there will come a renewal
of the fierce scenes of St, Domingo, tires
■stipon the hills and blood In the vales.—
This will bo called a negro insurrection,
and the Government will be summoned
to the pleasant task of suppressing it.
You will be called upon to butcher off
those to whom you appealed in your hour
of danger, and who helped you fight
your battles of deliverance.
Senator White, of Indiana, said :
1 know there are those who always
grow nervous and timid on this question.
If they arc Republicans, 1 hope they will
strengthen their faith and be timid no
more. Wo hoar them say, “ there is nev
er to be an end of this negro agitation;
we have heard of it from earliest boy
hood.” So you have and may hear of it
till your latest manhood.. It is cowardice
to deny the negro has a place in the poli
tics of the country, and will have until
ho enjoys complete emancipation—until
his late task-master agrees in spirit and
fact, the negro has rights he is bound to
respect—until he agrees all men shall be
equal before the law. Those emancipa
ted negroes arc the wards of the nation,,
and wo cannot desert them now. Rut, I
trust in Heaven, this nation will not soon
forget the long, weary years of oppression
it gave to this unfortunate race and will
make proper atonement in the future.—
The flag we all love so much has ever
been an emblem of liberty to the white
man ; let it be henceforth an emblem of
freedom for all men.
Senator Lowry, of Erie, said ;
That Senator is in favor of continuing
the control of the District of Columbia
exclusively in the hands of the white re
bels, who reside there. I am opposed to
tills, and in favor of restoring to tho black
loyal men the rights, which wrong and
oppression so unjustly deprived him of.
We must have the loyal votes of all men on
this continent, white or black, or with him
wc perish. Our country —her currency,
religion, law, order, justice, humanity—
will go down in blood if we refuse to en
franchise tlie black. Spare us, O, God!
from “ Bull Run” defeats at tho polls!
Without tho enfranchisement of those
who helped in war we cannot prosper in
peace. Oppression cannot live in a soil
warmed only by tho sun of freedom. Tlie
11 irrepressible conflict” is fairly upon us.
“ This Government cannot exist half
slave and half free,” were tho words of
one who, when hegave them utterance, lit
tle realized that lie was the first public mar
tyr, whose blood is the seed of the freed
meu’s church.
Allow the African to vote in the Dis
trict of Columbia, and it is a bow of pro
mise sot in, Heaven, a covenant made
with God, that the truths of the fathers
shall bo revered. Voting in that district
will be hailed as the star of Bethlehem,
as a Saviour’s birthplace to a redeemed
race.
The negro born upon this soil has as
just a title of life, liberty and the pursuit
of happiness, as an Irishman, or any
countryman whatever, who emigrated
from foreign lands. If lie lias a right to
life here, he lias tiro right to make life
tolerable. Docs not the colored man pay
taxes, and was not the “ On to Richmond'”
of the Revolution “ Taxation without re
presentation ?” AVe went to war with
the most powerful nation upon earth to
obtain a boon which we deny to others.—
Shall we shut out from the ballot box,
the jury box, or witness box, a race near
ly twice ns largo as Now England?
Mr. Browne, Senator of Lawrence,
saia:
The proposition before the Senate is to
sustain the action of our Representatives
in Congress, extending suffrage to the
colored population of the District of Co
lumbia, That action I heartily endorse.
Among tlie terrible consequences char
ged upon the proposed measure of enfran
chising tlie black men of the District of
Columbia, with the right of suffrage, if
it shall receive endorsement here and be
finally enacted and receive the endorse
ment of the Presidcutof the United States,
we are told will be tlie election of colored
men to office, and that before long, we
may expect to see them represent us in
tlie councils, of the nation. And what of
that? If the principle is right in itself,
and constitutional, and tlie people of any
portion of the country' choose to select a
colored gentleman to represent them, 1
should like to know how it contravenes
any Republican or any Democratic prin
ciple that the people should exercise their
own choice in tlie matter.
Sir,suffrage, is a natural right. I choose
to assert that the, right of government is in
the governed. It is simply the rigid of
the people to govern themselves—in the
healthful conditions of society—an inali
enable right, belonging to every individ
ual by the same just principles as those
by which it belongs to any. On no other
ground can the theory of a popular gov
ernment, as against governments by pro
scription or force bo maintained.
