* “ OUR .COUNTRY—MAY IT ALWAYS BE RIGHT —BUT RIGHT OR WRONG OUR COUNTRY." • . . ■ - - ■ ■■•.: ' ■ • -“9 1 ’ -.llStO’" ngi' 1 ’ ~! | O' 1 ' -.mdo" ar '’ .—Ai’' a np ,> -, ono H one" .-’ cru '’ ■ ...non.' ud i** ut 11 ■ -.IS O'" ■ a Llien' a H indp" to H H H H [A tcd(T'' dip" Hj Hj -.o bo*- b‘> VOIi. 49. AMERICAN VOLUNTEER, PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING BY JOHN B. BRATTON. TEEMS Suuscnn'TiON. —Two Dollars if paid within tho your; nnd Two Dollars.nnd Fifty Cents, if not paid within ‘ho year. . Those terms will bo-rigidly*nid licrcd to in -ivory instance. No-subseyiption dis continued until all arrearages are-paid unless at •ilie option of the Editor. ''‘•VDV'BirriSEMRNTS —Accompanied by the cash, and aot exceeding one square, will ‘ inserted tliyco 1 times for One Dollar, and twenty-five cents forfcnoli additional insertion.' Those of a greater length in proportion. ■ ... JoH-PKiNTrxo —Such nsllan,( 1 1-\) l i\ls, posting-bills, Pamphlets, Blanks, Labels, &o. &c., executed -with ju'curacy. nml at the shortos notice. peftiil. From the Atlantio Monthly. TUB SRVfEIi. Tub skater lightly laughs and glides, Unknown that bnnenth the ice Whereon ho carves his fair doviqo A stiffen corpse in silence glides. It glaroth upward at his play-;.. - Its cold, blue, rigid fingers steal Beneath the tracing of his.heel, It floats along ami floats away.]- Ho has not seen his horrors pass;, Ilis heart is blytho; the. village hc.jirs His distant laughter ; ho carecjrs In festive waltz athwart fcho’glaap/. We arc the stators, wo The surface of life's solemn flood, Ami drivo-with gladness in our blood, A daring glance frq*u bifljn to hrliyy. Our feet are swift, our faces .buVn ; . Our hopes aspire like .soaring birds; . The world takes courage from our words, And 'sees' the golden time' retard. ’ But ever ncar-us, silent, cold, Float those who bounded from the.bank With eager hearts, like us, and ' Because their foot.were overbold. They sank through breathingjhdlcs of vice, Through of unbelief; . t They knew,not thqir doapair anergrief; Their hearts i t\flfl;c.iinds aro turned to icp ffiiMniimii Profession untl Practice. 1 Two kinds of witnesses Are often encount ~e i»»^\vilHng. wit-, ness, ami (the too willing witness. Here is otie wlin doaen’t seem "to come under either category : . Too prosecuting attorney thus addresses him: . 1 Mr. Parks, state, if you please, whether the defendant, to your knowledge, has ever followed any, profession.’- ‘ He has' been- a professor ever: since I have known him.’ . ‘Ah ! a professor, of what?’ \ I A professor of religion.’ ‘You don’t understand me, Mr. Parks, What does he do/’ 1 . • Well, generally what ho :pleasoS;’ ‘Tell the jury, Mr. Parks, what the defen dant follows.’ ‘ Gentlemen of the jury, the defendant follows the crowd when they go to drink.’ Air. Parks, this kind of prevarication will ■not do here. Now, state, sir. how the de fendant supports himself.’ . ‘ I saw him last night supporting himself against a lamp post.’ ... ‘ May it please your Honor, this witness shows an evident disposition .to trifle with this honorable court.’' The Court— ‘ Mr. Parks, state, if you know anything about it, what tiro defendant’s oc cupation is. The court, let me say, has ,no idea that you mean to bo disingenus.’ 1 Occupation, did yon siiyi sir.?’ ' ‘ Occupation’ answered the judge. . •Yea,’ echoed the counsel. ‘What is his occupation?’ ‘ Iff ant not mistaken, he occupies a gar ret somewhere in town.’ « That’s all, Mr. Parks; ,1 understand yqu, to say that the defendant is a professor of re ligion.’ ‘ lie is.’ , ‘ Does his practice correspond with hispro fession?’ , ■ , ‘ I hover heard of any correspondence, or letters of any kind.’ ‘ You said something about his propensity for drinking. Does he drink hard ?’ ‘ No, sir 1 think he drinks as easy as any man I ever saw.’ . ‘ . f ‘ One more question, Mr. Parks—you have known this defendant a long time. What are his habits, loose or, otherwise ?’ ■ ‘ The one lies got on, n0w,,1 think, is rather .tigjit,under the.anna—it is certainly too short iyvaisted'fyr the,.-fashion.’ ' •‘ You can take your'seat, Parks.’ ' Wiiat Constitutes a Gentleman ?—‘Hai nan! you man witli a pail and frock,’ said, a British officer, as lie brought his fiery horse to a stand in front of dwell ing, ‘ can you inform me whether his honor the Governor of resides here. ‘ Ho does,’ was the response of the man, ,still wending his way to the pig sty. ■ Vis liis honor at home ?’ continued the man •of spurs! ‘ Most certainly,’ replied the man of the frock. " ‘Take piy horse hy the bit, then,’ said the ■offigar,. ‘>l have business to transact with your /Waster.’’ Without a second bidding, the man did as requested, and,the officer having alighted, ■wade his way to tho door, and gave the pan el several hearty raps with his whip—for bo ■ known, in those days of simplicity, knock ers and bells, like servants, were in but little use. • > • Jho good dap-.e answered the summons; and having qqated tpe officer, and ascertained ns desire to sqe the Governor, she departed 11 inform her husband of {.he guest’s, arrival; ut on ascertaining that the officer Ipid made’ ' ‘.'