AMERICAN VOLUNTEER.
JOHN P. HUTTOS, Editor k Proprietor,
CABiISLE, PA., JULY 16, 1863,
The Preservation of the Constitution
The Restoration of the Union,
And the Supremacy of the Laws,
Democratic State Tlctiet.
FOR GOVERNOR,
GEORGE W. WOODWARD,
OP LUZERNE.
FOB JUDGE OF THE SUPREME COURT,
WALTER H. LOWRIE,
OP ALLEGHENY.
ELECTION ON TUESDAY, OCT. 13 ft, 18(13
4BCSB OP PRNSSYLVIML
A number of the journals in the interest
of the Washington Administration are taunt
ing Pennsylvania because no attempt was
made by our people to oppose the rebel plun
derers when they entered upon her soil. One
of these papers says—“ the people of Penn
sylvania, had a proper spirit animated them,
oauld have expelled Lee from their borders
with all ease. They never should have wait
ed tor the army of the Pctomaq to do this i
for them.” These sneers from paid presses
are well understood, not only by the people
of Pennsylvania, but by all other States. . It
is an attempt to excuse the notorious incom
, potency of the War Department, and to cov
er up its derelictionSi It does not become
Washington ' incompetents and the yenalj
presses under their control to Insult Penn*
sylvania. They are responsible for the dis
goace our State, has suffered, and they know
it and feel it. To use the language of the
Reading Gazette, it should not be considered
surprising that Pennsylvania was unprepared
for the invasion, when we remember bow the
repeated 1 assurances that came from Wash
ington, of “ no danger” lulled us into a false
security. Neither should any one wonder
that we were unable to meet and repel it, on
the instant, when it is well known that all
'the military forces of our State .have, for
oyer two years past; been in the service of
the Federal Government. If Pennsylvania
or any other State is expected to defend it
self, let its troops be sept home, and it will
doubtless he equal to the task. As for Penn
sylvania, we know that she. has the power
and the resources to protect herself, whenev
er self-protection becomes obligatory’ upon
her. But, in that event, Washington will
clearly have no right to monopolize that
power and those resources for its own safety.
Our gallant Pennsylvania Reserves, that were
originally "organized solely for State defence,
hut afterwards generously given up to the
Federal Government, would blond have suf
ficed to protect us from the two invasions to
which we have been exposed ; and it, is the
basest sort of ingratitude now for any de
pendent upon the authorities at Washington,
to taunt us with incompetency and cowar
dice, or for those authorities themselves to
leave us at the mercy of the enemy, and an
swer our just appeals for protection with a
sneer and the insulting, advice : “ take care
of yourselves 1” It was the business of the
Army of the Potomac, in which there is no
small number of Pennsylvania troops, to have
protected ns against Lee’s hostile occupation
of our soil. Why that duty was so sadly
neglected, let the War department explain—
if it can. Not even the victory of Gen-
Meade, upon Pennsylvania soil,.brilliant ns
it is, and greatly to be rejoiced over, will
atone for that -neglect. And until it can be
satisfactorily explained, let us hear no more
from that, or any other quarter, of Pennsyl
vania apathy and incdmpetency in time of
danger.
Invasion of Pennsylvania,
When the Army of the Potomac, finding
Itself outflanked and evaded by Lee, moved
northward to cover Washington, Baltimore,
and its menaced communications with the
loyal North) there was a vehement clamor for
local prdtection and security. It was very'
wrong, many said, not to have guarded the
loyal States from invasion at all hazards,—
But it was no#, wrong—it was wise and right.
The further Lee ventured North; with our
noble army in tact on his, flank and rear, the
more probable his defeat, and the more cer
tain and complete; in case of such defeat, his
destruction.
■ We commend the above extract, from yes
terday’s Tribune, to the attention of our far
mers in the Southern counties of the State.
It would seem,-according .to the Tribune , that
thff devastation of our fairest fields, and the'
plundering of many of our border counties,
was “ wise and right”—a great piece of mil
itary strategy—which it would bo well, on
the same basis of reasoning, to repeat as of
ten as it can bo accomplished; for whatever
is “ wise and right” should be done at all
times, No being skilled in the profound
strategy which governs the movement of our
armies, it may he difficult for our farmers to
see or understand why an army that readily
boats liee.in Pennsylvania pould not, if prop
erly handled, have beaten him in Virginia.
Put, says this expounder of military strate
gy, the Army of the Potomac was outflanked
and evaded by Lee, hut be does not inform
us why this was so. A live genera! never
permits himself to ho outflanked, unless by
superior numbers and in actual conflict, when
it may he inevitable. If, as Wendell Phil
lips says, Hooker lost the battle of Chancel
lorsville by being drunk, be was evidently
unfit to command, and should have been dis
missed at once. We leek confident that Oen.
Meade, would not have boon outflanked, and
could have whipped Lee in one place as well
as another.
The administration ia, thercforej hy lie
criminal neglect, clearly responsible for the
calamities that have befallen us. —Patriot &
Union.
fty Considerable 'flSbttU prerails in our
Own. ' . , ' •
i rsegiDß.mil/ speech,
At tV'inlilngton city, on t)is cvanlng of the
7th lint, * band of tniulci toroandod llioPro
aidant and hl« Secretary of War, Stanton.
It was at a ttma wlUn.all hearts rejoiced, for
Vicksburg had fallijn and Meade had defeat'
ed and scattered the Rebels who had been
permitted by our Mind authorities to enter
upon the sail of'iPennsylvania, It was
an hour when statesmen and men of sense
wore ready to embrace. and congratulate
each other upon our victorias. Mr. Lincoln
made a speech in answer to the serenade,
and so did Mr. Stanton. The first (the
President,) indulged in the usual language
of Abolition spouters, and reminded bis
hearers that the Declaration of Independence
declares that “ all mm ore created equal.”
