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VOL. 51.
AMERICAN JTOLUNTEER.
fIIUBBEO BVEUT TIIUnSSAT MOItKIKO BT
JOHN B. BRATTON.
TERMS:
'g«Mo>>"’ T,o!, - —Two Dnll,irs if I” 1 ' 11 within tiio
, if and Two Dollars and J?ifty Coats, if not paid
iitbi'a tho year. These terms.-will bo rigidly ad
, Ito in every instance. No subscription dis
lontiHuod until all arrearages are paid unless at
option of the Editor.
Advbutisbmbnts — Accompanied by thocASn, ana
not exceeding one aqutiro, will bo inserted three
times for $1.50, and twenty-five cents for each
additional insertion. Those of a-greater length in
proportion* ,
Jou-PniNTisa—siibh nsßrclid-biflvPortiog-bnis
Pamphlets, Blanks, Labels, Ac. Ac., with
ccuracy and at the shortest notice.
poetical.
A MOTHERS COVE.
Ab, onco I ,had a mother dear,
A mother kind and true;
The guest of angels, now sbo' dwells
Beyond tbcolhor blue.
s«t ’tis my faith* and oh, hoW sweet!
That still ebo smiles on mo,
As when I hoard, her gentle voice
When boro she used to bo.
Her heart is just as loving now,
Her smiles are just as sweet,
As wbeii she lived among us hero-,
And loved dear leiends to greet.
The granite rock may fall to dust,
The sun may shine ,
All other love but one may’fail,
That love, dear one, is thiuo.
0 dearest mother! when you went
Away and left this shore,
The treasure we that moment Ust,
No mortal can restore.
liul faith consoled us, ami we fuel
That. wc still have ihy love ;
on eurtli we wait and pray
'i'fa-ii iiioet-iu Rcavou above.
Alj. wliitlicr hero upon the earth,
Ur above the stars of.jiight,
Tile same true loving guide thou art,
Whose lamp e’er burnetii bright.
{mvcpl > , pirit, may we ever fuel
That tlum art very near.
That we are loved and smiled upoii
-1 !y thee. _ou r I u o_L j icr dei ir,
THE I! A II V .
Anotlier little wave
I' pun Ibe sea of 1 i/’e ;
Aaot oer soul to sai u,
Amid iLs (oil mid .tinl'6.
Tm‘, Tu.re little (Wt
l io walk the <hi>iy road t
y •» idpio.-u where two pains in
The narrow or the hmaj-.
T'V'i rn'iri- iillh; hiui'ls
T" twirl, I'ur goi.tl or ill
T.vn 1 illl <„• eye.- :
AiiHiticr little will.
Another licnrl to Invo,
Hoi-fiving l<-vo again - ;
'-n the hnhy (Mine
. A thing «r Joy and pain,
JUisfellmifOiw.
A DAY’S MAMTI.
AN' INCIDENT OE THE WAR.
Right above our beads bhi/.cd tho ovorpow
'srii*^xun- Wo looked up piteously at the glar
ingly, hoping in vain *to see some friendly ,
<l'Hk( interpose in our behalf, and cant a gonc
l’"Usshadow over uur panting lint
save the clear blue of interminable
unrelieved byatunglc cloud, and cm Id a- ,
aunerl by the scorching sun, met our despair
ing eyes. Si ill we marched on, our blouses
tolerated with perspiration, and our temples
diroldang painfully amid tho tramp of a thnus
flnd Imigans. Bach one of the' innumerable
Mrupa which oompletc tho harness of a sol
dier seemed to sink gradually into our ham
,n" flesh. We did not drop fronuthe ranks
nn, i stretch our wearied limbs on tho yellow
prass, or we would famish for water, as none
bud been soon for many a weary mile, so still
Removed on. Beyond me walked a ■ pale,
dernier young fellow, whom the buys had
christened “ gentle Joe/’ doubtless-on account
w his mild disposition. Joe and I had boon
? r eat friends since he had been transferred
with some eight or ten others, some six.
inoiitha previous. Ue n Wft9 a meek lilfo fol
jew, and as a matter of course tyranized over
by tho rest, I often met him about camp,
nod eventually took an interest in him, and
protecting him as far as lay in ray power
koni imposition ; and, indeed, one day rcs
hjm from tho hands of a drunken rascal
10 with an iron ramrod was about toimposo
jiftmiary punishment upon poor Joe, because,
. urEo -tli the little fellow had declined visit-
tent, for the purpose
sfiling a’canteen of whisky. After this
made an -attempt to have him transferred in
.■jour mess, and to his evident joy succeeded,
funder my protection, Joe Boomed por
tly happy ; for though in action he was as
:J‘ VO as the bravest, ho appeared to hare a
oftal terror of tho rough way’s of tho men.
w modebty formed a capital subject for tho
u an d I Would often see him turn scar-
WBoruo rough joke. 110 was very fond of
. lowever, and by many a littlo incident
self-sacrifice, I know tho patient affection
** Booths Jo* « •
Was^ 0 r 9* ;urn our march. As I said I
my weary limbs along beside
itisr/ 1 i * spite of my own suffering
l Ut ; | W 0 with pity. His eyeballs were
P a, Qfallytownrds tho lids; his dry,
iv 5 1 ? Weeding, were drawn tight
pi..^h l 8 teeth, his knapsack hung flap
one drn™c 118 narrow shoulders ; and hut
dt fl p .[.P 01 s ' v oat rolled down Ills cheek —a
willii,„ i tno . r *W agony, pressed from an un
% font jm'! l, et boro U P> nn( t his burn-.
