■ . ■' ■■ ■ . . “OUP^COUNTRY—MAY IT ALWAYS. BK RIGHT—BUT/RIOIiT OR WRONG, OUR COUNTRY." "
46.. • ■ CARLISLE, PA., THURSDAY, MARCH '22, 1860,
mKrIOAN ' “ onof wymidott
iB> '.AyijjftßßbifSllED EVERY THURSDAY MOUSING DY
TEE M S .
1 ''Mfofw
r -j-ipnnSfcn-
W.-»Ouc Dollar atid Fifty Cents, paid
Cwo Dollars if paid within tho year;
lara and Fifty Cents; if not paid within
■ Theko terms will bo rigidly adhered to in
No subscription discontinued until
arrearages are paid unless at tho option of . tho
IJditor 4
to*!','-;;; 1 ;ADVKnTIfiBmsKt& — Accompanied by the cash, ana
■ hot oscoodihg one square, will be inserted throe
times for QfaaDbllaf, and twenty-five conts for each
addifionoUa¥ori|6n. Thosoof a greater lougth.im
proportion;!
«Tub
Doinphb
accuta
is&-s sh as Ifand-lfilla, Posting-bills,
felts- Labels, <to. Ac., executed with
tt tl lo shortest, notice.
ftlitlrdL
1 t/f SPEECH
{JW Ilov WILLIAM MONTGOMERY,
Op ’ilhein&nwahon of Hon. Henry D. Fostc,
) Ml ike laic Heading Convention.
nomination of lion. Henry D.
Convention called on the lion.
:gornory to respond for Gen. Fos
uot present. Mr. Montgomery
, and was greeted with roum|jt
enthusiastic applause, and after
(stored,, spoke as follows;
nt and Gentlemen of the Conven
namo of nut only Westmoreland
the name of all the pri u 1 galaxy
rich cover the Western slopes of
is to the Western boundary line
Id Commonwealth, I thank you.-
; the cold, conventional, “'thank
ion courtcsv, but the warm, ear
, kind word that.comes from the
a grateful heart. You have in
great honor. Unasked, unsolic
tpcctcd, you have conferred the
in your gift in the State, on one
itingulshod fellow-citizens, and
ing murk of kindness and cun'-
J name of General Foster, and
jrn Pennsylvania, I thank you.
This is a nomination “lit to be
leers.] And I'hardly know wheth*
most honor on the gentleman who
or on the Convention by which it'
[Cheers-] - “There is a Divinity
j pur ends, rough hew them as w.e
oers.] And who so blind that he
, in this nomination, the mysterious
lat “Divini'y ?”■ [Cheers.] Pause
■upon it. Shrewd, cunning, far
’ana-we- c but just now struggling
ry. Warm and earnest friends
,*to their 'several fortunes, and
•emoting their success. The tri
would have necessarily boon the
rest. On the part ,ofthe friends
iful candidate there would have
ixultatioh and nativity'; ,oii the
lends of tho'dofeated candidates!
layd boon disappointment, eold
.■t-bdrnings. blot so nbw; for
as the candidate of every man
rs.] The candidate of the Con
hc hearty, enthusiastic manner
neiltion -of his name is received
ise gathering, ahew-f fiat he is
date of the people. ..[Applause.]
cal .of -no man-, .He contested
i with no man, but has had the
Spontaneously, and, I may say,
:(jtt-it upon him. [Cheers;] He
ijhof all the candidates, and .will
richdah'P in. return. : [Cheers.]
Several candidates whoso name
mad some peculiar and pronii
harattef, oil which their friends
hopes of success. You had the
R<?J}ti.fearless and nfl'ahlo Witte,
industrious and faithful
to * lis past official
of his purity and abil
tlic gallant Hopkins,'
?f. the Bij'uksliot- war.'
other candidates,
prominent trait of
thorn claims -on your
: But it was loft for
who 'is a model of
tho several'distin- 1
in his own clc
-1 , [Cheers.] Elo
* • with a character' 1
tongue of malignant
suspicion, his;
to the record of his 1
)t life, and bo proud of
li» Tried in every re-
hitnsolf tho peer
bosk [Cheers.] ,
y, tho ablest law-,
>fy r - —i- • .i Ynn j ai In the halls of
ic has proven, through
•vice, the master spirit
ho was a member.—
of Congress, when
trious men of the na-.