,He did not remind them, however, that the
Declaration was from the pen of Jefferson,
and that Jefferson, was a slave-holder, and
therefore could not have had the African in bis
mind when he avowed the doctrine “ os a self
evident truth, that all men are created equal.”
If Jefferson intended to include the African
in this declaration, be would have et once
manumlted his own slaves. But he hold
slaves to the day of his death,, and so did
Washington, Maeison, Monroe, Henrv,
Randolph, and other Southern .statesmen.
Quoting this isolated sentence in the Decla
ration of Independence is very bad argument
even for n novice to use, for if it be true that
Jefferson intended to maintain the principle
that p negro is the equal'of the white man,,
then be was a dissembler and a false teacher,
for not living up to the idea ho promulgated.
To say nothing of the bad taste then, on the
part of the President, in his reference to this
sentence of the Deciraation of Independence,
bo exhibited a weakness in. attempting to
sustain his Abolition idea by using it; Jeff
erson continued to bold slaves, we repeat,'to
the day of his death, and Jefferson was an
honest man and a statesman,, and was inca
pable of teaching a doctrine and then refus
ing to practice it himself;
The speech, of Mr. Stanton, Secretary
of War, on the same occasion, was as impru
dent ns it was insulting. . lie said bur army
‘‘had just defeated the rebels in front and
the Cppperhcads in the" rear," At that very
hour thousands of men thus stigmatized were
bleeding and dying on the hattle-Coid—a
battle-field that never would have, been
known had it not been for the culpable ne
gligence of the War Department. We do not
feel in a mood to reply to the outrageous
language used by Mr. Stanton. We witness
ed too .much blood and anguish and suffering
on the field of carnage last week, to indulge
in hard now. We would to God
that all men in the North; and particularly
our authorities, could bury their resent
ments fur a time, nod; use their influence
in behalf of a good feeling among the people.
We desire to see our victqries.followed up un
til no armed rebel is to bo found ; we desire
to see a cordial feeling encouraged, and a
union of purpose advocated. We desire to
see the rebels and their damnable purposes
utterly destroyed. After that is accomplish
ed we can have time to pay out respects
to the slanderers of the Democratic party.
VI clot y
The defeat of Lee’s army at Gettysburg
and the fall of Vicksburg, two great and al
most simultaneous triumphs for the Union
cause, have given the rebellion a stunning
blow, and encouraged a hope in the breasts
of all true patriots that the end may bo high.
The fact that these brilliant successes oc
curred on the eve of the anniversary of our
National Independence, gives them an extra
ordinary significance, and impels even the
mind not to'superstition, to regard them
as good omens,
The hour of victory is the time for magna
nimity. Ah offer of terms of honorable peace
and reconciliation by our Government could
now bo made with honor, and would be an
not of humanity to Be approved of all Chris
tian men.. The New-York Herald, in an able
editorial on this subject, says:
“ The position for good and evil which
President Lincoln commands at this momen
tous juncture in our history, is a position of
extraordinary power and of surpassing gran
deur and. responsibility. Does ho still con
template the restoration of the Union under
our.existing federal constitution, or has it be
come bis fixed purpose to pursue the war for
the more distant object of a reconstruction
based upon tlio extinguishment of Southern
slavery? Assuming that lie still aims at
nothing beyond the submission of the rebell
ious States to the Union, and knowing, as we
do, that Mr, Lincoln is a humane man, and
not a,lover of bloodshed, we think that the
time has arrived when ho may advantageous
ly consider and act upon the proposition of
an amnesty to the people generally of the re
bellious States, on the condition of the return
of those States, within a specified time, to
their. allegiance to the government of the
Union.”
In another article, to the same purport, but
in a different vein, the Herald urges the ten
der df peace propositions on the part of the
Government. It says, with much force:
“ Now is : the time for pence making. It is
legitimate to talk about pence now that we
are victorious. The merchants of this city
ought to hold a public meeting at once, and
send a committee to President Lincoln to urge
him to offer an amnesty to all the rebels, ex
cept Jeff. Davis and the oilier leaders, if they
will lay down their arms and return to the
Union. We are victorious, and can afford to
be magnanimous. The rebels are badly beat
en, and will probably accept our terms. It
is silly to talk about a war of extermination
or annihilation. We have had fighting
enough to convince the rebels that the Union
must and shall be preserved. Let us now
invite them to re-enter it and bury the hatch
et. Who will make the first move for this
meeting?".
Amalgamation.—Wendell Phillips, the
leading apostle canonized in the Anti-SJa
vety Bible, made a speech on the 4th lost.,
at Farminghnm, Mass,, in which he pro
claimed himself fully wedded to the amalga
mation of the races. lie declared :“ 1 have
no hope for the future, as this country has
ho past, but in that sublime mingling of the
races, which is God’s own method of civili
zing and elevating the world.” Wendell is
eminently “Loyal.". Ho has 100 warm a
side for Lincoln’s “American citizens of Af
rican descent," to allow any doubt on that
point. Wendell, too, is a great favorite with
loyal people everywhere, and we shall not
bo surprised to hear cf his being invited to
this neighborhood, to pave the way among
all “ loyal" people for the mingling of affec
tions with tbs “ Syreet BoenWbHiggor. l ’
1 " loyal teagot” Analyzed.