Os 0n stl * °ohoed to tho thousands around,
our boirT * ram P 01 f ! our clothes powdered,
too f> r ,®yi an <i our lungs stinging with
log j n u U . Bt ' Anon an unfortunate fuli
fison henl^ 11 B ' ODB the way and tho sur
for j ( ; 8 n over him in piteous holplesness
'“ffUßlionl :' 8 ?° n e em P t y- ere the only in
-110 Siena „r 111 our . nl °“Otonous march. But
ged exn,,,, 1 .°°nimisoration disturbed tho dog-
All feeijn BSIO S °f tl>o grim faces that passed,
tense M.:~b a d senses'were lost in one of in
c°lono! a. i j familiar shout greeted tho
lastly roao along tho line, trying with
susky'v,,:? 11108 to cheer his men, or with
I kclanni,„i 0 ai } a swollen tongue to vonturo a
H y joke. Even tho dumb stones to
colvod no curse as, they struck, the tfMdier's
foot as h went stumbling on.
“ Let mo take your musket, Joe,” said I,
fearing ho would sink down. But ho shook
his head and staggered on.
“ Will you give me that gun V* I resum
ed, after ho had taken a few more Wild steps,
reeling like a drunken man.
“ I can carry it, Torn,” ho answered look
ing up grateful. I saw it was useless to ask
him, as the bravo little fellow would never
had relinquished it ; and it wto evident that
both ho and his musket must soon fall un
less ho was relieved. ThcrcfoTc, 1 unslung
my knapsack, and leaving it in my tracks,
took the piece from his shoulder. Wo had
hardly gained another mile before my head
began to whirl, and the glittering bayonets
ahead seemed a flickering sheet of flame. I
felt myself staggering.
“ Here, Tom, I have some water, drink ’l”
“ Water ! I must he dclirous, or are you
mocking me ? No, Joe never does that.—
But ho did not'drink—then he cannot have
it. Joe, Joe, where is the water ?”
“ Here, Toni, in my naritcen.”
“ Then for God’s sake drink yourself, for I
won’t,” I answered ; determined ho should
sacrifice the hut drop of lifeti at the
altar of friendship, f dropped both muskets,
in hope they would relievo mo ; it was in
vain, for after a few random strides, I became
insensible.
I was awakened by a grateful drop of wa
ter trickling down my throat. “ More,” I
gasped, as I opened my eyes, and distinguish
ed the form of a man kneeling beside me.— *-
The cantedfliwaa placed to my lips, and as 1
drained it to the hist drop, I recognized my
“ gentle Joe.” I felt somewhat revived, and
regained my feet.
“ Come Jog.”
But he made no attempt to move, sitting
motionless, embracing his knees, and watch-
ing mo intently.
“ Are you going, Tom ?” be said vacantly.
“'Of course, we will both die, if we stay
boro. Como on.”
“ Good-hyo, Tom,” lie Paid ; while an al
most angelic oxnrossien of lovolit up his face.
1 stood conihnndcd ; was he crazy ? Then,
fur the first time, the truth Unshod upon my
hnwilJcrod t soiises. I had taken his last drop
of water, and he was famishing. I turned to
him in ah tigmy of remorse. He was lying
upon his hack, with * his eyes closed. I knelt
hesidnhim, and placed my hand on his tem
ple ; he slowly opened his great hrown eyes.
“ Joe, frienrl, ‘how do you feci ?” -Heanswer
ed faintly:
“ iss mo, Tom.”
Poor bey ; his mind wanders, thought T.
“•Comb now’, now let mo carry you,” I
said ; hut he made no signs of consciousness.
I seized his hand, hnt it was cramped and
s:IIV. I laid my hand upon 1 his temple hnt it
thfidihed no more, 1 raised the clenched’hand
to my lips and kisse l it, for he was dead. 1
took a small gold chain from his neck, «a a
memento, and taking off my blouse, covered
the face of “ gentle Joe,” and reeled onward.
* * -V -A- n * 4r
In my rnnvah’sccnso I bethought me of the
1 :huin. Taking it from my pocket, I examin
ed it as well as my tears would let me. At
tached to the chain was a small docket, en
closing an ambrotypo of a girl—Joe's sweet
heart. perhaps, poor girl ! or moro likely his.
sister, as site greatly resembles him. I took
the picture front the locket, in hopes of find
ing the name, nor was 1 mistaken, for upon
the hack was pasted a piece of paper, 'upon
which was written ;
” Any one, who-finds this after I am kill
id will please send this to my mother Mrs,
living at . * Joseoiiene,”
St-toons. —In those ’good old times when
Dickey Ricker was recorder of New York, a
tmin by the name of Wilson was taken up on
the charge of stealing some spoons. He had
no counsel to defend him, but Mr. Graham
getting an opportunity to have a word with
him in private, agreed to get the’fellow ac
quitted for ten dollars. The lawyer told him
not to say a word bub “ spin.ns” to all inqui
res put to him. Wilson was arraigned.
“Have you any counsel?” the Recorder
now asked.
M Spoons,” said Wilson.
“ Have you any counsel?” the Recorder
demanded, still louder.
“ Spoons 1”
“ Your honor perceives that this man is a
tool, and hy no moans is in a fit.state of mind
to be tried.”
The clerk put the usual question: “ Guil
ty or nob guilty ?” to which the prisoner
“ Spoons 1”
steadily answered :
Thedlecordor asked what the man was up
for, and finding it was for stealing a few
'spoons, and thinking the fellow was only
half-witted, told him to go. ’Graham follow
ed him out nndMemandcd the ten dollar fee.