‘pning post of her husband, she returned ’ informed him that the Governor, was en- Mnb ln yard, and could not very well tinioP* 100 ln an( i his.horse’at the same terV. 1 , 0 h re^ic ain’ent of the officer can be bot nnag n .-d than dosi jibed. ‘ ad y- complaining how rapidly time ‘'ftinii*/' §nid_; ..‘‘jjLjasdl am near thirty.'’ further, it ’ Wad am, for you will got r Ifff that epoch of life every day.” °?? le od ' w Uh flying colors,’’ ns the siud vrben Jho fqjl from the ladder, SP E E CH OF MR. HARDING, OF KENTUCKY. The Ruinous Policy of the Radicals—The President’s two Proclamations—Abolition Teaching the Cause of the War—Prominent Republican '.'Jfcmbers of Congress have violated their 'Oaths and advocated Treason, dir. “ The Constitution as it is and the Union as it was.” j[n the .National House of Representatives, on the 21st ult., the House rosplyed itself, into the Committee of the whole on the state of.the Union, and resumed the consideration of the bill to provide ways and means-for th,o support of, the Government. Mr. Harding (Union) of ICy. addressed-the House as fol lows: Mr. HARDING, Mr. Ghniripan, it is my purpose, during the hour allowed me, to say .something in regard to the President’s two ■proclamations, nigl something in regard to the two rebellions. More .than twelve months ,ago, the ruinous policy of the radical party was openly avowed in this Hall. It was ,then predicted by the true friends of the ■country hero, and by loyal and conservative ■men everywhere,. that the inevitable, and certain result of that-inad policy would bo to unite the South and divide the North ; to paralyze the'efforts of loyal men, strengthen and invigorate the arm of the rebellion, and so leave but little hope of the restoration of the Union. The fulfillment of thpt predic tion has now become history ; it lias been ■verified to the letter. The former votes and solemn, pledges given by these radical men .were disregarded and openly violated, the warning voice;of.aged and tried patriots was scoffed at, and the Constitution rudly tramp led under .foot. They had the numerical strength,; .and, reckless of all consequences; ,carrjed-out their policy so far es congression al legislation could.effect it. .Having gained ibis victory of the Constitution they pause but for a moment; the supposed conserva tism of the President is the next object of thoirattaok. He must be pressed ipto their service. True, ho had sworn Vto preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution.” ..True, lib had pledged himself before the whole country against .their policy—had denied that bo had any lawful power to interfere with slavery in .the States. But -why should, .they falter'on tliat account? They, too, had .taken the same oath, and given the same pledge. And why should.he have.any inure conscience than they ? Nothing daunted, therefore, they ■ marshal and mass their hosts, and make a bold and continued pres sure- upon him. ' For, a timo lit; scorned .to struggle against '{hem.' ■ He mob and re pulsedthe Chicago saints” by npanly .argu ment. • But on thp‘.22)l day of September he struggled no longer."" ffho tide rose too high, and became toatrong for him, and in western phrase, “ he ivashed over the dam.’’ On that memorable day, the 22nd of Sep tember, 1802, the emancipation proclamation was issued. That was the- crowning act of the radical war upon the Constitution and the Union. That proclamation, declares that— <“ On the Ist day of January, 1863, aj! persons held no slaves within any State, or any designated pari of a Slate, the people whereof shall then bo.in rebellion against the United States, shall then be thenceforward and forever free, and the executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such'persona, and. will,do no aot.or acts to repress such persons or any of them in any efforts they may make for their actual,freedom." Sir, the bold and revolutionary doctrine here avowed is alarming in the highest de gree. Between .this proclamation and the ■Constitution there is an irreconcilable, anu warring antagonism. It is utterly impossi ble for both to stand.' The Constitution recog nizes, the institution of slavery in, the. States, -and so guardsand protests it that no-power on earth can strike it down except the power of the State whore it exists. -At the time the Oonstitptlpn was adopted and the Union forqisd,slavery existed, and had long been an .established institution in most Of the States. It was, in fact, the rule, and the free labor system the exception. • . The Constitution expressly provides for any additional supply of slaves that might be desired in any State, for'twenty years after its date, by ordaining that the— “ Importation of such persons as any of the Slates now existiny shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to Ific year ISO?.” ; " Slavery was also mafleithe basis, in part, of representation in the States where it existed. The Constitution provides that, in the enu meration to bo made of the inhabitants in order to the apportionment ol,Representatives in Congress from the several States, the enu meration .shall be made “ by adding to the whole number pf free persons,” excluding Indians, “ three fifths of a|l qthor persons,” or three fifths.