According to that, principle, suffrage
resides in every individual of the people,
who has not forfeited it by crimes, inclu
ding the crime of seeking the overthrow
of I lie Government by treason or rebel
lion. It cannot but be so. If otherwise,
let it be shown where this power resides.
Senator Hah., of Blair, said
Whilst I am not (lie special advocate of
the negro, I deem it due to truth to say
that a race which numbers among its re
presentatives such men as Frederick
Douglass mid Howard Day, cannot bo ut
terly incapable of elevation or of civiliza
tion. Those men, in spite of the preju
dice that opposed their progress, in spite
of the degradation to which their race
had long been doomed by slavery, have,
by the force of their native talents, won
their way through adverse circumstances
to distinction. Why have the negroes,
as a race, never been elevated, never at
tained to a higher order of civilization
and intelligence ? It is because they have
never had an opportunity—because the
state of slavery was incompatible with
their elevation, and the policy of slavery
required them to be kept in a s.tatc ofig'-
nornnee and degradation.
Ido not say that I would he in favor of
denying the, right of suffrage to any man
sinijj/y on account of his color.
But I hold that the right of suffrage is
not a natural rigid; that it has never
•been considered a natural right in Penn
sylvania nor anywhere else, nor do I un
derstand it to bo so Held by any .Senator
here, excepting the Senator from Law
rence [Mr. Bhowne.] It is a convention
al rigid, regulated by law—by arbitrary
law. The lower House of Congress have
declared that they are in favor of unqual
ified negro suffrage in fhc District. The
Senator from Bradford, [Mr. Landon,]
in his argument in favor of endorsing tho
action of Congress, takes tire position Unit
if he held the power he would extend the
rigid of suffrage to all negroes who can
read and write, to all who fought in the
late war, and to nil who pay taxes. I
hope for the time when all the negroes will
be qualified for at! the rights and privi
leges of citizenship. If I were in Congress
anil the question were, submitted to me as
to giving them the right of suffrage in the
District, with the qualifications mentioned
by the Senator from Bradford, I think I
would vote for it.
The foregoing extracts arc all taken
from the speeches of tho Republican Sen
ators, who voted for tho negro-suffrage
resolution offered by Senator Landon.
In order that the reader may bo enabled
to judge of tlie arguments upon both
sides of this suffrage question, tho follow
ing extracts from speeches made by Dem
ocratic Senators are published in this
cahncption.
Senator Donovan said :
Now, sir, you ask me, in tlie simple res
olution which you have here proposed, to
vote fin - —what? To vote for what ap
pears to mo to be tho greatest political
wrong, the severest act of political (yrrau
ny, tho grossest act of Injustice that ever
was perpetrated on God’s green earth up
on tho rights of any people. If tlie (Sena
tor who offered the resolution would so
change its phraseology, or allow a substi
tute, so as to return our thanks to the
loyal men of Congress who have shown
respect for the white men of the District
of Columbia, I would vote for it. But
tills resolution contemplates an endorse
ment of that which I, .it least, conceive
to bo inconsistent with, and in open hos
tility to, every wise policy or humane
consideration. Why, sir, is there ii Sena
tor upon tills floor, who, if a proposition
were submitted to him to which lie know
that tho people of his district were unani
mously opposed, would cast his vote in
the-Senate of-l-enniylvaiiia-hi favor of-i t-?-
I say that if any such man is here, lie is
false to his people and false to his trust;
and I honor the men in Congress, I hon
or of tho Democratic
party, who have stood up, like men, wil
ling io pay respect to the wishes of (lie
white people .of that District.
The Senator made an Ingenious speech
to-day. Nine-tenths of his speech was
devoted to tlie negro, mid one-tenth to
the white man ; and the white man’s one
tenth was entirely made up of allusions
to traitors, whose names the Senator lug
ged in, in order to bring out applause. It
was, indeed, a very ingenious speech.—
But, sir, I say to that Senator, lie lias not
fairly met tlie question. An attempt lias
been made here for weeks and weeks to
bog tlie question; and the Senator from
Indiana, to-day, tried to evade it. It is,
whether (lie people of this country are to
bo placed upon an equality with tlie black
man. Tip: Senator labored hard and
earnestly to prove to this .Senate, that this
rebellion was chrushed by the blackmail.