full standard and took
in the land. [Cheers,]
has few rivals and no
candidate should bo
(instances is little less
s,] Chosen when Wcs
bogim to believe you
i, allow her claims to
'nor; chosen after two
it requires the best
victory back, to our
leader,of the Demor
io ablest general of us
hplo of our nation’s
my contro'; when tho
irshalling its forces;
Union is threatened;
dons prevail in our,
bold, bad men, in'
io attaimnentof pow-'
and South asunder;
uldbo ohospn.unan
ihpspp, in such a day
langer, must be more
Bond’ Cheers.] Yes,
shapes our ends.-
rsfitious, hut l am' a
tare of an overruling
ias -there been a day
(} , ion—when, the. arm
mtstrotched, for bur,
Sue and And why pot now!
us from danger,'
Jj by foreign nations, will surely,
i« F,cK |^^,%', whott'a party of bad men, raad
iOtt-)®ttt4;JiJBt;fbr'powor, sook the foaliza r
by waging direct,war upon
rej our confederacy,; when
o citizens in the North
American citizens
National compact is
t rfMiattCejMftwiipt,' and the' Constitution
;■ when dh'o appeal of duf
up to us.to aid them
nymgrb tbiß’ marshal led array of fan-
S;jSurely,;4J|Bilchtt time, and under such
circumstances, that ever present 1 Providence
will not desert us. I feel that this nomina
tion springs from promptings higher than
those of man., [Cheers.] In the midst of the
strife for rival candidates; in the noise and
confusion of our active Convention, a name
came whispering on the brcci'c; you all hoard
It; all opposition ceased; and with one shout
and one heart Henry D. Poster was proclaim
ed your standard-bearer. [Tremendous cheers.]
The dim vision of mortal man may not see it,
but surely that Hand that has saved us so of
ten was at that moment painted on the dark
clouds of political warfare which covered the
heavens. [Cheers.] Your standard-bearer will
not bo defeated nor struck down; the hearts
of the people will go out to him. [Cheers.]
Westmoreland county, the glorious old Star
of the West, whose Democracy have so long
been distracted and divided will bo herself
again, [Cheßrs.] and the winds of October will
bear to your ears the shout of her triumphant
thousands. [Cheers.] When I was a boy, in
every contest wo[ turned to old Westmoreland
with the fixed assurance that, although others
should falter, she at least Would stand firm.
Atd, she never disappointed Us. [Cheers.]
Once again we,may confidently tuin to her,,
a d listen for her response in favor of her no
blest son.. [Cheers,] Led on by Poster, in
Pennsylvania, and the national column head
ed by the .‘‘Little Giant of America,” who,
though small in stature, is collosal in intel
lect, the next political battle will be little else
than a, triumphal march. [Tremendous ap
plause.]
.Fellow-citizens, before I close, I invito you
to a double funeral. There are two dead, and
wo will bury them. An aged , gentleman,
called “Old Leobrapton/' who did U i much
harm In hisdife, who had warm friends and
bitter enemies —has ceased to. distract and di
ride, for ho is dead, and we will bury him.
[Tremendous applause.] Another, known by
the name of “Anti-Lecompton," a son of the
old gentleman last named, is also dead.—
[Cheers.] lie was a wild youth, self-willed and,
impetuous, he did much good and some harm,
but now, his Work all done, his mission fully
completed, it was his time to die. Ho is dead,
[Cheers,! and we will buiy him in the, bosom
of his father, and hi thc.snmo grave. [Cheers.]
When ypu.hear the clods fall on their coffins,
I ask. you. to shed no tears, to feel no grief,
but let shouts of joy go up from, gkd hearts,,
a fit rjquiuni over those troublesome dead,
who distracted us so long, yot cin distract Us
no more. [Loud cheering.] , They are dead,*
and old friends, who were' estranged, cun now |
be cordially, reconciled! The anti-Lecompton
Democrat can extend the right hand of fellow
ship to his Locompton brother, and the Le-,1
compton Democrat will open his avins and
take him .to liis heart, [Cheers,] and, like ca-„
tranged lovers, they will. kiss and make'
friends, and love each other all the. bettor-for
their quarrel. [Daughter .and cheers.] We
will erect ho monument over the' spot whore
father and eon lie buried. We have dug the
grave a thousand fathoms deep, and wo Will
.fll it up with earth.and sod! to the ’very «ur-.
dace, and trainp it dowuap:havd and solid'that
the hands -of no political, resurrection ! shall
'drag thom from their resting place. [Loud
'cheers,! .