. TlitJ Philadelphia finning Journal puhWth*
o» a lint of tho members of tho Republican
League In that city, giving their names in
full, with their residences and occupations.—
Tlio list comprises 533 Damps, and the ana*
tysisj does not show tbo patriotism of. tho
Leaguers to bo of tho most disinterested or
genuine character. More than ono'thlrd of
tbo whole number are contractors, and they
outnumber any other single occupation 'rep
resented in the League over throe to one
There are also a goodly supply of office hold
ers. We copy the Journal’s recapitulation,
by which it will ho soon that the League’s
contributions to tbe.army or to the defence
of Harrisburg have not been as numerous as
might have been expected from- their belli
cose talk; *
RECAPITULATION,
Total number of Loaguors,
Number who live off the Government
Contractors,
Office holders, *
Administration editors.
Number who support themselves, 292
Of these there are—
Retired rich men, .69
Bankers and Brokers, 22
Railroad and Canal Officers, ,10
There arc the following miscellaneous occupa
tions : *
. League Printers, , 6
. Longue Brower, - 1
Jewelers, 3 ,
Longue Gitdyr, 1
. Goldsmith,' 1
Longue Band Master, 1
Solicitor of Contracts, .1
Teacher of Youth, 1 .
Artist, ; 1
There are also in tbo League too Poets and one
Orator.
Out of five hundred and thirty-throe Leaguers
but seven are fightingfor tbeir country, to wit:
In the Army—
N. Boyd,
’..Alexander Murphy,
Richard Aanhurst. '
Gone to Harrisburg— -
~ El Spencer Miller,
Charles S.. Smith,
William B. Thomas,
William Rotcli Wistar.
Among the names of the League are the
four Abolition Republican Congressmen from
Philadelphia. These, the Journal says, are
all at home, while Randam,, the “ Coppe ■-
head” member, has left toaid'in the.defence
of Harrisburg. No doubt the above analy
sis is a fair sample Of the material composing
these Leagues in other places, and we think
that it would be well for them to cease boast-,
ing of their great patriotism and to clamor so
loudly for war, until they give some evidence
that they are willing to share equally in the
risks and'dangers of warfare.
CEN. DANIEL E. SICKLES.
The Washington Republican gives the fol.
lowing interesting particulars relative to the
wounding of this gallant officer
The General’s right leg was shattered be
low the knee by a large solid shot, not less
thap a twelve pounder. With the utmost
cooluess Gen. Sickles reined in his horse, and
reaching down, lifted the dangling limb from
the stirrup and laid it over the horse in front,'
so that he was able to dismount without fal
ling, which he did unaided. .
Surgeon. Sim was sent for at the hospital,
and came upon the field amid a shower of
bullets and shells. At the first-examination
he thought the leg could he amputated below
the knee, hut after chloroform had been ad :
ministered, a more critical-examination dis
covered the iiiot that the bones were shattered
to the knee joint, and it was found necessary
to Cut above the kneo.
While chloroform was being administered,
before the General was rendered insensible,
he had the whole battle field before his mind,
and gave repeated orders, ns if he was hotly
engaged with the enemy. The instant lie
recovered his consciousness after the opera
tion lie inquired anxiously how the fight was
going, and added with great earnestness.that
he would give the other leg, and his life to
boot, to win the battle 1
The officers-who called that evening upon
the Surgeon to inquire after Geh. Sickles,
each remarked that he saved the army from
disaster that day. : His attendants conveyed
him by circuitous routes upon a hand litter
nearly forty miles to reach the railroad, be
ing sometimes obliged to make detours to
avoid Rebel scouts, and finding but unwill
ing accommodations at the farm housosjwhro
they sought shelter.
Fortunately, Gen. SicWcs arrived hero in a
comfortable condition, and, last night, (Sun
day) ho had the prospect of a speedy recov
ery.
FROM WASHINGTON
Important Order Relative to the Draft,
The following circular was issued from the
War Department to day ;
Wan Department, j
. Provost Marshal’s Office. v
■July 12th, 1863. J
To answer inquiries made to this office it
is announced:
first. Any drafted person paying three
hundred dollars under section 13 pf the en
rollment act, is thereby exempt from further
liability under that draft, but not from any
subsequent draft.
Second. Any drafted person furnishing an
acceptable substitute is exempt from milita
ry service, for the period for which said sub
gtitute is mustered into the service.
Third. A substitute once mustered into the
service cannot be drafted while in the service.
Fourth. A drafted man cannot pay com
mutation money or present a substitute after
he has reported himself to the Board of Eu
rollmont for, examination.
Fifth. Mon who on the 3d of March,'lB63,
were in the military service of the United
States as substitutes under, the draft of 1862,
and whose term of service has since expired,
are not liable to the present draft, hut the
persona for whom they were substituted are
liablo to draft the same ns though they had
not been drafted or furnished substitutes un
der the draft of last year.
Sixth. In serving the notices as required
by .circular No. 42 from this offief, a reasona
ble time to report shall in each case bo gran
ted by the board of enrollment to men in the
State son ice, who have been or may be draft
ed.
(Signed,) JAMES B. FRY,
Provost Marshal General,
LEE ACROSS TDE RIVER !
Just before going to proas we received
a despatch from Hagerstown, informing us
that Lee with the balance of bis rebel army,
(some 60,000 men,) had crossed the Potomac
in safety, taking with them their baggage
trains. We can scarcely credit th is report.
Judge Woodward, next Governor of
Pennsylvania, paid a visit to the battle-field
at Gettysburg on Thursday' last.
Col. Coulter. —The report that Col. Dick
Coulter was killed at Gettysburg, is contra
dicted.
K7* The four or five military companies
that wore forming in our town three weeks
ago, have all fizzled out except: one, Captain
Kuna's.
from Washington,
The Cabinet \m ihe Peace Question.