-of all tho But lest in process of time some cofliet should arise between the slave and free States, rendering the institution of slavery to some,extent insecure, and to guard against all such oqntingenoes, and extend to it full and amply protection, the Constitution do- olnresthat— “ No person hold to service or labor in one. State under the laws thereof,’ escaping into, another, shall, in consequence of any l.'.w or regulation therein, bo discharged from such service or labor, but shall bo delivered up on claim of tho party to whom such service or labor may bo duo.” This would seem to have been enough—all bat could be desired to secure,to the States whefoTt existed the absolute and exclusive ooptrpl of slavery. It was clear that no power .over 'the'institution 'was delegated or grijpte'd to the Gonqral poyecpinen't; and npw the door is forever closed against alfinlorfor encqfrom the free States. .The fugitive slave shall ho, l delivered to his master.' But ns if to silence all controversy, and 'put the ques at rest forever', the in another clause, declares that— .' '' ~“.Iho powers not delegated to the. United States by tho Constitution,'nob prohibited by it fo tho Slates, aro reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." ’■ It is therefore clear, beyond all doubt or question, that by tho Constitution tho insti tution of slavery is placed under the supreme, absolute, and.’egplusiyo control of tho State where it exists, lit is difficult to see how it could have been liioro sqcqroly and cautious ly hedged and guarded against all encroach ment from' free State and power. Tho Constitution may b e searched in vain to .find any greater .security and protection thrown around the landed estate or any oth er species of property held by the people of a State. If the President has povyor. to deprive whole districts and communities of their en tire property in slaves, it follows of necessity that no can, by the same power, take from them their lands and every other species of prop erty. And if ho can do this in one State, lie can do the same in any or all the States of •the Union, The question of the President's power is in no way affected by tlio fact that numbers of persons in each of the southern States are in rebellion against the rightful authority of the Federal Government. The States themselves are still members of the Uniop, ns much so, in a legal and constitutional sense, ps they over were. Their ordinances of secession were {til null and void, and being so, did not and could hot effect any change in their constitutional re lations to the Federal Government. It is 1 upon this principle that all persons in those States who are forcibly resisting the authori ty of the Federal Government are considered in rebellion, and therefore war can be justi fiably prosecuted for the purpose of bringing them back to their allegiance. . But if the ordinance of secession are not void—if. in a legal and constitutional sense, .the southern’States are out of the Union and separated from it, then the citizens of such States owe no allegiance to the Federal Gov ernment. They are not rebels, and could not be in rebellion against the Federal Gov ernment, because it would have no constitu tional authority oyer them. , And in that case the President could have ■ no ipoyo au thority to issue a proclamation against those ■ States than .ho would have against the States of Mexico ; this proclamation would then indeed be “ like tjie I’opc’s bull against the CQnici.’’ 1 ’ But the President'himself holds that the Union, in a legal and constitutional sense, is as perfect now ps it ever was. ' Af ,ter several of .the States had passed secession •ordinances,.ho declared in his inaugural ad dress that all such ordinances were, void, and the Union unbroken. These southern States, thou, are siill in the’Union, and all their dor mostio institutions, laws, and constitutions as sacredly guarded, as they ever were. The Constitution of, the United States know? no difference between the States, but extends its protection equally to every member of the Union. If the power, assumed in the procla mation can be justified by any argument or any. reason, when applied to.p southern State, it can, by the same argument,, and for the same] reason, bo justified when applied to. a northern State. If the, President can strike down and abolish the institution of slavery in a southern. State, he caniset up, or dain, and establish it in a northern State! The power \b the same. Blit the truth is, the proclamation admits of no justification or de fense. It is a daring, open, and flagrant vio lation of the- i Constitution, the President himself-being judge: In his inaugural ad dress, under the sanctions of the oath he had just taken “ to preserve, protect, and defend ihe Constitution,” t\ie re.bell.ion staring him in the face, six of trio States having passed Ordinances of secession,.he.deelarcd:.. • “I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, ito interfere with the institution of slavery. iti the States where ifoxists. I believe I have, no lawful right to do so, and I have no incli nation to do so." Sir, the claim set up in the proclamation Is , nothing loss than a bold and daring assump tion ol absolute and despotic power; The Constitution declares thiit^-, ■ ‘.