“ Spoons 1” said Wilson, and to all t!ie
lawyer’s demands, answered only “spoons!”
Oheying the PiUEST. — An Irishman made
a sudden rush into a drug shop* took from
hia pocket a soda-water bottle filled to the
brim with some pure liquor and.handing it
ncros-j the counter, exclaimed— *■
“ There doctor* onufftlmb will,you ?”
The doctor did as ho was directed, and pro
nouncen the liquor to be genuine whisky.” .
“ Thank you, doctor,” said the Irishman.
“ Hand it back to mo ’again.*' •> * 4
“ The doctor again did as directed* and askdd
wbat he meant.
“ Ooh, then/* said put* ” if you will have
it, the praist tould mo not to drink any of
this unless I got it from the doctor. So bores
your health and thepraist’e health*
O’" Madam,” said a very polite traveler
to a testy old landlady 1 , * 1 If I see proper to
help myself to this milk is there any impro
priety in it?”
“ i don’t know wlrat you moan ; but if you
mean to insinuate that there is anything nas
ty in the milk, I’ll give you to understand
that you’ve struck the wrong house ! There
ain’t a first hair in it, for ns soon a's Dorothy
Ann told me that the cat was drowned in the
milk I went straight and strained it over.”
The young man fainted.
[CT* Soma maiden Indies made soldiers’
shirts about a foot too short, having no pat
tern to go hy, and but little information. A
wag wrote on their bundle ;
Like a man without a wife, ,
lake a ship without a sail,
Tho oddest tiling in life
la a shirt without a—proper length.
■ DC7" Truths tho most awful and mysterious
are too often considered as so trud that they
lose all tho life and efficiency of true, and lie
bed-ridden in the dormitory of the soul, side
hy side with tho most despised errors.
Girls and boys have too great a pas
sion for unripe fruit—especially that which
grows upon tho tree of love.
“OUR COUNTRY—MAY IT ALWAYS BE RIOUT—BUT RIGHT OR WRONG OUR COUNTRY.”
« CARLISLE, PA., THURSDAY, JUNE 1(5,1864.
THE PROPOSED VIOLATION 0E THE COM-
TOTlflJi.
SPEECH OF MR. HERRICK,
®F NEW Y®KB£.
-Delivered in the U. S> House o'f llc'f.vcscnia
fives,'June 1, 18G’4,-cm the Bill proposing
io Amend ihc Comiilution of the
Unilcd Slates.
Mr. IIIBR’RIOK.. Mr. Speaker, as I intend
to Wote against this proposition to tamper
with the Constitution of our fathers, which I
have been taught to reverence as a master
piece of wisdom in statesmanship, and as be
ing the foundation of the moat perfect system
ot human government ever devifeed by man,
it*is but proper, that I should state to the
House and the country some of tiro reasons
which impel me to make the record I intend
upon the question of the passage of this im
portant resolution. I have, however, no hope
that anything I may say will affect the action
of this House upon the measure now pending ;
but for all that, as the Representative of -a
constituency as deeply interested in the per
petuation of the American Union as any oth
er population within its borders, I feci it to
be my duty as well to raise my voice against
this inetisure as to record my vote. My re
marks, -however, will bo brief, and, I hope,
pertinent to the question before the House.
In the first place, Mr, Speaker, I am im
pelled by my understanding to regard the in
troduction of this pregnant resolution at this
particular time, during the progress l r>f a ter
rible war, and amidst the very clashing of
arms, and the slaughter of our citizens by
tenant' thousands, a war prosecuted profess
edly for the enforcement of the laws and the
preservation of the Constitution we propose
to amend, only as another of the ill-devised
and malicious measures of the political d3’-
nasty in power, especially designed to pro
tract the desolating conflict, and to render en
tirely impossible the ultimate restoration of
the Union after our armies shall have com
pletely overcome and dispersed the armed
force of the rebellion.
.To my mind, this is a disunion measure;
and in my view the adoption of this resolu
tion hy Congress, and its subsequent incor
poration into the Constitution through the
assent of bogus” Stale organizations to be
improvised for the occasion, under the Presi
dent's one-tenth.amnesty proclamation ortho
reconstruction hill introduced hy the distin
guished gentleman from Maryland, or new
States to be organized by dividing old ones,
a* in yhc case of West Virginia, or created
out of Territories not having a sufficient num
*her uf inhabitants to entitle them to a single
Representative upon this floor —I say the
adoption of this measure under such circum
stances can have no other effect titan to seal
forever the dissolntion'of the Union declared
by the seceding States three years ago, how
ever-superior the northern Stales may prove
in military power.
Sir, this resolution is nothing else than a
.disunion measure. It means nothing else
than eternal disunion and a continuous war.
its design could only have been to widen the
existing breach between fie Union and the
slave Slates now in rebellion, and to render
peace upon any acceptable terms to the South
unapproachable. It will give the rebel load
; era a new pretext for continuing in arms, for
it is virtually a formahdeclaraliun of Congress
and the* northern people that submission to
the federal authority and a renewal in good
faith of their allegiance the Government
will profit them nothing in the way of secu
ring to themselves ami their posterity Ihe
rights which the Constitution, ns their fath
ers and our fathers made it, guaranties to all
the States. I mean the right to regulate
their own infernal affairs, to determine their
own system of labor, to control their own so
cial institution!), to have slavery or leave it
alone, to fir the status of their inhabitants
severally, and to give or withhhold the rights
of citizenship and suffrages as they may see
IU, and to exercise the attributes of absolute
sovereignty in all matters not especially delc
.gated to the General Government-.