Special Dlsfiatili to tlic N. Y .^World.
. 1 Washington, July 10.
I am enabled positively to anoounoo that
tho question of peace has already been con
sidered in Cabinet circles. More than that,
we are actually in the midst of a Cabinet
crisis, growing out of a proposition made by
Mr. Seward for the insurance of a Prosiden
tial procbimation offbriag on amnesty to the
people of tho South, withdrawing the eman
cipation proolomatiop, suspending the liabil
ities.of the confiscation act, and offering, in
short, full and free pardon and protection in
their personal and properly rights to the
people of the South, only excepting the mil
itary and civil leaders in this great rebellion.
Even these Mr. Soward suggests should be
allowed Hieir property, but not bo eligible to
hold offl&o under the government. This
proposition has been considered in Cabinet
council so far informal; hut it has developed
two parties. ; .
Mr. Bates and Montgomery Bhnr favor it
with certain modifications, 'while. Messrs.
Stanton and Chase violently oppose it. Mr.
Welles is supposed also to ho opposed to it.—
Mr. Usher, who always votes with the Presi
dent, will decide, whichever way that func
tionary does. Tho President has as yet ex
pressed no opinion on this subject; hut his
speech at the serenade would seem to indicate
that he is in favor of trying to make good his
promise to free the slaves before consenting
t> a peace in the present emergency. .
There are a number of leading republicans
how in this city, and the ■mutter lias been
brought to their notice; They have arranged
a programme, which will hp submitted to the
President td-day or to morrow, under which
they are willing that peace should ho declared
and the Union-.'restored. It embraces the
following points,'which it is stated, were
suggested by Mr.Jlhase; _
First—Slavery 'shall cease in the vyhole
United States aftptdh® year 1870, the minors
at that time to, remain- slaves, until twenty
one years of-.age, -and slaves over, forty years
old to have the option of their freedom or to
remain with their masters. Provision is
mado for the loyal slave States receiving
compensation for their manumitted negroes ;
but no‘compensation will be allowed to the
rebel States. „■
Second^ —A convention shall be called, to
revise-the Constitution of the United
with a view- to striking out the three-fifths
provision recognizing slavery - as a basis of
representative population, and.providing for
the emancipation of the slaves in accordance
with the above programme. .
Such is the scheme of the Republicans,
and. if- Mr. Lincoln I .will consent to it, and the
South is willing, wo may have peace within
two-months. Mr, Seward’s.proposition is
being vehemently.denounced, in Republican
circles. lie is called a traitor. Stanton in
sists that the rebels must he driven to the
wall; that no proposition shall be made to
them ; that, as they opened the fight first at
Sumter, so they must consent to make the
first tenders of peace; that it would be hu
miliating.-after, two and a half years of, war,
if tho United States should endeavor to open
peaceful relationa.witli armed insurgents.—
lie insists upon war to the bitter end, and is
backed'by the violent Abolitionists and the
enormous contracting interests, ■ which of
course do hot wish to see tho great source of
their profits swept away. This last party
will exercise a most powerful influence upon
the deliberations on this subject. They are
all-powerful here-iri .all. the departments,
especially it. the Navy and. War and Treas
ury departments.- Hence it is supposed that
Mr. Welles,.Mr. Stanton and Mr. Chase can
bo relied upon .for -the strongest opposition
to all means looking towards an early pence.
It will be remembered-that in the conver
sations between LoHULyons and Mr. Seward,
as gWoa.irv v J|S“® . M?■-
Seward iiifoftffed liuFlordship that when the
time came for treating with the rebels the
United States would furnish an exhibition of
■magnanimity such as the world has not yet
seen. Mr. Seward, farther indicated what
lhis:mngnanimity would be in his dispatch
to Drouyii de Lbjiys, in which, ho said, in
declining the offer, of the French government
to ai hitfate between the North and South,
that the Senate and house of Representa'ives
of the United States.were open to the South
erners at any time they choose to enter, to
deliberate upon the conditions of pence be
tween the North and. South. Ho is, therefore,
in favor of at once ,tendering, in some official
form, to the Southern people the privilege of
coming back to the U uion with all their
rights, including the right to their slave
property, the sa olo . as if no rebellion had
existed, Personally'he, would even he wil
ling, ns he has stated to M. Mercier unnfli
eially, to meet his old associates, Jeff Davis
the rest, in the Senate chamber. The
really'atatemanlike and magnanimous scheme
of Mr.. Seward is not very likely to ho appre
ciated by the bigoted and passionate, faction,
reinforced by the army contractors that now
rule the most in Washington.
I have also just learned the probable con
tents of Mr. Stephen’ communication to-the
Government of the-United , States., It will
be remembered was on the 4th when
he asked to come on to Washington ; and the
scheme he was instructed to unfold had been
arranged in Richmond before it was known
that Leo was. defeated in Pennsylvania, and
when the rebels had abundant reason for be
lieving he would defeat the army of the Po
tomac. They were also, however, aware that
Vicksburg was. certain to fall, and after it
Port Hudson, It was believed that they
could take advantage of the victory, as they
supposed, of Lee before Washington Cabinet
were aware ol the capture of Vicksburg. It
was the intention of- Davis to offer a plan of
peace, including the restoration of the Union,
hut on terms somewhat different from those
generally understood by that phrase. Davis’
scheme will he found sketched in the speech
of Mr. Hunter, of Virginia, immediately
previous to the, rebellion, lie proposed, in
fact, separate governments for the North and
South, but only oherPresident. This was to
secure the southerners from all interferences
with their property, and take tho negro out
of our national politics,.hut would include
our foreign policy fur botn sections. It is n
complex scheme, providing for two Congress
es to settle the domestic concerns of the North •
and South, though hut a single executive.—
Davis shrewdly hoped that on the heels of
the destruction of the army of the Potomac,
with Washington, Philadelphia and Balti
more within his gra£p, the Cabinet at Wash
ington would he' willing to make terms for
the restoration of the Union, even if it was
a Union only in name. The refusal of the
Government to listen to negotiations, the de
feat of Lee’s army ifnd the capture of Vicks
burg, put an entirely different face upon the
aspect of the war; pod the rebels, with oil
their insolence and assumption, would not
dream of offering any such terms again to
the Federal Government. It is a great point
gained that the rebels were willing for a un
ion even when they expected a victory in
Pennsylvania. Recant events will make
them still more willing to listen to reason.