‘The United Stales ahajr.guprantpe to every State in this Union a republican, form of Government.” But tho proclamation assumed absolute control over property, strikes down State’ laws and State constitutions,, and wrests from the people the sacred right of self-government. The issue’ presented is ho loss than the fearful one of whether the people of this country, shall bo governed by their own, written laws and constitutions,’ or .by the arbitrary will of one man? And let riot the people of the great western and northern States vainly imagine themselves safe. The! domestic institutions, State laws, ami State constitutions, under the dark shadow of this proclamation, may likewise perish and pass away. No State can be safe with such a power suspended over it. It is strange the president should preface the alarming portion of his proclamation with the declara tion— “ That hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practical ly restoring the constitutional relations be tween the United States and the people thereof, in which States that relation is or mqy bo suspended or disturbed.” ' Sir, that declaration can deceivo.no one save its author, and it is . hard to see how even ho could bo misled by it. How is it possible to restore the disturbed relations of the States to harmony in the Union formed by the Constitution, by abolishing their do mestio institutions, .abrogating their State laws and State constitutions, and thus sub verting and destroying*those very relations ? If the doctrines of the proclamation are car ried out, it is utterly impossible that the Union ever can be restored. The only Union known to the Constitution is a Union of cpequal States, each having its own constitu tion find laws, and sovereign and exclusive Control of all its institutions and domestic concerns. But the Union shadowed forth in the proclamation is a Union forced by the sword, composed of people stripped of. the right of self-government ; their domestic institutions, laws,- .and constitutions all swallowed up and Iqst in afrightfuldespotism. Sir, the proclamation, opining as it docs from the Chief Magistrate of .this nation, is the .strongest disunion document ever issued in this country. No se'eessiop ordinance ever aimed a more fatal blow at the Constitu tion and the Union. Bold, daring, and des perately reckless must be tlyo man who can hold up and sustain this proclamation, when lie sees it opens at hi.i very feet the yawning gulf of national dissolution and ruin. But, sir, the means to be employed are, if possible, more detestable than the end to be gamed by the proclamation. The power of tlie Army and Navy is pledged to maintain the freedom of the slaves Nay, sir; the /'laves are (old that the Aruiy and Navy will not only.maintain their freedom, but “ will do 7to acV'o'r acts to hpress’ihe'tn; or any of them, m any efforts they indy iiiake for' their* actual'lreedom.”»‘ Sir, the painful fact can not be disguised, though humanity mipr blush to own it, that hero is a direct invitation, or at lefist the strongest possible incitement hold out to the slaves to 1 rush wildly and madly into all, tho bloody horrors of servile insur rection. f Liberty is hold out to thorn as tho. price of tlio bipod they may shed. 'And (ho Army js .to sanction and encourage all this. Yes, sir, though tho midnight hour uiny bo lighted up with the rod glare of burning dwellings—though tho cries and shrieks of murdered and' dying women and children may rend tho air—still the Army is to stand by and see all this, hut “ do no act io repress restrain, or chock.the snvhgo riot in blood. That noble army of patriots, brought together under the pledge, solemnly given and re corded in tuis House, thift they were to .bo | .employed only “ to defend and maintain the - CARLISLE, PA, T#RSLAY, FEBRUARY 5, 1863. supremacy of the, Constitutioty m and to pro servo the Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several Statos unimpaired,'' nro “hereafter,’' not. os ‘‘heretofore,” to ho employed in a war to maintain tho freedom of millions of slaves. They areto he betrayed into a war against tho supremacy of the Con stitution—a war to overthrow State rights and State constitutions, and destroy the Union. RJr. Chairman, the Constitution guards the property of the citizen in tho same Way*lh,at it guards his liberty or his life. The lan guage of the Constitution, is,' that no person "Shall be deprived of-life,’liberty, or pro perty, without duo process of law."’ But, sir, when an absolute, and despotic power is assumed over all the slave property of whole States and communities, without any regard to the guilt or.innocence, loyalty, or disloy alty of the owner —sweeping away, in thou sands of instances, from loyal citizens, from aged men and women, and Inna helpless in fants, all tho property they have, and redu cing them to. beggary and Wahl; and when all this is done without any process qf law at all, tho citizen would naturally conclude, however loyal and upright,ho might bo. his own .personal liberty Was n'.V.longer safe. And, sir, ho could have remained in doubt or suspense on that question only two days; •for tho most' abundant; and Conclusive evi dence of tho correctness of such a conclusion was furnished by the President, in his sec ond proclamation, on tho 24th day of Sep tember, 1802. This proclamation is aimed against .the liberty of. tho citizen. It pro J claims' martial law every where throughout the United States. It declares, first, that nil persons, discouraging volunteer enlistments, resisting militia drafts, or guilty of any dis loyal practice,, “shall be subject to martial law, and liable to trial and punishment by court-martial or military commission.” And, second—: “•That the writ of habeas corpus U suspended in respect to all,persons arrested, or who are now, or hereafter, during the rebellion, shall bo imprisoned in any fort, camp, arsenal, military prison, or other place of confinement, by nay military authority, or by the sentence of any court-martial or military commission.';’ ' , . Now. what are the safeguard** provided by the Constitution to protect the liberty of the citizen.? .'JL'hey are snob ns those:. 11 That the right of-the people to be secure, in their per sons against unreasonable seizures shall not bo violated; that not oven.a warrant for the arrest of a person shall issue, but upon pro bable cause, supported by oath or affirma tion, and particularly-describing the person, to bo seized; that (except in cases,arising.in the land or naval .forces, or in the militia, when in actual service.in time of war dr pub lic danger) no person shall be held to answer tor a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury; that in all criminal prosecutions the -accused shall bo informed' of'the-naturo and'cause of the accusation against him, and enjoy the.right to a speedy, ahdjpul.dio trial, by, aii * impartial' jury ui V:k. IState and-dis triot wherein the crime shall have been oom miited; and that no person.shall ho deprived of liberty without duo process of Jaw.” 'These'.important provisions of,the Const' cutiou aroafl ..openly violated and sot aside by this proclamation... How does the liberty of the citizen stand under this proclamation? He is liable to be arrested wherever ho may be or reside in the United States without any warrant or civil process, and by aiiy military authority, for any disloyal practice; the mili tary. authority being sole judge of what amounts to a disloyal practice; when arrested-,, ho is liable, without knowing ."the nature and cause of . the accusation against him," to ho dragged, like ji felon, away.from, his homo and State, and iiiearoeratcd in some distant fort or. military prison, there to re main during the pleasure of his captor. It is in yain for him to look to the courts of jus tice : they are all olosodagainst him. .The judicial arm is paralyzed and can, give, him no relief; .the writ of habeas corpus, once the very gate ofsliberty,. standing open to the op.-, pressed, n : ght and day,.is now suspended and cannot reach his. case.; His prison doors are barred anil bolted, and, however innocent he may be, there he must lie, di agging out weary days and sleepless nights in miserable con finement. And if ever tried at all, ho is to have.no trial by jury, but to,be mocked with a trial, “by court-martial or military com mission.” None but the wijfully.blind can fail to see that this is an" open violation of the. Constitution, and a daring usurpation of despotic power;.it is the fiery, bitter, and burning dregs Of the cup Of despotism; Sir, it is notorious to the whole country that,' under this arbitrary power of arrest and imprisonment, numerous citizens of the loyal States have been dragged from their homes and confined-in forts and prisons for weeks, and months, until some have been ■ driven to insanity andsuicido; some are still there; while somehavo been turned out.with : out trial, and without any accusation of any kind appearing against them. And a Con gress has been found ready to sanction and Jegalizp all these abuses, indemnify all con cerned, and wrest from the citizen all civil remedy and right of action against his op pressors; nay, sir, a Congress who will not permit even a resolution of inquiry into these abuses; who seem purposely to close up and darken nil the doors and blinds, lest the peo ple should look into these prisons and see the enormities there practiced. Sir, it seems to mo the-.man who is prepared to' sanction, aiid sustain the fearful and revolu tionary'doctrine .of the two proclamations, is ready to yield up his liberty and