This resolution, which strikes at five origi
nal compact between the several States, and
which, 1 apprehend., is to bo ‘‘put through”
and forced into the Constitution “ hy hook or
by crook,” hy the creation, if necessary, of
new or begun States enough to insure for it
the requisite indorsement of the Legislatures
of three-fourths of those which the ruling
power may-please to reckon in the Union,
will, in ihy judgment, close the last avenue
to a reconciliation of our present sectional
difficulties, and in the eyes of the world will
furnish sufficient justification for continued
resistance on the part of those States which
may not bo allowed to freely participate in
making this virtually new Conslibiiitin—ntib,
because this amendment will absolutely up
set the social organization in winch the peo
ple 'of the ’elaveholding States were bred,
while it will disturb the rights of property
among them, disarrange all their industrial,
pursuits, and completely wipe .oil t of exist
ence, without compensation, the patrimony
of a multitude of innocent people, many of
whom may not have participated in the re
bellion in any degree.
'Bo the advocates of this measure want the
old Union restored? Arc they desirous of
having this sanguinary contest terminated in
the return of the southern States to their al
legiance ? Bo they wish to reestablish fra
ternal relations through an honorable peace
with those people who are now in rebellion,
• and arc they ready, through the co-operation
of a reconciled South, once more to form a
united country that we may again take our
place In the front rank of the nations of the
earth? If so, I beg them to paliso before
they consummate this momentous action.—
How can they expect to get the seceded States
back into the Union by enacting measures to
keep them out, is a question that has been
pertinently asked ; and here I ask it again
of the supporters of this resolution. Why, if
’ they be really desinous of restoring the
‘ Union, will they nob drop the negro and
cease to tamper with the Constitution until
* peace shall once more spread hor'whigs with
in our borders?
■ The Constitution as framed hy the found
ers of our Government should ho tlio hond of
peace. Fidelity to its provisions and strict
adherence to its considerato compromises is
the sacred duty of all who shared its bless
ings. It was "designed as the guarantee of
reciprocal advantages and the anchor of safety
for contested rights. It is an instrument of
liarmnnyi wrought out of discordant clcniontp
mid various sectional and conflicting interests,
to secure a glorious sisterhood of coequal
States in one majestic nation, for a common
destiny. That majestic nation X would pre
serve in all its greatness and glory. I would
not sacrifice it nor abate n solitary square
milo of its territory for the freedom of all tho
negroes ever bora in Africa, much leas for
the poor satisfaction of wreaking vengeance
upon tho wretched nnd thwarted traitors who
have vainly sought In destroy it by rebellion
and secession. I would freely pardon every
traitor that breathes the southern air if there
by I could save the Union arid restore our
bleeding country'lo peace and tranquility.
II the object of this bloody war is really* to
restore the* Union, as its promoters would
bavo us believe in spite of their disunion po
licy, I have never been able to understand
why slavery, or the condition of tho negroes
of tho South, should have any more necessary
connection with it than the horses, niules,
•and other property of that section of the
country. If the aim of tho Administration
is to compel the insurrectionary States toper
form their duties under the Constitution—
and that should be its only aim in this war—
to pay duties on imports to the. Federal Trea
sury, and to yield obedience to Federal au
thority in all respects like tho other States,
i it scorns to mo to bo fully in the extreme to
I war upon tho tenure of any description of
1 southern property. But my understanding
is at fault, Mr. Speaker, if tho party in power
have any such intention. On the contrary,
they seem to have ingeniously and success
fully devised a system of measures looking
directly to the complete destruction of tho*
very rights of which the.southern people are
most jealous, and which the Crittenden reso
lutions declared should be respected and pro
tected. Instead of seeking to restore the
States to the Union .with their constitutions
and rights unimpaired, it has now become the
avowed object of tho party in power to pre
vent the restoration of a solitary State with
any of its independent rights. Tho recon
struction bill which passed this House the
other day, as well as the measure now under
consideration, amounts to a full confession of ;
such a policy. .
In view of the recent gratifying achieve
ments of our arms, it seems to me, sir, that it
would be wise in the further prosecution of
the war to confine our policy to the use of
forae against force; and not, by aggressive
legislation like that wo have now under con
sideration, and that which we have been ma
turing for the last six: months, to blast tho ,
love and repel tho attachment to the Union
that may be still lingering in tho breasts of
tens of thousands of honest citizens of the
South who have been rebels only by compul
sion, on account of the inability of the Gov
ernment to protect them in their loyalty and
crush the rebel authorities, which they have
been forced to support and obey upon their
peril.
Why will not our friends upon the other
side of (ho House let this whole negro ques
tion rest until wc shall have subdued the re
bellion : or at least, why will they not leave
it to abide its fate at the hands of tho milita
ry department ? "While wp arc conquering
tho rebellion, Mr. Speaker, we should learn
to conquer our prejudices and contemplate
the- obnoxious (Jomcstic institutions of the
South in a spirit of patriotism and toleration
as did the considerate statesmen who laid the
foundation of the Government upon compro
mises and concessions which must still bo
perpetuated if we would preserve that Gov
ernment from the convulsions which now
threaten its overthrow, and which can never
be quieted by r any rough-shod measures like
this. While we arc expending life and trea
sure without measure, and learning to look
upon blood and carnage with composure, is it
too much to ask of the politicians who now
direct the affairs of the Government to sacri
lice their political theories, it maybe their
philanthropic impulses or their humanitarian
philosophy as well as their partisan prejudices
and party affinities, for the sake of our suf
fering country •? If negro emancipation is
found to stand in tho way of the re-establish
ment of our free and united Government upon
tho principles and-compromises which guided
our fathers in its original construction, is it
nut their high and patriotic duty to Id the ne
gro slide, while wo reconcile the dreadful sec
tional antagonism which is deluging the land
with the best blood of our people ?