18-2.1
Wanted Immediately. —Delicacies for the
sick nnd wounded; at Gettysburg. Let aR
contribute Something.
jjgy Our merchants are receiving back the
goods they sent away, and will soon he able,
to serve their customerB as usual.
Rain.— The heavy rains of late have inter
fered with tho ’grain cutting very much.
Tub Draft will be commenced in this coun-
ty this week. ”
The Stole of the Country.
Letters to tlie Fourth of July Celebra
tion at tho Academy of Music.
From Son. li.tvc.rdy Johnson, Hon, Ocorge.
L. Hillard, Hon. A. C. Paige, and
Rich. Prothihgton, Esq.
Baltimore, July 2,1863.
Dear Sir: In tho present condition of
Maryland, 1 cannot' accept the invitation
with which, on behalf of your association,
you have favored me, to unite with them in .
celebrating in your city the approaching tin:
nivorsnry of our National Independence.
From a want of foresight that is as astonish
ing as it is inexcusable, tho sail of Maryland
and Pennsylvania is now trod by nrmod
rebels, and all their sohs are bound to serve
them to the host of their ability in a crisis
which ordinary wisdom on the part of our
rulers could have readily averted. But so it
is. We are suffering from tho consequences
of unexampled imbecility, and must do all
that }vo can, ns patriotic men, to meet them.
We.must defeat the foe, drive him hack from
whence he came, ns, to tho roliof of the two
states, and tho joy and gratitude of every pa
triot in the country, was done before by the
gallant Army of tho Potomac, led by M’Clel
■lan, tho only chief who, as yet, lias showed
himself equal to their command. la no form
er year'hasournntiuunl anniversary returned
when so many important issues were before
our people. The day itself, hallowed through
out tho world by all lovers of constitutional
liberty, and revered lor the great truths
which were then, promulgated, will not,
in the future, take precedence, in human es
teem, over the Conduct of the men of the
present day, if Hint shall ho marked by wis
dom, firmness, and patriotism. The design
of the patriots of '7O was not merely to
renounce allegiance to England and declare
human rights, and by common efforts to
maintain hot|i, but by union to establish and
preserve n.government of regulated freedom
that would continue for ever. The first ob
ject was effected, and the last they hope and
believed was accomplished. It will be our
fault and crime if that hoptris frustrated.
L»t us, then, on the return ol the.day ot tho
nation’s birth; resolve that, as far an depends
on us, it shall hot be defeated. Of nil secu
lar days, that is one “ for examination and
confession of-faults," nnd this duty is
equally imperative upon those who arc in
trusted with the administration of the gov
ernment. They, too, with the people, should
sincerely inquire in What, if in anything,
they have offended or fallen short of duty.
Tho result of the examination cannot but
prove m,ore satisfactory to, tho people than to
their agents. With a patriotism never before
exceeded, the former have almost prodigally
lent themselves and their wealth to the lat
ter, to maintain tho. government. Properly
used, and with a policy which reflecting, pa;-
triotic men saw from the first was vital to
success, the rebellion would longsince have
been terminated. The war is a peculiar one.
On the part of the government there was
no constitutional ground or any other ground
worthy of even moral approbation upon
which it could be prosecuted, Jtliaii the duty
to restore the Union as it existed when the
rebellion commenced. To such a restoration
the protection of the state governments and
the people of the states in all the rights, se
cured or reserved by. Hie Constitution of the'
general government, was, and continues to
be absolutely necessary. The United States
was constituted liy our fathers, cannot exist
without the existence of the states, . To des
troy the last, in a single instance, is to take
away a part of the very foundation on which
the former rest, and cim only rest.' Interfer
ence with the institutions of the one is a vio
lation of the guarantees, express and implied,
of tho Other. Power, mere physical power,
may accomplish the destruction of these,
and the states who through the i-oncnvl gov
errfment accomplish‘.itrniay- continue' to’ live,
hut it will not he the life which the Consti
tution bestowed. To tho extent that the de
struction shall go will bo the destruction of
the. Union. The constitutional freedom which
our fathers designed (or all will at once
be measu rnhly destroyed, and by a precedent
established which will,, sooner or later, in
volve all in ruin) That, this opinion was
general in the commencement of the war
must be'known to all. Congress then, by
solemn resolution, declared, it; and, as long
as the sincerity of the declaration was be
lieved, iind the government was seen to act
in the same spirit, victory crowned our arms,
and tho Union feeling in the South, which at
first prevailed to a considerable extent, was
pure and hopeful of the defat of the rebellion.
This feeling is now, through the change
of policy, dying out, and soon, unless the ori
ginal one be resumed, will he wholly extinct.