Let the dead rest in'peace—and with them
the influences which have too long disturbed
our councils. Having now performed those
funeral ceremonies, we have nothing*more.to
do with Locompton or anti-Lecompton. They
are issues of the dead past. Wo'have now to
do with the living future,‘.which wo must coin
into action and successful operation. [Cheers.}
Before I close, I must, however, beg your
attention whilst-1 demonstrate that the ques
tions which arise on the Kansas hind Nebras
ka Act arc not subjects of political controver
sy. Those differences, are on purely legal
questions, and from the earliest ages it has'
■boon a text proven that “lawyers Will differ."
[Laughter;] In 1854,-Congress-gave up the
right of-logifilating iin- the Territories to; the’
Territorial*--Legislatures. , A - question , has,
since arisen how far the power to legislate ex
tends. Judge Black and some Southern gen
tlemen contend that the Territorial Legisla
tures huye not the power, under the Constitu
tion ofthc United States, to abolish slavery,!
by a direct act, nor by any unfriendly legis
lation. Judge Douglas, and many -others, i
both North and South, contend'that Congress
coin, by unfriendly legislation, virtually abol-!
ish slavery. For instance, Judge Douglas
contends that the Territorial Legislatures have
as much power to tax a negro slave as‘,!they
have to tax a horse, and that thistfix'nmy bo
made so high that slaves would never be
be brought! into the Territory. This, Judge
Black, and those who agree with him, deny.
They say it would.be a violation of tho Con
.stitutionoftho United States. 'Judge Douglas
contends that it would not bo unconstitution
al. Now, although you are not all lawyers;
yet I know you will perfectly well understand
that Congress cannot determine what the true
interpretation of the Constitution is by any
law they may pass. 'The interpretation of
the Constitution belong to tiro Supreme. Court
of the United 1 States, and it cannot be taken
from it. Ton see, therefore, that these per
plexing difficulties are knotty law questions;,
which a few cunning lawyers have thrown
intolhe political arena to puzzle and weaken,
US. The time for.humbugging the people is
nearly past; They, are too intelligent to be
misled by - any ' such delusions. They- will'
leave to Congress what belongs to it, and to
the Courts what belongs to them. They will
hot believe that because two lawyers differ on
q, law question, that therefore they cannot
both .be good Democrats. ■ [Laughter.] I: am
ashamed cf men who. would intrude such
on political conventions,..a! political issues, to
damage the fortunes pf those, who have led us
in the past. I have a great notion ’to bury
that question, [Cheers,] not in the grave with
the two Lecomptons, but in the musty rocoidi
of the Supreme Court, and if they are as slow
in their decisions as the Court of Chancery in
England, ,wo may not hear of it again during
the lives of the present generation. [Cheers.]
Gentlemen, I cannot conclude without com
plimenting you'on the spirit - and enthusiasm
which have been manifested in all your pro
ceedings. I cannot mistake the feeling' which
is abroad—it promises .flattering nows from
the future.! All this earnest enthusiasm,'all
these assembled thousands,tell us plainly,
that victory is certain. The people ore awake,:
the party is united, our forces are euthusias T
tie, and wo are led by a candidate who has
been sought by tho office, and hot tho office
by him;' I regard tho field as already won.
Gentlemen, I thank you* again for all you:
have done for mo, and for Western Pennsyl
vania. !
Mr. Montgomery, took, hia scat amid im
mense applauae. - ....
The taste of beauty and the relish of
what is decent, just and'ainidble, perfects'tie
icharactor of tho gohtloman, • ‘
I (C7* “Am I not a little pale?” inquired ,a
jlady who was short and corpulent, of a crus
ty old bachelor. ‘‘You look more like a big
t lb,” was the blunt reply.
SPEECH
OF ,
HON. STEPHEN A. DOUGLAS,
In Reply to Mr. Seward and Mr. Trumbull — ;
Delivered in the Senate of the United Slates,
' February 29,1800.
Mr. President : I trust I shall bo par doried
for a few remarks Upon so much of the Sena
tor’s speech as consists in an assault on the
Democratic party, and especially with regard
to the Kansas-Nehraska bill, of Which 1 Was
the responsible author. It hits become fash
ionable now-a-days for each gentleman ma
king a speech against the Democratic party
to refer to the Kansas-Nobraska act as the
cause of all, the disturbances that have sifico
ensued. They talk about the repeal of a sa
cred compact that had been undisturbed for
more than a quarter of a century, Us if those
who complained of Violated faith bad been
faithful to the provisions of the Missouri com
promise. Sir, wherein consisted the necessity
for thq repeal or abrogation of that act, except
it was that the majority in the northern States'
refused to carry out the Missouri compromise
in good faith? I Stood willing-to extend; it to
the Pacific oceanj and abide by it forever; and
the entire Solith; without onfc exception in this
body, was willing thus to abide by it; but the
tree-soil element of the northern States; Was so
strong as to defeat that meiisitril, and thus
open the slavery question anew. The, men
who how complain of the abrogation of that
act wore the very men who denounced it, and
denounced all of us who wore willing to abide
by it so long as it stood upon the statute book.