Sir, the assumption that slavery is tho
cause of this war, and that there can be no
union of these States while slavery is tolera
ted in any of them, is n position which the
facts do not warrant or justify. The Union,
according to my understanding, was estab
lished Upon tho idea that a free Government
could exist when composed of independent
States, of various geographical positions, and
possessing altogether different systems of so
cial organization, for common purposes ; and
the assumption of the Republicans, to which
I refer, is an argument not only against tho
rights of States to govern theinselvcs, but it
is a concession that the gregt principle con
tended for in the Revolution of 1776, after a
trial of eighty years has proved a failure, and
that wo are now carrying on a gigantic civil
war to establish a consolidated central Gov
ernment upon a homogeneity of interests.—
Success in this undertaking would only undo
what our fathers accomplished in 1770; But,
sir, in my judgment this can never bo accom
plished.
Before wti can haw any right to expect
pence, Mr. Speaker, and such a peace as will
reconcile the people of the two sections again
to live together under one Government and
present to the world a united and prosperous
country! the glowing fanatics of the party
now in power must Cease to breathe threat
eninga and slaughter upon tho Southern peo
ple for tho sin of slaveholding, and Cease to
clamor for extermination, general confiscation
and universal emancipation. The history of
mankind, Mr. Speaker; should teach us that
if wo-would have tins Government reunited
with equal rights and equal privileges to the
States, that end must be brought about by
other agencies than military force and unfor
giving hate.' Sir, I believe there have been
times in the. progress of this war when tho
exercise of a little wisdom on the part of tho
Administration and the manifestation of a
conciliatory policy might have cloned it with
honor without humiliation on the part of
either of tho belligerents ; but those opportu
nities have been invariably destroyed by
some exasperating proclamation, order, or
act on the part of tho Governmenfrapparently
especially designed to drive thd minds of re
lenting rebels into more desperate enmity.—
Sir, the resolution we are now considering is
one of those measure's the adoption of which
can have no other than ef- i
feet upon tho negotiation which must inovi- !
tably precede a restoration of amicable rela
tions between the now antagonistic sections
of our unhappy country, if such relations
should ever bo re-established.
Sir, thoslayery issue, which this resolution
seeks to finally settle in-a- summary manner
by tho immediate abolition of slavery, is le
gitimately merged in the higher issue of the
■right of the States to control their domestic
affairs, and to fix each for itself the status,
not only of the negro, but of all other people
who dwell within their borders. That is the
great question involved in tho resolution now
before tho House. It must be recollected,
Mr. Speaker, that even in the free States we
have divers local laws ta regulate tho status
of different classes of people. While some of
tho Western States havener have had, laws
forbidding negroes to conio within their Hues
to iosido pithet ivj froempu pr slaves, some of
the Newilngland States, under the Know
Nothing fanaticism, enacted that men Kirn
in foreign countries should nut become citi
zens or ho entitled to the elective franchise
until after a probationary residence of twen
ty-one years, and California 'inis a code ap
plicable to its Chinese settlers, fastening
burdens upon them to which none of its other
inhabitants arc subjected.
Now, sir, in relating tile various unconsti
tutional schemes of the President and his
party in Congress to accomplish the abolition
of slavery, the Denmeratih party have not
so'nflit co -uphold the institution of negro
bondage on its merits, hut only to maintain
the constitutional right of each State‘to de
termine for Itself, asthb northern States have
done, what shall be the .relative position of
the black-race in their midst: a«#d to deter
mine also, when they will abolish shivery, or
whether they will abolish it all. These
rights, guarantied by the Constitution, have
been exercised by the northern States at their
pleasure, and the Democracy hold as a prin
ciple. that the southern States cannot and
should not bo deprived of the same privileges.
The people of the several States, when the
Constitution was formed, had, from their
first settlement as colonists, enjoyed the right
to manage their domestic and local affairs
through their own legislative bodies; and
when the representatives of the States came
together in (Jomeution to form, the Constitu
tion, no proposition was made from tiny quar
ter that those inherent rights should he inva
ded,-much less surrendered. Nb State at
that time yielded one title of
those rights for the sake of ti Union. They
justly regarded the central (loverhmcnt,
which they then organised, and which is the
same to this day, as incompetent to manage
the local affairs and regulate the domestic
concerns of so many different communities ;
and possibly that is line reason why they
wore never confided to the General U ivern
ment. AVJiile on the contrary, by .an express
provi.-iou uf the ConsliiulUm, they are with
jealous cure especially reserved to the States,
whoso independence in that respect was hot
impaired in the least degree by the terms of
the original Union. The States were all left
at lihert}’ to aholis'h, continue or establish
slavery as they pleased, and the right of Vir
ginia tc adhere to slavery was as clear us the
right uf Massachusetts, New Yoik,.aud other
States to abolish it.
Mi*. Speaker, will pretend to say.
eVen at tlris pay, that the Union could have
been iori'eod in the first place if the Consti
tution had not recognized and protected the
slave institution. Sir, duos anybody believe
that if the representatives 'oi a"innjnruy"oT”
the States in the Convention which framed
the Constitution had insisted upon incorpor
ating into thilt instrument tiio resolution now
upoii y«»ur table our Union could have been
consumin dsi ? Xo, sir. Ha I Xew Kurland
then insisted upon the abolition of shivery \vc
all know that the Constitution would have
failed and there would have 1 oen no Union
fur the rebels of the present day to destroyer
for us to save. This country then would
have been split up into sundry confederacies,
or perhaps each of the States would have
been loft to “go it alone. 0 “
Now, sir. the truth is that the prelection
which the Constitution threw around the sla
very system of the South, and tne guarantee
it gave to the African slave trade for a peri
od of twenty years, was in fact the very bond
of our Union ; for it is manifest that no Union
could have been formed if those, in these
days, horrid provisions had been omitted !