Our rulers, then, on the coming anniversary,
should search their own souls. In the priva
cy cf their closets, they should subject then)-
selves toon honest, scrutinizing examination
—abandon prejudices, if they find them
drive out any ;mere party feeling, if they
discover it—blot out any views to a presi
dential election (that fruitful source ol forget
fulness of national duty), if thoy see the slight
est sy hi ptom of the disease, and resolve on
devoting tliamselves to the one single, patri
otic purpose, which God and man alike
expects of them,the suppression nf the rebel
lion and the restoration or Hie Union, with
with all the rightsuf states and persons
which ' it was sp clearly designed to
regard and protect. And let them, ut the earli
est moment, make the. avowal. Lot them
cause tho glad tidings to be sent, into every
corner of the land, and the portontious clouds,
low lowering nnd thickening over us; will soon
he scon dispersing, and confidence taking the
plaoo of despondency. Another duty on
their part is equally clear, and almost as im
portant. Let them enrreet the faults, ns far
us they can, in regard to it which they have
committed, and of which they must now he
conscious, and resolve to commit no such
in the future. Let the President, who we
tire hound to believe intends well, rpmove
from command nil unfit officers, whose stars
on their shoulder straps are not the reward
of skill and gillantry on the field, but of
party services. The army is filled with bri
gadiers and major-generals, to soy nothing of
other officers, so unfit, that the President
is unwilling to assign them commands suited
to their rank. With such materials no com
mandcr-in-Qhiof, whether Scott, McClellan,
or IlallCck, can insure success. However
skillfully planned campaigns may be, they
must fail. Twice recently, on the Rappa
hannock, two of the latter, from evident
want of ability, led to slaughter thousands
and thousands of as brave men as Green or
Washington over led to victory—men who,
when led by a skillful chief, made the names
of South Mountain, Antiotam’, and M'Clel
lan immortal. The two officers alluded to
ne doubt most gallant and patriotic soldiers,
but incompetent except to load a corns—are
happily no longer intrusted with the fate of.
the Army of tho Potomac. It is now under
the lead of another patriotic soldier and gen
tleman. God grant he may prove equal
to tho duty. IHs beginning augers'well ; no
vain-glorious boasting (always the. evidence
of incapacity, and almost always the
ger of defeat) comes from Meade. The peo
ple, therefore, will hopefully trust him,
though hud nether been called there would
bo perfect confidence as Well os hope; nnd
another would have been called to lead
tho noble phalanx if the voice df the people
was regarded at Washington. They have
spoken already in tones that should have
pierced the presidential eat - ; but should dis
aster again ne the tate of those brave troops,
they will 1 speak trumpet tonguod, brooking'
no denial, but commanding obedience. May
Heaven, however, under its present loader
crown "the nsxt onset of the Army of tho Po
• tomao with a decisive, victory. But should
, defeat he the result, to save Itself as well as
tlio country, llio government will do, nol
it did Inst summer, not only order but Imnibro
George D. M'Ololliin to pjrfco liirt'isolf nt
Its bend, to bring It out or whatever disorder
disaster may have Involved It in, and Had it
again ngninst the foe ; and who doubts' that,
should tills bo done, the alioors of tbo rank
gnd fllo will bo board ngain filling tli6* nlr,
tbo confidence, of the officers bo scon restored,
and the foe bo again driven from tbo soil
whiuh they, tbrougli weakness, bavo boon
permitted to dishonor. Our rulers should
also consider another subject.. The public
sentiment respecting it is too strongly exhib
ited to bo mistaken, To defy it will .be
■ madness. Arrests on mere suspicion in the
loyal states, where tlio course of justice
is unimpeaohed, must cease. Their very
safety and the success of our arms demands
this. And arrests for alleged specific caus
es, of civilians not under military rule, must
bo disposed of ns provided by the legislation
of the last Congress. Whatever differences
of opinion may exist ns • to the extent of
the executive power of the President, no one
can doubt that it was within the scope of the
authority of the legislative department of the
government to pass the laws referred to. It
is, of course; the duty of the President to obey
them. To disregard them himself, or to permit
his military subordinates to do so (as has been
done), is a clear violation of that dury. Even
if the power of Congress was questionable, a
decent respect for Congress, and for public
opinion, requires that this conduct should not
bo repeated. Freedom of speech, and of the
press, too, must not bo abridged. Thjs is
provided .for by an express constitutional
guarantee which it,is an impeachable offense
to disregard. The military, too, should he
instructed to conduct the war On the humane,
principles of the modern laws of war. The
burning of private or public buildings where
they jire not being used by the rebels for
military purposes, and the appropriating
of private property, except for our own mili
tary purposes, must end. To tolerate this, is
to make an effective restoration of the Union
impossible. Such acts, of vandalism plant
deep-in tbo hearts of the sufferers bitter hos
tility. In the words of the Poet of the
Heavens,
“ Never can trho reconcilement grow,
Whore wounds of deadly hate have pierced do deep.”
Such outrages, too, are bringing upon us the
Indignant-contempt of the world. Slighter
enormities of like kind, occurring during the
wars of 76 and 72 met. with our own uni
versal reprobation. The burning of! the pub
lic buildings in Washington, at the latter
period, caused Wellington to blush for the
good name of England. . So sensible was he
of the disgrace, that it is known he never
permitted the subject to be referred to in his
presence. And, in the war with Mexico; no
such outrages were permitted by our gallant
leader. Scott; and yet,-to. our shame, they
arc now being perpetrated without, so far
the putlic know, even governmental rebuke.
On tills day, too, it will be the duty of all
political parties to do justice to each other.