confess him self a slave. ; Mr. Chairman, the true friends of the Gov ernment are alarmed. They have labored in cessantly and faithfully to bring back the President and his Cabinet to thpt national and conservative nolioy from which they have so fearfully departed. The people at the polls, by overwhelming majorities, have re buked and condemned their, course, and de manded reform. They know they are mis representing the people, whose servants they are. They treat the voice of the people with contempt, and persistently press on in their wild and revolutionary career; Sir, in view of this contempt of the public will, this da ring insolence. had I the power, I .would this day, from the great States of Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Now Jersey, and New York, collect together the conservative voices pf the thousands and tons of thousands and hundreds of thousands, and poilt that united voice upon the White House, in one volume pf prolonged and deep-toned thunder, until those rulers should be driven from their suici dal policy, or made to turn palo had tremble Ju their septs of power. • Mr. Chairman, wo hear nothing from the radicals of constitutional necessity; nothing Pf a high moral necessity to observe the oaths taken to support the-Constitution and to re deem the aoleuiu pledges wade to the conn f r y. • Where, wo ask, in the constitutional power to abolish State institutions; abrogate State constitutions and laws ? They answer, “ milr Hart/ necessity.” 'Whence the power to throw thousands of liberated slaves upon the bosom of Illinois, in utter violation of her constitu tion and laws, jybieli declare that no free ne gro shall come upon boy soil 1 Military ne cessity “ Mii money shall be drawn from the Treasury bill in consequence of appropriations made by law.” Whence, then, the power, Without law, to expend millions of the public money for the support of thousands of idlo and worthless negroes, called contrabands ? “ Military necessity.” Under what authority is martial law preplanned in loyal States, where the courts are open and the civil au thority wholly, unobstructed, and citizens ar bitrarily seized and carried from such States, and. shut up in distant forts and prisons, without any process of law whatever?— “ Military necessity ”, ■ Yes, sir ; military ne cessity, that is the stereotyped answer, com ing from the President and most of his sup porters, in defense of those high-handed and tyranical measures. ■ The power depends up on the existence of the necessity ; it mast ar ise but of the necessity. But then the. Pres ident himself is solo judge of the necessity out of which arises the power, which is also to be claimed and exorcised by himself. -In other words, the President is. to determine to what extent it will be proper and decent for him, from time to,t : me, to claim and exorcise arbitrary and despotic power over the people of this country; And this is “ military ne cessity.” "a phrase nukuown to the Constitu tion, and to, bo found only in the. vocabulary of the most,detestable tyrants. Mr. Chairman, I would desire to speak of the P.pesident with all propor. nnd becoming respect on account of. tho. high office ho fills. But tho progress of events has become alar ming to the highest degree ; and hold it to be .the duty of the, llepresentativos of the peo ple, placed hero as sentinels to guard, their liberty, to speak out, call things by' their propo names, and warn the people of their ganger ; and Isay, hero in my.placsp/tliat any, man'in .any department of this government; .who, clothed in a little brief authority, shall dare to play tho tyrant in- the face of. tho American people under the shallow,, misera ble,, and detestable subterfuge of “military necessity,” deserves to bo; called tyrant; lie has earned tho title, and ought .to wear it.— Sir, there is a necessity, a most pressing mot ral arid'political necessity, that all radicals and revolutionists, in Congress andolsewhere, who disregard tho' Constitution, arid misrep resent the people, should bo scourged and -driven into.rctirbme’rit With the,scorpion lash of public indignation, and their-places filled with-moil who will bo’true to the Constitu tion, find devote all their energies to save.the- Government from ruin. Mr; Chairman,-wo say hore.'but a few days since with wliat facility legislators, as, well as executives, could dra.v on this prolific and' inexhaustible source of power, called “ Mili tary necessity,” for supplies iu any emergen cy. The bill'to form. a now State out'of the western part of Virginia washeforo the House, when a piionurieut leader.of,iho.radicals,, the gentlemen from, Pennsylvania',' [Mr. Ste ve.s'S,] referring to that clause of the Consti tution which declares that “no new State shall bo formed within the. jurisdiction of,” or out of part of, an old State, without the. consent of the Legislature of the old 'State,: and no srioh consent having been given' by the Legislature of Virginia, said: I • “ I will,-not stultify myself by supposing that wo have any warrant in the Constitution