What a terrible idea for our negro worship
ing friends on the other aide of l-Ue House to
contemplate! ' L
In this view of our governmental compact
denominated by the abolitionists “an agree
ment with hell"—and its provisions estab
lishing the tenure of slave property, the
rights ot the people of the slaveholding States
dn such property cannot be equitably or hon
estly abrogated without their consent. It is
not, however, my’ intention to argue this
point, fur I am sure that I should never be
■ able to convince the majority of this House
that they have not tfie-Tight by some “ high
er law” to abrogate every species of property
belonging to a slaveholder, and to tinker the
Constitution to suit themselves, and then say
to the people of the South, “This shall be
your Constitution ; submit to it without a
murmur, or we will exterminate your whole
race from the face of the earth apd parcel
out your lands to your negroes in forty-acre
lots V*
In I his spirit they have conducted the war
from its beginning—as full of venomous per
secution toward slaveholders for the sin of
slavery as was Saul of Tarsus when he made
that memorable journey from Jerusalem to
Damascus, breathing thrcntsnings ami
slaughter against the saints! But, sir. Paul
on that occasion saw a great light and heard
a loud voice, and t am hopeful that before
our once happy land is utterly ruined—say
in the month of November next—the relent
less career of the fanatics in po.ver will in
like manner be arrested by thd mighty voice
of thr people at the polls. It cannot ite pos
sible, Mr; Speaker, that the spell of fanati
cism, the incomprehensible negro nlania
whluh now reconciles the free people of this
free country to the despotic power and the
unconstitutional usurpations of this Admin
istration, and impels them to the toleration
of such aggressions upon the personal liber
ty of citizens and the rights of free speech
and a free press ds have boon made again
and again by the military power under its
direction, is to last much longer. Toe exile
and imprisonment of citizens for no crime
known to the laws, the abrupt invasion of
printing offices and other places of business
by tinned soldiers, an I the arbitrary arrest
of editors fof the innocent publication of
matters displeasing to the nioii in power—-as
in the case of the New York Journal of Com
merce and the World the other day-—arc
startling offenses against the constitutional
rights of the people, which, when fully eom
preh:nded, can hardly fail to arouse a torna
do of indignation among the masses that will
hurl from their seats of power the arrogant
despots who are now trampling under their
■ foot the sacred charter of ourdiherties, oven
while their pliant partisans are hero"endeav
oring, through the insidious resolution under
consideration, to wrest from the States all
control their local institutions and con
stitute a consolidated General Government
entirely different from that which our fath
ers instituted.
But, sir, while I forogo the argument, T
might make upon this point and ignore nil
the rpiotations which might bo impressed to
sustain my position, I may be‘at liberty to
express my humblest opinion, that there
would have been no Union in the first place
if the power to xegulate iho matter of slavery
had not been loft to the exclusive control of
the States in their unsurrendered sovereign
ty, so now, if that power be taken from the
States by this amendment of the Constitution,
without permitting the Southern States to
participate in the formalities proposed—as
they cannot participate in their present con
dition —disunion \\ ill bo perpetuated for all
time and the glory of thc'Amcrioan Republic
will never return, no matter how successful
our armies may bo in overcoming the physi
cal power of tlie rebellion.
Now, Mr. Sneaker, I ask if this is the
proper time for our people to consider so
grave a measure as the amendment of the
Constitution in so vital a point? Wo. should
not forgot, sir, that this great chatter of hu
man rights and a free Government was framed
by wise men after grave and mature deliber
ation, at a time when no popular excitement
disturbed the public mind and no party pre
judices existed to warp their judgment cr in-
Hur.nce their feelings; but, sir, wo are ap
proaching its amendment, proposing to re
model it, in the very midst of a bloody and
exasperating wa,r, when the passions of the
people are inflamed with sectional bitterness
and fanatical r.eal, and while partisan preju
dices and political animosities arc swaying
the popular mind almost to frenzied blind
m'fs. In the midst ut this turnioil of deadly
sectionnl-strife, when trdth and reason and
humanity, as well as fraternity, forgive
ness, aiTd common charity have been over
slaughed by hua'cd prssionand exasperated
hate, it may well he questioned if the public
mind is in a proper condition to consider and
pass upon any proposition to amendor in any
way disturb the fundamental law upon which
our very liberties are established. Mr.
Speaker, this is no lilting time for such work,
and I therefore pray that this House will at
Once wash its hands of the nidasuro and not
hesitate to disagree with the Senate in the
disunion movement now under consideration.