Sir, it was the defeat in the House, of Repre
sentatives of the enactment of the bill to ex
tend the Missouri compromise to the Pacific
ocean, after it had passed , the Senate on my
own motion, that opened the controversy of
1850, which was terminated by the adoption
of the measures of that year.
We carried those compromise measures over
the head of the Senator, from Now York- and
his present associates. 1 Wo, in-those meas
ures, established a great principle,, rebuking
his doctrine of intervention by the Congress
of the United States to prohibitslavcry in the
Territories.: Both parties, in 1852;, pledged
themselves to abide by that prmciple, and thus
stood, pledged Hot; to prohibit slavery in the
Territories .by act'of. Congress. The Whig
party affirmed that pledge, and" so did the Dor
mocraey. ;In 1854 we only carried ouh.inthe
Kansas-Nobraska act, the same principle that j
had been affirmed in the compromise measures
of 1350.' • I repeat that their resistance to car
rying out in good faith.tho settlement of 1820,
their defeat of the bill for extending it to the
Pacific- ocean, was the Solo cause of flip agita
tion of 1850, and gave rise to the necessity of
establishing the principle of .non-intervention
by Congress with slavery-in the Territories.
Hence 1 ! am not willing to sit here, and al-!
low. the,Senator from New York, wit-lv-all■'the:
weight of authority, he has with the powerful
party of, which ho,is the head, fp arraigh mo
and the party to which I belong,with the 1 re
sponsibility,for that agitation.which rests sole
ly upon him and his associates. ’ Sir,' the De
mocratic party whs willing to carryout ,the
compromise in good 'faith. Having been' de
feated in that for' the want of numbers, and
having established the principle of hou-inter*
vontion in the compromise measures of 185 Q,
in lieu of it, the Democratic party from that
day to this has been faithful to the new prin
ciple of adjustment: Whatever agitation has
grown out of .the question since, has been oc T
casioned by the resistance of the party ,of
which that Senator is the head, to this groat
principle, which has boon ratified by the Ame
rican people at two presidential elections,. If
he was willing to acquiese' in the solemn'and
repeated judgment of that American people
to which lie appeals, there, would be no agita
tion In this country now. , •
.But,'sir, the .whole argument of that Sena
tor goes far beyond the question of slavery,
even in the Territories., His entire argument
rests on the assumption that the negro and the
white man were equal by Divine law, and
hence that all laws and constitutions and go
vernments in violation of the principle of ne
gro equality are in violation of tho law of God.
That is tho basis upon which his speech rests.
He quoted the Declaration of Independence to
show that the fathers of tho Revolution un
derstood that the negro was. placed On an
equality with the white man, by quoting the
clause, “we hold these truths to be self-evi
dent, that all mon are created equal, and are
endowed by their Creator with certain inalie
nable rights', among which are life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness." Sir, the doc
trine of - that Senator and his party is:—and I
have had to ipeot it for eight years—‘that the
Declaration of Independence intended to rec
ognize tho negro and tho white man as equal
Under tho Divine law, find'hence that all the
provisions of the Constitution of the . United
States which'recognize slavery are in violation
of tho Divine law.,. In other words, it is an
argument against tho Constitution of tho Uni
ted States upon the ground.that it is contrary
to the law: of-God. Tho Senator from New
York has long held that doctrine. The Sena
tor from Now York has often proclaimed to
the world, that tho Constitution of the United
States was in violation of tho Divine law, and
that. Senator will 116$ contradict the statement.