During the canvass in New York and Ne.v
Jersey, which resulted in the election of Sey
mour and Parker, their opponents denounced
them as disloyal and trai ors. last few
days have established the gross injustice of
the accusation. Tho moment the present
exigency arose these governors, with an en
ergy worthy of all imitation and a patriotism
deserving of all praise, hastened pff .their
gallant soldiers to tho aid of tho ipyaded
states. If this lias not put to shame their
calumniators; it has silenced their slanderers,
and their renewal will never be tolerated by
tho people. And, finally, and above all oth
er things, appealing to the spirits of the great
departed,'we should all on the corning Fourth
swear that, happen what may, we will never
consent to a dissolution of the Union; that
we will hold to it as a sacred political order,
which wo will as one man endeavor to pro*
serve, or die in'thp patriotic effort.
With great regard,
, Your’otjcdiout servant,
V ReVeruy Jounsun.
Luke I*. Coznna, Esq.
Sciig.vect.4DT., July L
Messrs JPhilip W. Engs, Loving Andrews, O.
, Godfrey Gunther, John Pi/ne, and John
Callahan : .
Gentlbmenj I regret that my engagements
prevent my acceptance of .’the invitation of
the New-York Democratic Union Association
to unite jwith them in the celebration of the
next anniversary of our independence. Un
der the infliction ol the calamities and dis
asters and the national humiliation' which,
have befallen us, it is preeminently appro
priate and useful to celebrate with increased
earnestnest and solemnity that greatest of
historic events, the original formation of the
Union of the American States, and the dec
laration and achievement of their independ
ence. By such a celebration upon such cir
cumstances, our love of country, of the Con-;
stiiution.and of the Union, will be, increased
in its fervor ; fed by the living flres of ances
tral patriotism, it may burn with a purer and
intenser flame, and suppress or extinguish
every design, scheme, purpose, and enterprise
inconsistent with the spirit and letter of the
Constitution, and it may reinstate in the
Anierican.heart the old reverence—even the
superstitious reverence, which we once felt
and which our fathers felt for this great char
ter of American Liberty. The influence of
this resuscitated and reinvigorated love of the
Constitution and of the Union may reach the
heart of the fanatic and partisan, and teach
them a lesson that the States can hover be
reunited except by the preservation of the
Constitution ; and that every means adopted
in the prosecution of the war in conflict with
the Constitution, and in contravention of the
principles of international law, increases the
difficulty, as it impairs the right of overthrow
ing the rebellion. 'The Constitution is the
ark of oiir safety. If we stand upon it our
country will emerge Irom its present difficul
ties and disasters. But the theory of a new
Constitution or of a re construction of the
Government upon the principles of the abo
lition, of slavery, must bo abandoned if we
expect a restoration of the Union. The Dem
ocratic and conservative citizens of the Uni
ted States are not responsible for this war;
they did everything in their power to prevent
it. They proposed compromises, which, if
they had received the support of the party
in power, would have averted this great ca
lamity. But the war is upon us. It imper
ils not only the Union but the very existence
of the Government. The hand of God is
heavy upon us. , In this fearful hour of onr
country’s agony, patriotism, undeterred by
the mistake, the incapacity and the imhocili
iy of the hdrainistratipn, must put forth all
tte strength arid display all its fervor, not
only in the defense of a sister state who ie
calling to us for'aid, but also to, conquer, on
honorable peace upon the principles of the
Constitution, .
Yours, respectfully.
A. C. Paioe.
Boston, June 30,
Dear Sir : I regret that it will not he in
my power to accept the invitation of'the New
York Democratic Union association to unito
with them in the celebration of the natal day
of oyr country on the 4th day of July next.
It'would give mo "great pleasure to be prefl
out on that occasion to listen to the speakers'
who are promised, and to. see, face to face,
many whom I have learned to, honor:by re
port ; but my engagements will not permit
me to leave home. ‘ The groat State of Now
York must always exert a commanding m flu
enoo upon the politics and government of the
country,* rind It'is a fortunate circumstance
that jo this dark and trying hour your chief
ipagistrate is 6 man to whom ■ the whole
country.turns with confidence and hope, and
upon whose patriotism, wisdom, and firmness
it reposes, ' 1 have never been a member of
the Democratic party, but I am convinced
that there id now no hope of ending this de
ptorabls war and res toil a'i
and through that parly, *] i, or ,/, .°„ n ( f* 1 by
suit of your deliberates " «•« d
bo to animate the hopes and renew ii' y
ago of the friends of the Uni«“ a«d
slltutiou, ’ “ lllc Con.
Your obedient unrvnni
°-s.h.u; ai>Di
Loko F. Cozens, Esq.
Boston, J u i, 2
GEJfTt,KMBN : I thank you for the In ’
an invitation to bo present at the Dam " 0r
Union Association on the Fourth. ' Crol ' lo
Tho logic of facts seems to be daily •
it more certain that the hope of n didivo
of tho nation from its perils is in unitiST 1 ?
forts on tho hands of tlio preservation of '
Union and tho Constitution, .and that the ,
organization that can lead on the connlr - y
suco a work is the Democracy of tho , { 111
of Jackson and Jefferson, The imperial,n
record of tho statesmen of that school ••
successive national administrations, a,’ 1 ”
moved: on to become a happy, prosperous V?.
powerful people, is that of a luvy-abi’iW.
party,.ever leaving to each state to inark'o ,t
its own way and time of progress, and k '
assorting for the supreme law its full autho*"
ity; or, in the words of tho founder 0 f (if*‘
party, aiming for “ the support of the 5i,.,!