The Constitution as it stands is the inns
terwork of Wise, experienced, end purely | a- I
Lriotic men—giants in intellect—whose equals I
I am bold to say, are not to be found among '
the pigmy demagogues who wield the dcstl- J
nic-s of our country in those degenerate days. |
It is the matchless product of unquestioned ■
wisdom, profound patriotism, pructienl jus- ;
tice, and approved .statesmanship. Imnlor- '
tality has jo>tly crowned the name of every i
one who participated in its making, and even ;
the "dory of the Father of his Country was 1
augmented in born”; the presiding officer of j
the august h«»dy which gave it to the world. I
What a magnilice'ht structure for tins nations
of the Old World to contemplate was the free j
Government it ordained! How widely ad
justed its division of State and national pow
ers ; its granted and reserved rights; its
'checks and balances; its restrictions and
limitations; its adjustment of legislative, ex
ecutive, ami judicial functions; its studied
guards against the abuse of power; and its
jealous protection of the rights and liberties
“of (InTpcbplei afcXvmfdoinlni t It attract
ed the admiration of the civilized world, and
what a shame that .the people who have at
tained greatness and glory and honor and
unparalleled prosperity through its protect
ing care should now suffer it to be destroyed
by a disregard of the groat principles upon
which it is based, ami a violation, by the
administrators of the Government it created,
of the sacred rights it was designed to pro
tect. Ought we Uv)t, Mr. Speaker, as the
Representatives of the pcoj 10, to be deliber
ate and cautious when wo set about amotul
ing this sacred charter of evil ami religious
liberty ? Ought we nut to.hesitate long and
consider well before we efface a single in
scription frCin this monument of the wisdom
and patriotism of our fathers? Can such a
thing be wisely done iiTthc present agitated
state of the public mind ?
Mr. Speaker, from mv very heart X am
constrained, to say that of. all, the measures
of this Congress apparently designed to per
petuate the disunion of these States, I re
gard that now under consideration the most
pernicious,because it will he the most effec
tive, mid will, as I have before said-, entirely
close the door to a peaceful reconciliation, if
it should bo consummated, by incorporating
the proposed amendment into the Constitu
tion without the free consent of the States
now in rebellion.
Sir, we want- those rebellious States to re
turn to the Fpinn under the Constitution to
which they owe unquestioned allegiance, and
wp sinned he careful to supply them with n»v
justification b>r continued humility to the
Federal authority. Wo should hesitate to
erect, in our hatred .of slavery and slavehold
ers, even the slightest barrier to prevent their
return to their old positions in the Union
the moment thoir physical power shall
'bo overcome by our military movements.—
In their present condition wo have no
right to impose upon them this proposed
c institutional provision, wiiiolf wc kriow will
be obnoxious, even as a punishment for their
rebellion. If they are again to hcdunc a
pirt of the General Government, they surely,
alter they shall so become, might to be con
sulted in amending the fundamental law un
der which they are expected to live m com
munion with us. I repeat; Mr. BpeaUcr,
that I consider lids the worst and most'to be
feared of nil the disunion measures of this
Congress, tor the feiisoii that when tins res
olution shall hav-e been made, rio matter how
unfairly, a part of the Constitution, it will be
irrcpealablC in the second sober thought of
Congress, while all the other iniquitous
schemes which have boon c. ildtod to“promote
the rebellion and procrastinate the war may
be repealed at will upon thti returning rea
son of the people, when true patriotism, jus
tice; and humanity shall resume their sway
in the public Councils and supersede the- fa
naticism. political profligacy and degenerate
recklessness which now pervade UIC.'C legis
lative Halls. Hut, sir, this project, when
consummated, becomes a portion of tlio or
ganic law, and at once raises a harrier of in-
surmountable magnitude in tlio way of that
pdaco ami reconciliation which all-sober
minded anti truly loyal citizens hope to see
accomplished the moment complete success
shall crown our military operations against
the rehellion.'.
No ir.po patriot, in my estimation, will in
sist upon a prosecution of this horrid war for
the sole purpose of extinguishing negro sla
very; and yet such a purpose now the
avowed determination of the leaders of the
Republican parly, boldly proclaimed in the
radical press. Xu a recent number of the
New York Tribune I find the folio wing “ key
note" of that policy which indicates that the
question of saving the Union is to he entire
ly ignored until slavery is forever dead and
buried. Listen .to the shocking invocation
of th o Tribune which pats entirel}' out of
sight the objects of the'war, as declared by
Congress and as professed by the President
at its commencement ' ,
“.Friends of the wounded in Fredericks
burg from the battle of the Wilderness,
friends and rid a fives of the soldiers of G rani’s
-army beyond the Wilderness, let us. nil join
hands and swear upon our country's altar
that we will'nevcr cease this war until Afri
can slavery in the United States is dead fared
cr, and forever buried i'*
That ! take to be the war creed of the par
ty on the other side of this House, and the
proposition to amen I the Constitution now
under consideration is. the bugle blast which
directs the abolition cohorts to still prosecute
the vork of blood nud carnage . after the
tinned rebellion against the fiov'ferfniiertl
shall have been rjuteted.
Tina resolution, Mr.'Speaker, contains thu
concentrated venom of the whole abolition
crusade, and if ir should be adopted while the
States mopt interested arc deprived, by their
own act it may be said, of nil voice in tho
matter, I fear the result will prove that wo
have "one one stop too ffir. If this measure
should be “ put through,” as “ tho powers
that be” doubtless intend it shall be. if it
commands a of voles in
this House, the Constitution as. it was framed
by our fathers, lint spirit of broad and un
selfish patriotism, will have passcd'Vway.—
Its substitute will bo but the mandate of a
sections! oligarchy, the product of exaspera
ted partisan feeling and intense hatred tow
ard a large p.irtimi uf tho people who arc to
bo compelled to live aider it, against their
will, alter being despoiled of their property
paid their rights.