I have ah extract from one of his speeches now
before, me, in which that proposition is dis
tinctly put forth. . In a speech made in tho
State of Ohio, in 1848, ho said;
“ Slavery is tho sin of not some of tho States on
ly, but of fhom all; of not one nationality, but-of all
nations. It perverted and corrupted the moral sense
of mankind deeply and universally, and this perver
sion became & universal habit. Habits of thought
become fixed principles. Ho American State has
yet delivered itself entirely from those habits. Wo,
in Now York, are guilty of slavery still by withhol
ding tho right of suffrage from tho race wc Imvo
'emancipated. ■ You,.in Ohio, arc guilty in tho same
way by a system of black laws still-moro aristocra
tic and odious. "It is written in tho Constitution of
tho United Slates that five slaves shall count equal
to.throe freemen,as a-basis of representation; and it
is written, also, IN VIOLA,TIOX OH DIVINE
'LAW, that-wc shall'surrondcr tho fugitive slave who
takes refuge at onr,fireside from his relentless pur
■ There you find Ida doctrine clearly laid
down, that tho Constitution of tho United
States is “ in violation of the Divine law,” end
therefore, is not to ho obeyed.- Toil arc told
that tho clause relating to fugitive slaves, be
ing in violation of 1 tho Divine law, is not bin
ding bn mankind. This has boon tho doc
trine of tho Senator from Now York for years.
I have not hoard it in tho Senate to-day for
tho first time.’ I have mot in my own State,
for tho,last ton years, this eamo dqctrinc, that
the. Declaration of IndcpondoncO "recognized,
tho negro ond tho white man as eqhal; that
tho negro and) white man- are equals by Di
vine law, and that ,every provision of ouv Oon
stitution and laws which establishes inequali
ty between the negro and tho white man, is
void, because coiitrary to tholaw of God
The Senator from Now York says, in the
very speech from which I have quoted, that
Now-York is yet a slave State. Why ? Not
that she has a slave within her limits, but be
came the constitution of Now York,does' riot
allow a negro to vote on ari equality with a
white man.! .For - that reason he says New
York is still a slave State; for that reason eve
ry other Stato'that discriminates between the
negro and the white map te a slave State, lea
ving but a very few States, in the. Union that
are free from his objection!Yet, nbtfrithstan
ding thd Senator is, committed to these doc
trines; notwithstanding thj leading men of
Iris party are combatted to-them, he argues
that they have been accused of being in favor
of negro equality, : and, says..,the., tendency of
their doctrine is the qurilityof the white man.
He,introduces the objection, and .fails to an
swer it. Ho states the proposition nud dodg
es it, to leave tlie inference; that he does not
endorse it. Sir, I desire to pee these gentle
men carry out their principles to their logical
conclusion. If they , will persist in the decla
ration that the negro is made the cqhal of the
white man, and that any■ inequality is in vio
lation of the Divine laW, then let them, carry
it out in their legislation by. conferring on the
negroes all the rights of oitiiSenship the same,
as on white men, Dor one, I never held to
ilriysilch doctrine. I hold!; that the Declara
tion of Independence was’ only referring to
the white man—to the governing race of this
country, , who were in conflict With Great Bri
tain; and had no reference "to the negro, race
at all, when it declared that all men were
created equal, . , ■ : '
Sir, if the signers of that declaratiori had un
derstood the instrument then as the Senator
from New York, now; ooristrucs.it,, were they,
not bound on that day,, at'that very hour, to
emancipate all their slaves ? If Mr. Jeiferson,
had’mean t that his negro slaves were created
by the Almighty his equate; was he not hound
to emancipate the slaves .op the Very day that
he signed his name to {he ■ Declaration of ,Iri
dependerice? Yet no one,of tHe’sigriers of
that declaration emancipated his slaves',; No
one, of the States oh whose behalf thedeolarri-‘.
tion was signed, emancipated its slaves until
after, the Revelation Was .over,. Every one of
the original colonies, every one of the thirteen
original States,-sanctionedand, legalized sla
very until after the Revolution was closed.—;
.These facts show conclusively that the Decla
ration of Independence-was-never.intended to'
■boar the. construction, placed upon it by tlie
Senator from'New York, rind by that enor
mous tribe’of lecturers that go through the
I country delivering lectures;in country school--
| houses and basement of churches' to Abolition
ists, in order to teach the. children that the.
Almighty had'put his..soii| of condemnation'
upon any inequality between the white man
and the negro.- •
Mr.'fpresiderit, I auv'free.to say hero—what
I have said oyof. and oVfeij'again at homo—
that, lit toy opinion,' thisfGo.vernment was
made, by white men for' thoVbenettt of white'
meii and thoir posterity forever, and should bo
administered by white men, and by none oth
er whatsoever. ; .
, M r.U 0 OLIT'!! I ,I'... IvfCt'.ivVU; the honora
ble' Senator, then, why notogiyb the Torfito-' 1
rics to white men? .