That is an assertion that I deny. It was
crushed by my people; tlie liag of the
country was uphold by my race—tlie
white race of tlie United Stales. Sir, lie
has no sympathy, perhaps, with tlie
principles of tho Constitution and tho
1 doctrines which the flag is ever destined
YOL. 52.—N0. 38.
to defend. The race that he is to-day try
ing to elevate and place in power,-had no
part in the formation of that Constitution
and the preservation of that flag. This is
a white man’s government. It belongs
to the white man ; and I trust in God it
will continue in ins possession until the
last syllable of recorded time.
Senator Clymer said
Sir, lor myself anu for the people of this
State, I thank the Senator from Bradford
that he, first of all, has had the hardihood,
the boldness, aye, sir, I may call it the
daring courage , here and now to distinct
ly avow, and glory in the avowal, that all
the blood and treasure spent, that all the
ills untold which have befallen our land,
that all the debt, and the calamity and
misery, the carnage and harvest of'death
through which wo have just passed, was,
sir, not to preserve a Constitution and re
store a broken Union, but was to keep the
party to which the Senator adheres, in
power, through the co-operation and by
the votes of an inferior and debased race,
whom they already proudly call their
allies.
Oh, sir, I confess to you, it does require
nerve and courage to do it. But 1 thank
God the Senator has made the deliberate
avowal, right here, where it may be met
by the indignant scorn of the people of
this State, and that the member of con
gress from the Lancaster district [Mr.
Stevens,] has made a similar avowal upon
the floor of Congress. He alone, of all
his party, dared make it there. The. Re
publican party of this State may not here
after deny its position on this question.—
It has long denied the issue. Would, sir,
that it could have been fairly made years
ago. How much of sorrow and of blood
would it have spared this land ? But, sir,
the mask is thrown aside, the hideous
purpose is at last disclosed ; the hour of
trial has come. The people shall sit in
judgment, and woe be to those who have
so long deceived them, thereby drenching
the land with blood and mortgaging the
present and future generations with end
loss debt.
How does the fact as to the views, wish
es and interests of tire people of that dis
trict stand ? This could best be deter
mined by a vote of that people. It was
taken, and the Senator [Air. Landon]
well knows the result. Nearly seven
thousand against and but sixty odd in
favor of the proposition. Seven thousand
white men nave deliberately said, “ Wo
wish no admixture of races ; we wish to
meet no man here, on either social or po
litical equality, other than those whom,
under our time-honored usages, we have
been accustomed to meet; it is against our
views, our wishes, and we conceive,
against our best interests.” And yet, sir,
in defiance of this clear and explicit dec
laration, the Republican majority of the
present Congress, elected from States, a
large majority of whom have persistently
anil ever denied this “ right,” this “priv
ilege,” as the Senator [Air. Landon] calls
it, to the colored citizens within their
borders, have forced this measure upon
them. It lias been done, as is boldly
proclaimed here and there, for the pur
pose of testing public sentiment, to know
how far they may.go, without danger of
being hurled from power. It has been
done as an “entering wedge” for the en
franchisement of negroes, there and else
where throughout the laud, They have
done that to the District of Columbia,
which, as yet they would not dare attempt
in their States. Yet, sir, negro suffrage
is to lie forced upon the District of Colum
bia by the votes of Congressmen repre
senting States which, saving Maine, Ver
mont, New Hampshire, Massachusetts,
Rhode Island and New York, do not per
mit negroes to vote. New York admits
them on a freehold qualification of two
hundred and 1 fifty dollars, so there the
property votes, not the negro. I say, sir,
that every Congressman who voted for
this iniquity, save those from the States
which 1 have named, voted for that to
which their own people will not submit.
They did it, too, in flat opposition to the
almost unanimous wish of tire people of
the District. Is this just? Is it right?
Is it fair? Will it bo submitted to? Will
not the hour come when the judgment
entered against the views, the wishes and
the interests of the people of the District
of Columbia, by an irresponsible body,
by a Congress organized anil existing on
such revolutionary principles, that doubts
may well arise as to the legality of any
of its acts? Will not the hour come when
that judgment, if it bo concurred in by
the Senate, will bo reversed? These, sir,
are my views in regard to the question, bo
far as it relates to the District of Columbia.