I think, Mr. Speaker, that,! hare already
said sufficient to define my position on tins
question, and to satisfy my constituents of
the propriety of the vote I intend to give;
but before 1 conclude, X may be permitted to
remark that if instead o f adopting such meas
ures ah this, and the confiscation act, the ab
surd freedmen’a bill, the negro forty-aero
homestead project, and the Union-destroying
reconstruction measure of the gentleman
from Maryland, and the country were rid of
all the negro legislation which now disgraces
the journals of this Congress, wo might rea
sonable hop }, through'* the achievements of
our armies in the movements now pr igress.
mg. to witness Iho speedy restoration ot the
Unjf'n nnon the basis of the Constitution
bas it is.” But, sir, our friends on the oth
er side are after something else; and are so
emphatic in their protest against any Union
until slavery is abolished in all the States,
as to den’ dish that hope. Therefore I ap
prehend that we will he compelled by then*
action (o endure the contemplation* of a mul
titude of haltlu fields yet to bo baptized in
the best blood of the land, and to look for
the further wholesale slaughter of our-chi
y.ens, while wc await the salvation, not of the
Union, but ol ihe negro I
I believe, Mr. Speaker, that we may be
able to conquer submission to the Constitu
tion as it is. leaving the Stages all the rights
and guarantees <d* the original coin pact: bu:
I have no idea that, we can ever make the
South the slave of the North, and subject IV.
in its b’cal g"\ eminent, to otsr will and pleas
ure. Nor do I think wo ever hdght to do so,
1 would not have th° northern States assume
toward (he South, afrer all her treason and
- robe 11 juTT,' (1 1 olil fi Mul d uTFlngland to Ireland-,
Austria to Hungary, or Russia to Poland ;
but I weuld have the palriwts of our lai d
awako to the dangers that beset our free in
stitutions, and willinglv.jjaorifice not only
life and fortune but opim&ns and prejudice
and sentiment for the salvation of the coun
try. I would have them to labor with ono
heart and one mind, without hatred or i<-
venge, in a spirit of unbounded patriotism;
for the suppression of the rebellion, the pre -
ervation of the Constitution, ami the perpdi
uation of the Union of those States, that wo
may still flirther progress in solving the great
problem of popular sovereignty. Bu.t, sir,
the attempt to press the measure now under
consideration in this important crisis of our
national affairs indicates uo such disposition
on the part of tlio ruling powers ; and wo are
left to the sad conclusion that while,the Pres
ident of the United States-regards his own
rc-clectioii as the chief purpose of the war,
his partisans in Congress and throughout Ihd
I country have determined prosecute itsoh--
ly for the enfranchisement and' elevation of
! the negro, in their partisan blindness, seek
ing'to attain an impossiblHty, let me coun
sel thenl to bo Cautious, lost they lose all an I
make shipwreck of th'e brible institutions
erected by our fathers, and dedicated to the
civil and religious liberty of the people;
tt.)w to Choose A Cow.—There is always
some ri.>k in buying a cow, of whose previous
history wo know nothing, for there ore-no in
fallible signs of excellence. A rough, scraw
ny, coarse, ill-sin.pan cow is often a noh'n
milker. Yet there arc a few points generally
agreed upon by experienced farmers, which
it is well td consider before purchasing. A
small hon’ed head and light horns are hetl'-r
than large. Lung legs make too wide a gap
betwixt udder and milk pail, and long-legged
cows are seldom-»quiet feeders, but wamh*r
about too much. A slender, rather a thick
neck, a straight back, wide ribs, arid hfoild
brisket, are to be sought for. The body of
the cow should he largo in proportion to the’
head-, neck, and logs, though riot feAbcssively
large; and the hind quarters, if largo ont°of
proportion, indicate good milking qualities.
Med’him sized cows,' all .things considered,
prove the bcsVhiilkei*sTor the amount of feed
they consume. Tfio colot of tile hair has
probably nothing td do with the ibillling
qualities, and good looks should bo regarded
but little in purchasing dairy animals. Ah
to tho color of tho skin, a bright yellow, ap
proaching that of gold coins, creamy color
within tho cars—this and good rich milk are
very apt to go together; and withal a soft,
'flexible'hide, loose over the ribs and rump, is
also to ho sought. The udder,should be large,
sofov and full of veins which ramify over it,
with full-sized milk veins stretching forward
al)>ng the belly, and tho teats bo large and
not crowded together. Test the cows dispo
sition and inquire about it. Irritable and
nervous cows are u: pleasant to handle, and
almost always scanty milkers. Something
can bo ascertained from tho looks and mo
tions. Large, mild eyes, easy, quiet motions
when driven, and gentleness when handled;
indicate good nature. What the butchers
term good handling is an important quality
in a milch cow, for it indicates not only' good
milking properties, hut easy fattening, when
service in tho dairy is over.— Af/ricuUitrist,
Uneducated persons and even Hie rtt
dost often succeed in illustration, where
thoughtful nul cultivated fail. A striking
instance is given us in the case of a negro,
whoso head was examined by a phrenologist.
Said he: “ It am bard to tell what meat is in
ilo smoke-house by puttin’ de hand on d<3
roof 1”
Sonic Indiana soldiers on a scoilt ill
the mountains of Georgia, came upon a hou*4
occupied only by an old woman. “Well, old
lady,” said the leader, “what fl.ro you?
cehii ?” “No,” said she. “What then ?’*
“ Baptist,” said sboj promptly, “tiud ahvayd
was,”
A young married couple may well ba con
tented with a mere martin’s box of a, house
if It will hold Uoo~- or so; no matter how
humbly furnished if thoro is hope in it.
* {C7* An actress, aged DO, died lately in an
English poor house, her very name having
died out.
Takuig Cake,— We are told to “ take carOj’*
but most of ua have too much of it fox oui
comfort already.
NO. 1