Mr,, DOUGLAS. Mr. Prrisldorit, I ain in
fayqr of throwing the Territories open to all
the'white moil) and all tile'negroes, too, that
ohooso'to go, arid,then.alldivfho white men to
govern the Territory; " I Would riot let one of
the' negroes, free or slave, either vote for or
hold office anywhere, where I hrid the right,
under the Constitution; to prevent it.'. I nra
in favor'of each. State arid each' Territory of
this Union taking care of itffbwn negroes, free
or slave. If they want slavery, let them have
it; if they desire to prohibit slavery, lot them
do it; it is theii- business, not mine. We in
Illinois, tried slavery while, wo were a Territo
ry, and found it was riot '.profitable ; and hence
wo turned philanthropists; afid abolished it,
just.as our friends across' the ocean
did. They established slavery in all their
colonies, and when they found they could not
make any more tooney outof.it, abolished it.
I hold that the, question of slavery is one of
political economy, governed by ’ the laws of
climate,’ soil, productions; arid self-interest,
and not by mere statutory provision, I repu
diate the doctrine, that because free institu
tions .may be best in one climate, they are,
the best everywhere ; or that be
cause slavery may bo indispensable in one lo
cality, therefore it is desirable everywhere.—
!. hold that a wise. statesman .Will, always
adapt his legislation to the Wants, interests,
condition, and. necessities of the people to bo
governed by it. One people! Will bear differ-,
ent institutions from another, One climate
demands different institutions irom another.
1 repeat, then, what I have often had occasion
to say, that I do not think uniformity is cith
er possible or desirable, I wish to see no two
States' precisely alike iri their domestic insti
tutions In this Union. Our syste'm rests on
the supposition that each (State has something
in her condition orolimate/or her CireuriSstnri
ces, requiring laws’ and institutions different’
from every other State of die Union,, Hence
I answer; the question qfftho Senator, from
Wisconsin, that I am willing that a Territory
settled by white, men shall have' negroes, free
or slave, just-ris the'white men shell deter
mine, but not as the negroes .shall prescribe.
The Senator, from Now York has coined a
new definition of the States of .the Union
Labor States, and Capital States. The capital
State's, 1 believe; ax ; o the slaveholding States';
th 6 labor States ; are tho non-slaveholding
States;, It has taken .that Senator a good
many years to . coin that pjii-aso and bring it
into nao. I have heard hihi discuss these fa
vorite'theories of his for the last ton years, I
think, and I never heard of capital States and
labor States before. It strikes mo that some
thing, has recently occurred up;ijx New Eng
land thgt makes it politic (6 got up a question
between capital and labor,! and take the side
of the i numbers against the few. Wo have
seen; some accounts in the' aowspapors of com
binations and strikes amo)|g the journeymen
shoemakers in tho towns there—-labor against
capital. The Senator hash now word ready
coined.to suit their, ease, aid make the labor
ers believe that be is on t|Je side of the most
numerous' class of voters. I ,
' What produced that strike among the jour
neymen shoemakers? Wiiy are thouiechan
los of Now England, the laborers and employ
ees, now. reduced-to the starvation point?—-
Simply because, by' j'oui treason, by yoUr
sectional-agitation, you Inivo created a strife
between tbo North and tht Southj have driv
en away your • southern customers, and thus
[ deprive the laborers of themoans of support.
This is tlio fruit bf your Republican dogmas.
It is another step,'followia'g John Brown, of
the “ irrepressible condiei." Therefore, wo
now get this now coinage of “ labor States"—•
he is on the side of the sidomakers, (laugh
ter,) and “ capital Statesl’-tdio is against those
that furnish the hides, (laughter.) I think
those shoemakers will nmlorstand this busi- j
ness. . They know, why it;js that they do not j
got so raitny orders as they did a few, months j
ago; It is not confined totho shoemakers; it I
roaches every mechanic’s (hop and every tac
tory. All the large laboring establishments
of the North fool the pressure produced by
the doctrine of the " irropiessible conflict.
This new coinage of works will not save them
from tho just responsibility that follows the
doctrines they have been inculcating. If they
had abandoned the doctrine of tho “ irrepres
sible conflict,” and procla'txied the true doc
trine of the Constitution, that each State is en
tirely free to do just as it pleases, have slavery
as long us it chooses, and abolish it When it
wishes; there would be no conflict; the nor
thern and southern States would he brethren;
there would he fraternity between us, and
yoUr shoemakers would not strike for higher
prices. ,
Mr. CtARK. Will tho Senator- pardon me
for interrupting hint a mbntoiit V •.
Mr. DOUGLAS. I will not give'-way for a
speech; I will for a suggestion. ■:
Mr. CLARK; I ddsirO simply to xrtake one
single suggestion in regard to what the Sena
tor from Illinois said in reference to the con
dition of tho laboring classes in the'factories.'