governments in all their rights, ns the im t
competent administrators of our dome,l;
concerns, and the surest bulwarks ngninst
nnti-republicnn tendencies,’’ nnd “Iho^ntts’ l
crvatioli of the general, government in itj'
whole constitutional vigor, ns the sheet
anchor of our peace nt homo and snfeti
abroad." ' '
And tbo regard felt for these “bulwarks
against anti-republican tendencies 1 ' |,y n,e
revolutionary men is strikingly seen in t| w
steps that led to tlie Declaration of Indepen
dence, which, besides declaring to the wln-fo
the fact of separation, was also a Buhnnn
union pledge, wonderfully well weighed be
forehand. Thus, ns North Carolina led off
in special instructlrins to; her delegates on
that measure, she stipulated “for the sole
and exclusive right of forming a constitution
nnd laws Tor this'colony,”’ iu any nlliimco
that might -be; entered into as to imtiunol
affairs. Virginia, .which acted next; put a
similar provieo-into her instructions ; nnd no
colonies were,more .emphatic in their reser
vations than those of New England. Thus,
op the express condition that their time,
honored local government was to bo
did thecolonies enter-into the first covenant
of country.
In duo time, and by the .matchless wisdom
of that generation, the spheres of the local
government and of a general 'government
became established in the federal Constitution;
and as Washington rttid his co-patriots (hw
the problem of their day thus solved; they
looked on the result .not as a device of itnm, -
but as in the providence of God.
The mind strives in., vain to grasp the
problem that forces itself for solution in He
eighty-seventh anniversary of the Declara
tion. Both secessionists and radicals assert’
.that states that differ in civilizations, cnifnot
live together in harmony; and so one strikes
for independence, and the other for homoge
neity. 'ljlie heresy of secession is an old
enemy of the Democracy, for it was first
triumphantly met os it arose in New Eng
land, pnd culminated in the resolves pf the
Hertford Convention; and to accept it now
with separation is to accept for our nohlo
country the awful doom of disiutegartion,
which is forbidden by every memory of the
past, by every worthy consideration conaeo'od
with the present, and all the hopes of the
future. The centralization policy, now ro
madly urged, is also an old enemy of the
Democracy, which had an Asiatic origin nnd
ought to find ah American grave; and theso
lutiun proposed by the radicals of running
every state into a pattern mould, is ns im
practicable as separation. Both mean in
terminable war. Though wo may not
nbto to solve tlio pvobleinof this
yet, in view of the iramoasoyyJEto value oia
division of political power ,in our country
into the. local and general, an'd'ot the consid
eration that it would be impossible that any
oilier law-makers than these recognized in
the state and federal constitutions, tan deni
ifith tho profound question of race, it would
seem to be as right us right'can.bo,-to strife
to lift up the states that rebellion has cast
down, and for that Union that gave indepen
dence and its wonderful results; and so long
as war may be necessary Jor these purposes,
to supply men find money to carry.it on.
It is inspiring arid assuring, in this strug
gle for national existence, to see the Empire
State rising grandly to the stature of n great
occasion. Her democracy, last fall, set up a
model platform, and tho calm, wise, strong,
find statesmanlike appeals of their candidate,
Horatio Seymour, made him the representa
tive man of.a growing national party. And
now, as the governor, his noble energy for
country; in the present cricis of invasion,
commands alike the public attention and re
spect. Yours respectfully,
Richard FaoTnixonAM.
Philip W. Engs, Esq., Chairman of Com
mittee. -
• Important fi om Wa>lilnsto»
The Committee of Louisiana Planters aid
the President’s Reply.
Executive Mansion, Washington, June
19, 1863.—Messrs, B. E. Matuiot, Bhaoisii
Johnston and Thomas Cottman Gentle
men—Your letlei 1 , which follows, Ims been
received and considered :—To his Excellency
AunAUAM Lincoln, President of the United
States;— ' .
The undersigned, a committee appointed
by the planters of the State of Louisiana,,
respectfully represent that theydiavo been
delegated to seek of the General Government
a full recognition of all the rights of the Stale
ns they existed previous to the passage a
act of Secession, upon the .principle ol tin)
existence (if the State Constitution unim
paired, and no legal act haying transpiiMt
that could in any way deprive them iu“»
advantages conferred by the Constitution.—
Under this Constitution the Slate wishes to
return to its full allegiance in the enrol ment
of ali rights and privileges exercised by
other States under the Federal Cunstilu•
With the view of accomplishing the desiie
object, we further request that ; your Jbxc -
lonoy will, as Co,mmnnder-in-Ohiefof the A
my of,the United States, direct the NMary
Governor of Louisiana to order on ele. t o".
in conformity with the Constitution nn
of the State, on the first Monday orNimia
ber next, for all State and Federal officers.
With high consideration and- ™ B P e,t '
have tha’honor to subscribe oor*lves y
obedient servants,
E. E. Malhiot,
Brndish Johnston,
: . Thos. Cottman.
Since receiving the letter actional infor
mation has reuohed roe that a respectn P ,
tion of the Louisiana people, desire to
the State Constitution, and contemplate 1 ‘
ing a convention! for 1 that Q * J J e £. t- . fflflBo n
alone, as it seems to me, is a so ® ol , e , l , cive
why .the General Government 'Jiould notg'
the committee the authority you se
under th? existing State Constitution, *
may add that, while I do not percoivehow
such a committal could facilitate ou
fy operations in Louisiana, I [ ,?L
bend It might be sousedns to cmbarn.us
As to an election to bo held next Lev o r
her. there is abundant time, wltbo „ u ,s ° c “ eop l 0
proclamation from mo just now. 1 F ? tv
of Louisiana shall not lack an oppoitoo y
for a fair election for both Federal and S^e
officers by want of anything witmn *ny Jj
er to give them. 1
Your obedient servant,
Harvest.— Our farmers are now busy m 1
the harvest fields,.
A. Lincoln