for this proceeding," ■ And yet I am not sure, but tho .gentleman, did at last stultify . himself by declaring his readiness to veto, and'by actually voting, for the hill, as ho said, “ under the war power ;”■ that is,'a'power to make war upon the Con stitution by doing an act expressly forbidden by it. One. difficulty .was forgotten. The gentleman Was not ‘-‘sworn in” under the war power, but had taken an oath to support the Constitution. Perhaps no gentleman could escape from such, a .dileirima without stultification. At any rate, it seems.clear that either tho man or the oatli was sutlti lied. ' } -. ’ < • Thus ft is.'Mr. Chairman, that we are drift ing on and on,. nearer am] nearer to that fearful whirlpool, whore this Government of constitutional, liberty, purchased with'the blood of our fathers, and where the bright est hopes'of patriots may all' bo'swallowed tip and lost forever. And all this is being done under tho. insane leadership' of aboli tionism, in defiance of the public will. The abolition creed, is short, -but full of horror and blood. They 603', “Slavery is the cause of the rebellion, -therefore' crush out and de stroy slavery—remove the cause and the- ef fect will cense.” . The remainder of tho creed consists, in striking down, constitutions and laws, overthrowing State, governiiicnts, and doing anything and-everything they may -phase to do under tile claim of “ military ne cessity.” Sir, thorp is.no truth in the flip panfrant “ that slavoiyis tho cause of, the. rebellion and war.” Abolitionism iu the north, and secession in the South, where the joint causes, operating together, which, pro duced tho rebellion and war. If there had been no secessionists iu tbo South there would have been no rebellion, no war; and if there had been no abolitionists in,tho North there would have been no war. Neither, opera ting alone, had the power to bring it about. It is true, that a number of loading restless traitors in the South had long been plotting tho destruction of tho Union. But tho great mass'of tho people in ail the southern States were deeply and truly dpvoted to the Gov ernment, and neither honed for nor desired any bettor. . But these loading traitprtf held up constantly before the masses the publica tions; sermons, speeches, and all the threats, rant, and ravirig of northern abolitionists,- until they were made to believe they were about to bo visited with the horrors of an ab olition war ; and under that apprehension they followed their lenders into rebellion.— The secessionists furnished the fire, and the abolitionists the fuel, and thus operating to gether, kindled up that fearful conflagration which is now carrying desolation and ruin the land in its wild' and spreading flame. ‘ ' .- . • Sir, while I do not say. that abolitionism was the solo Kniso of the war; yet I do say ■ that, without its aid, this' rebellion and war: 1 never could havo arisen ; and if were this day crushed out'and wholly dp-' stroyed, tho soul hern revolution would soon btirn out of iisolf, and cease for Want of fuel. And those northern fanatics, in t:.o policy they adopt and force upon us—if any of them ’sincerely desire to subdue the rebellion and save tno Government (And it may bit possible that some do) —resemble 1 the irian'iptp.cwho is laboring and toiling to'put o.ut'flrWUy con stantly throwiiig'ori dry" fuel, and- atill- tlie fire burns with a fiercer flame; ho throws on more, and looks and wonders why he 'eannot smother arid put it out. Sir, if is in tlijfl -way that those miserable extremists have gone band in hand in producing, sustaining, arid nouriihing tho rebellion. ’,V bile the fifo.- eatora'havo come out boldly and opened their batteries on the Union, tbo abolitionists have operated in disguise, a miserable set of mi ners and sappers, mining and trenching ar- opndthe temple of liberty ; burrowing in the ground, and seekingto overthrow and destroy the Gonslifutidib . Mr. Chairman, abolitionism has been an element of discord wherever it has appeared, whether in Church or State, Its whole his tory has been “ evil and only evil, and that constantly.’’ It moves and breathes in agi tation, and lives on .the gall and bitterness of strife. . [ta Unionism would strike down States, and .blot Put stars from the national flag; its philanthropy a brutal thirst , for blood; and its loyalty, treason against, the- Constitution.’ , , ■ Sir, the people are alarmed at the fearful fact, how fully disclosed, of two rebellions, one at. the North and one at the South, ■leagued together and unitedly -warring against the Government and liberty of the people. No wonder this country is smitten with desolation and waste; no wonder, the land is bathed in' kindred blood, and dotted ! all over with hundreds of thousands ofnewlv-■ made graves; no wonder the wail of sorrow is rising and showers of-hurning. tears falling from millions'of bereaved widows and strick en orphans. One serpent and one, rebellion. Were sufficient to curse and blighfctho.gardcn of Eden. lint bur political Eden has been visited, by two serpents, producing two re bellions, ane a fearful, fiery serpent at the South, the other a black and .venomous ser pent at the North, full of.the deadly virus of treason. And, in- the bloody progress of these rebellions, abolitionism lias thrown off the mask, and stands out openly revealed, the very demon of carnage, with grim visage, 1 gory looks, hands reeking with blood, and eyes, red with ’the , fftes. of perdition. There’ th,o monster stands, raving and crying aloud, in hoarse,sepulchral tones—“ extermination ! exterminate, the South !" Mr. Chairman, there is no essential differ ence between the leading fire-eater's and abo litionists,' except that arising from-.ldeality., Both are forever engaged- in agitation and strife—warring, restless spirits,- who would be satisfied nowhere,' and 1 with no Govern ment under-heaven, and certainly with none in heaven. Konidyo an abolitionist to the South, warm him up .with a ,few .days .of southern sun, and he. pomes out a genuine fire-eater;’ and so the benefit of a-.northern climate, with/a little ice water,' will,speedily bring a fire-eater into the foremost ranks of, radical abolitionists, - They are essentially kindred spirits, though-sometimes seeming to differ. Tlio loading fire-eaters at the South’ are full of fury and fight; while the loading political abolitionists, bitten by the northern serpent, are’seized with monomania, or more properly uegropbqbia, a.disease’haring some analogy -to hydrophobia. It is said the sufferer from .hydrophobia has an instinctive .dread of water,, and can never.-pass.oyer h stream without convulsions and sometimes death ; and so those.political’ subjeots af no gvophohia have' an indescribable dread of election days, and can never pass through one palely. Hence, on the memorable ■ 14lh of October last, these men in Pennsylvania, and Ohio and Indiana, at about the hour of .twelve o’clock, were suddenly seized with fearful trembling, spasms, and convulsions, Imid a .little after the polls were closed their dead bodies’"were seen at all the Corners of the streets. And the same rosulfoocnrrod again on tho sth of November in Illinois, in New Jersey, and in New York. Theirs was, a most distressing and.melancholy fate, leavc i’ng nothing to console their surviving friends,', except that' their loss was'the country’s gain._ Mr. Chairman, Abolitionism has now emporary control of tho Government; it shapes its own policy, has everything its own way, and is last working out its Own destruc tion in the eyes of all thinking men. It'is doomed, and will certainly fall beyond the roach of any political resurrection. The dan ger is it.may drag down thc'Guvernment with it. But if this government shall escape ship wreck and ruin,' the people will learn one salutary lesson, dearly nut easily, forgotten;' and that is, never to- trust their Government ojnd diherty in tho'hands of a fanatical and sectional, party, again. Sir, 1 have ever felt lor our form of Government tho deepest devotions. As the mother would hepd over the couch of'hor dying child, and hope for restoration, while there was liiVan d breath, to would I.hope.lor and cling to.this Government. And yet, I declare, I have no hope, none whatever, from the present radi cal policy ; it never can surd .the Government and'restore tho Union'; to my mind that is just as certain ns if all woro now swallowed up and lost in anarchy and ruin.' • , , And yet I do not despair id tho Govern ment; 1 am glad to believe there is still solid ground for hope. I believe the Democratic hosts in the North and Northwest, have pow er to crush and I .subdue the rebellion North and South, and save tho Government from ruin; and,.though always an old’lino.AVhig.' I am ready, and my constituents arc ready, to unite heart and hand with the Democratic party in battling for tile Union against Abo litionists arid secessionists, now and forever. I raise no objection to the name of that party Democracy is an old and honored name, tlnu no man need blush to assume. Their plat form, “the Constitution as it is, the Union as it was-,’’ has.the ring of. tho pure mctiil. It is a" close aud -searenbuj lest' of loyalty, as I have more than once witnessed on this floor. Men who atteriipt to ridicule it never fail to betray thoirown infidelity to theCimstitntion. It is nut possible for men who are opposed to that .platform to he truly loyal, - "Wo havo.no Constitution hut the constitution ns it is, ani if you are not for that, then you arc, in feel ing uud sentiment, in rehell.ihn against,it Wo have no Union, never had nor can have, under that Constitution, hut.the Union.as it ' was formed by it; and if you are nut for that, you are against the Union, and, of necessity, disunionists. Honed' tho war upon slavery when stripped of all disguise, is nothing hut a war upon the Union and against the Con- stitution, because it protects slavery, and- -tliere and in that is found, the. heart and core of the abolition rebellion ; and it is nothing but a rebellion against the Government.— Sir; what did we hear from a oroiitinent lead- er