I come from a city where there are three thou
sand operatives, and there never was a time
when they wore more contented and better
paid in the factories than now, and when their
business was bettor than at this present time.
Mr. DOUGLAS. I was speaking of the
scarcity of labor growing up ip our northern
manufacturing towns; as a legitimate and na
tural consequence of the diminution of the de
mand for the xxxanufaoUxrod article; and then
the question is, what, cause has reduced this
demand, except tho “ irrepressible conflict"
that has turned trade away from
northern cities into southern towns and south
ern cities ?. Sir, the feeling among the masses
of the South wo find typified iu th 6! dress of
the Senator from Virginia, 1 (Mr. .Mason;)
they are determined to wear tho homespun
of their oxvn productions rather than “trade
Witlrffhe North. • That is the feeling which
has produced this stale of distress in our man
ufacturing towns,
'. .The Senator from Now York has also re
ferred to the recent action of the people of
New , Mosico> in establishing a code for the
protection of property in slaves, and he , con
gratulates tho country upon the final success
of the advocates of ,free institutions in Kansas.
He could not fail, however, to spy, in order to
preserve what ho thought .was .a striking an
tithesis, ’that popular'sovereignty in Kansas
meant State sovereignty iii Missouri, .No;
sir; popular sovereignty iu Kansas was strick
en down by unholy combination in New Eng
land to ship men to Kansas—rowdies and va
gabonds—with, the' Bible in one hand and
Sharpe’s rifle in' the other, to shoot down the
friends of self-government. Popular.. sover
eignty in Kansas was stricken down by the
cotxxbination in the'.northern States to carry
elections under pretohco’of emigrant, aid so-,
oietios. In retaliation, Missouri formed aid
societies,, too ;' and. she, following your exam
ple, sent men into Kansas, and then occurred
tho conflict. Now, you throw tho blame upon
Missouri merely because , she. followed yqur.l
"example, and attempted to resist its- cense-1
quences. ' J condemn both; but I condemn a 1
•thousand-fold raqre those,that sot the example,
and struck, theyfirst- blow, than those who*
thought they would act upon tho principle of
fighting the devil with his own weapons, and
resorted to the same moans that you had em
ployed, * i
But, sir, notwithstanding the efforts of em
igrant aid societies,.the people of Kansas have
had their own way, and the people of New
Mexico have had their, own war/ Kansas
has'adopted a free State;' New. Mexico has
established a slave Territory. I am content
with both, -If-tho people of New Mexico want
slavery, let them have it, and I never will vote
to repeal their slave code. If Kansas does not
want slavery, I will not help anybody to force
it in on her. Lot each do ai it pleases. When
Kansas comes to the conclusion that slavery
will suit her, and promote her interest better
than the prohibition, let her -pass her own
slave Code; I will not pass .it for her. When
ever New Mexico/ gets tired s bf her code, she
must repeal it for herself; I will not repeal it
for her. Non intervention by Congress with
slavery in the. Territories is the platform on
which I stand.
But I want to know why will not the Sena
tor from .New' York carry out' his principles
to their, logical conclusions ? Why is diere
not a man in thatvvhole party, in this body or.
the House of Representatives, bold enough to
redeem the pledges which that party has made
to the country? I believe you said, in your
Philadelphia platform, that Congress had so
vereign power over-the Territories, for their
government,, and .that if was the duty of Con
gress to prohibit, in all the Territories, those
twin relics of barbarism, slavery and polyga
my. ' Why do you not cany out your pledg
ees ? Why do 3’ou not introduce your bill ?-r-
Tho Senator from New York says they, have
ho new measures to originate; no new move
ment to make; no now bill to bring forward.
Then what confidence shall the, American peo
ple repose in ybur faith and-sincerity. When,
having the power in one House, you'do not
bring forward a bill to carry out your prin
ciples.? Thu fact is, those,principles are avow*
ed to got votes in the North, but not to be car
ried into effect by acts of Congress. ’ Yeti are
afraid of hurting your party if you bring in
your bill to repeal the slave code of New Mcx*
ico ; afraid of driving off the conservative men ;
you think it is wise to wait until after the elec
tion. I should bo glad to have confidence
enough in the sincerity ofthe .other side of the
Chamber to suppose that they had sufficient
courage to bring forward a' law to carry out
their principles to their logical conclusions.—
I find nothing of that. They wish to agitato,
to excite the' people of the North against the
South to got votes for the Presidential elec
tion ; but they shrink from carrying out their
measures lest they might throw off some con
servative voters who do not like the Democra
tic party; .