And he tells you that unless you give
them political rights there will be slaugh
ter; that there will boa war of races. —■
Aiid, sir, 1 ask the Senator now, when
that hour comes, which side will ho be
on ? Will he be with his own brethren ?
or will he be with those whom ho, and
and those who are with him, have taught
to do that very thing ? Will you be found
lighting against blood of your own blood
—against your little ones ? or will you
rightfully stand, where you and otliors
who teach your doctrines ought to stand
—behind those whom you and your dam
nable doctrines have driven on to their
own destruction ? There is where you
ought to stand and where you belong.—
But I tell you that against you will bo the
great heart, white though it may be, of
this nation. And when that war of races
comes, woo ho to those who brought it
about. I shall regret it; but before God,
and before the country, you and all others
who preach those doctrines will be held
responsible for it. History will point you
out, and history will be but repeating it
self, when those deeds are done.
Air. Speaker, I have always considered,
and, I believe, every writer on thesubject
has hitherto adjudged, that the natural
rights of men are protection to life, to
liberty, ! to reputation, to property. If
the right to vote is one of the natural
rights, it should be exercised by all man
kind, without limitation as to age or sex,
race or color, at all times, everywhere
and under all circumstances; because all
governments profess, at least, to furnish
protection to life, liberty, reputation and
and property. But, sir, has any
government anywhere, at any time,
granted unlimited, unconditional, sutt
rage? To state the proposition is to show
jt-s-absurdity,-because-if-it-be a -natural
right it should be exercised by all men, of
every age, by both sexes, and at all times.
Has this ever been done? I ask the Sena
tor if it has ever been permitted any
where? Is it not, on the contrary, a right
which belongs to and is vested in the
whole body politic, whose exclusive right
it is to determine when, where and by
whom it shall be exorcised, and under
what restrictions? It is, therefore, not a
natural right, but purely a conventional
or political right, to be exercised by those
only who are adjudged worthy of it by
the whole body of the people.
I have said, Sir. Speaker, that ho gov
ernment, in any ago, or at any lime, has
granted this conventional or political
right to all men of all ages, regardless of
sex and color. The history of our own
State is illustrative of the position I as
sume.
And further to illustrate my argument,
and for the information of those who
have failed to understand the reasons
which led to the adoption of the clause of
our constitution which i have just read,
I propose, at this lime, to cite the opin
ion of one of the ablest of our lawyers
and statesmen, whose virtues, learning
and eloquence will obtain for him the ad
miration of after times, in reference to
the policy and necessity of inserting the
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word “white” iu the lirst section of the
third article. X refer to tire Attorney
General, Air. Aleredith. He was a mem
ber of the convention which framed the
existing constitution of the Common
wealth.
Another distinguished member of Unit
convention, one renowned for his ability
as a judge, and one. who added all the
graces of a high literary culture to his
character as a man, was the late Judge.
Joseph Hopkinson, of Philadelphia; he
who wrote one of our national hymns—
“ Hail Columbia;” he, too, has left on re
cord the reasons why ho voted with Air.
Aleredith in favor of inserting the word
“white” in our constitution. If possible,
ho stated his views in stronger and more
emphatic utterances than did Air. Atere
dith.
Now, Air. Speaker, I propose to inquire
a little further as to the object of this pro
posed amendment to the Constitution of
the United States. AVe arc told, to-day,
in language glowingly eloquent, of the
natural rights of men and of elevating
them to a condition which is to be happi
ness and prosperity to all of them. Is
there nothing selfish, nothing of a per
sonal or partisan character in all this?
Sir, if this right to vote is a natural right,
if every man should have it, and if that,
doctrine was over truly and honestly
held by those who are asking us to-day to
vote for it, is it not a most astounding* re
flection that but twelve short years ago a
great political party was organized in this
State, and elsewhere throughout the
Union, who denied this great natural
right, not to negroes, not to men of a low
er caste, but to men who happened to
serve God in a manner different from
themselves; to men who happened to be
born under another sun and in other
climes? Did you not rear a party—Know
Nothing by name—that went into power
in this Commonwealth on that issue,
which would, could it have retained its
power, have excluded every race except
the native born, and would have exclud
ed those from the elective franchise from
whoso loins you yourselves had sprung?
What was your object then? Answer me,
you Senators? Was it not that you feared
if they voted they would put you out of
power? Now, with like hypocrisy, do
you not wisli to get the negroes’ vote lo
keep you in after you have got there? Is
not that the reason ? Is it any high or
generous motive to do good for the coun
try’s good by which you are actuated? Is
it any other than to save your Republi
can party from going to destruction,
where it should have gone long ago?
Senator Wau.ace said
The Senator from Bradford affirms that
God’s law is the elevation of humanity.
Granted. ' He asserts that tiro law of pro
gress is the law of the world. Admitted.
Do I understand his first proposition to be
that ho who is elevated is to remain sta
tionary, whilst ho who is below is to he
elevated to the higher standard. I will
not do him so great injustice. His first
proposition is, and of right ought to be,
consistent with the second, and if it be,
we agree in practice as well as in senti
ment. The elevation of humanity as
well as the law of progress requires that
each should move onward and upward
from the stand point he before occupied,
so that he who before was civilized may
now become enlightened, whilst ho who
before was barbarous may now become
civilized. Let us now take the bearings
of these propositions upon the practical
question before us.
Has not the elevation of humanity
niton this continent, in the past seventy
years, been such as was never before
witnessed upon the earth ? Has not your
progress been unexampled in the history
of the world? None will gainsay these
propositions. The story of your' nation
is the romance of progress; the history of
your Republic, the holiday of man's ele
vation.
Are these evidences of triumph, arc
these evidences of capacity for progress,
are these recorded indications of what is
yet to come, evidences of our triumphs or
evidences of another race? Sirs, these arc
evidences of our triumphs. Shall we sur
render these, the insignia of our race?
Shall we surrender these, the trophies
that we have won in a war with matter ?
Shall W'C basely bow our neck and sub
missively yield these trophies to a weak
er race,?. Shall these be the badges of our
weakness, the trophies of a mixed and
mongrel race? Sir, shall we surrender
the ballot, the emblem of sovereignty,
that which makes us men ? Shall tills be
yielded to the hand ofanolher race ? These
are tlie questions that confront us.
“ It is necessary to develop the labor
er,” the Senator says : I admit it is neces
sary to develop the laborer, but you must
not develop him to the injury of the race
that lives side by side with him. No,
sir; raise them from their degraded con
dition, lift them up, but do not attempt
to place them on the same platform with
the whites. I accord to them all their
natural rights,; [ am willing to raise
them from their degradation ; I am will
ing to fit them to learn the greattruthsof
the Gospel, to do business, to become in
telligent, so that they may make con
tracts and preserve tire fruits of their la
bor. lam willing to do all this; but lam
unwilling to bring them to an equality
with a race that is far above them, and
thus aid in lowering both. Vour nicely
rounded periods of sympathetic and elo
quent diction about the improvement of
races, and the triumphs of humanity, are
but too palpably proven to be myths—ldle
as the vapor, empty as the wind, wnen
you go to examine the practical workings
of your theory.
Bet us then bo warned by the experi
ence of the past, taught bv the lessons of
history. If God’s law bo'the elevation of
humanity, lot us continue to elevate our
selves and with Christian charity aid
those below, us to climb the ascending
grade. If the law of the world be the law
of progress, lot us bo satisfied with' the
proud position we enjoy, trying no new
path, but energetically moving upward in
our yet bright career. Let us not fet
ter ourselves, by halting midway to ena
ble the African to reach us. Let us be wise
and preserve the sovereignty of our race.
Let us estimate it at its true"value and re-,
fuse to share it with those of whom his
tory is silent, whose land is —voiceless,
whom your own experience teaches are
your inferiors, upon whom privileges are
lost, and whom the mournful lessons of
a century have but served to demonstrate
their inertness and stolidity, (’bain us
not to “ the body of this death. ”
Now, remember that Massachusetts
gave the negro the right to vote when ho
was able to read and write, and in New
York he has the right to vole when he is
in posession of a certain amount of prop
erty. The statistics of ISoOshow that in
the State of Massachusetts there was one
negro convict to every two hundred and
sixty-two. Tlie proportion in New York
is about thesame. Pennsylvania has one
black convict to every five hundred black
men within her borders. This 'demons
trates that under our policy, which makes
them not our equals, which docs not vest
them with thepowerofsovereignty, much
less- crime is committed than in those sec
tions in which they have greater privil
eges and are permitted to vote
. 1 have more statistics. On page ICll of
the census of IS.jU, under the headofpris
ous and Penitentiaries for ISott, we ■ find
that of every ten thousand colored people
of the State of Maryland there were seven
and about a quarter in prison, in every
thousand colored people in the State of
(.Continued on the fourth page.)