But, sir, if the Senator from Now York, in
the event that he is made President, intends
to carry out his principles to their logical con
clusions, lot us see where they will lead him.
In the same speech that I read from a few
minutes ago, I lin'd the following. Addressing
the people of Ohio, he said :
“ You blush not at these things, because they hare
become as familiar as household words; and your
pretended Frec-.Soil allies claim peculiar merit for
niaihtuiuing these miscalled guarantees at slavery,
which they find iu tho national compact. Docs nut j
all this prove that tho Whig party have kept up with'
the spirit 6f tho ago;'that it-is as truoiiud faithful to j
human freedom as tho inert conscience of the Amo-
. xican people will permit it to bo? Wluit thou* yj>»
Bay, can nothing bo dono for freedom/ booauao tho
public conscience remains inert? Vcs,iuucli can o
d )uo, ovory thing can bo done, can c vm
■ ted to its prevent bounds,”
! That IS the first thing', H>d‘ ca » b °, dono .~
slavery can bo limited to its present bounds.
WJiatolso ? ' :
“It ms be A.3tEL ioiuted. It can and must de
AUOI.tSltliD, AND YOU. AND I CAN AND MUST DO IT."
i There you find are two propositions; first,
slavery was to bo limited to the States in which
it was then situated. It did not then exist in
any Territory. Slayery was confined to tho
States. The first proposition was that slavery
in ust bp restricted and confined to those States.
Tho second was as a Now Yorker, anti
they, tho.people of Ohio, must and would abol
ish it; that is to say ahdiah it in the States.'
They timid abolish it no where else. Every
appeal,they make to northern prejudice and
passion, is against tho institution of .slavery
everywhere, and they Would not bo able to re
tain their,,.abolition allies', thb.'rank and file;
unless they hold out the hope that it was tho
mission of the Republican party, if success
ful, tti abolish slavery in tho States as well as
in the of the Union,.
And again in thp same speech, the SenatoV
from New York advised the people to disro-,
gard constitutional obligations iti these words:
“But wo muat begin deeper anil iotvof than tbo
Composition and combination of factious of parties,
wherein tho strength And Security of slavery lie.; —
■Yon.answer that it lies in the .Constitution of the
"United Stales dud live constitutkfaiand laws of
siaveholding States. Not at all. It is in tlic cnO
neons, scntinioiitbf tho American-people. ’Constitu
tions and laws edn ho iuorß rise above the yirtuo of
the people than the limpid stream, can climb, above
its native spring. . Inculcate tho love of freedom and.
tho equal rights of man under the qraierv'al roof; see
to it that theg arc taught in the schools and in the.
churches ; .reform, your-own code'; extend a cordial
welcome to the fugitive who lags his uearg limbs at
gour door, and defend him as you would your pater
nal gods ; correct gour own error, that slavery is d
constitutional guarantee which may not le released,
and ought not to he relingulshed ."
■ I know.they tell us that all this is to ho
done according to the Couatifutiqnl'they would
not violate tho Constitution except so far as
tho Constitution violates the law of God : —that
Is all—and they are to bo tbo judges of how
far tho Constitution does violate the. law of
God. They say that every clause of the Con
stitution that recognizes property in slaves, is
in violation of the Divine, law, and hence
should not bo obeyed; and with that interpre
tation of the Constitution, they' turn to the
South and say, “We will give you all your
rights under tho Constitution as we explain
it I 1 ’
Then the Senator devoted about a third of
his speech to a very beautiful homily On the
glories of our Union: All that he, has said,
all that any other man has ever said, all that
the most eloquent tongue can over utter, in
behalf .of tlie blessings and the advantage i.of
this glorious Union, I fully endorse. But
still, sir, I am prepared to say, that the Union
is„ glorious only when the Constitution is pre
served, inviolate. He eulogized the Union. I,
too, am for the Union ; I endorse the eulogies;
but still, what is the Union worth, unless the
Constitution is preserved and maintained in
violate in. all its provisions?
■ ,sir, I have no faith in the Union-loving sen
timents of those who will not carry oui the.
Constitution in good faith, as our fathers made
it. Professions of fidelity to the Union will
be taken for naught, unless they arc accom
panied by obedience to the Constitution upon
which the Union rests. I have a. right to, in
sist that’the Constitution shall be maintained
inviolate in ail its parts, hot'only that which
suits the temper of the North, but every clause
of that Constitution,' whether you like it or
diaiike.it.! Your oath to support the, Oonstitu
, tion binds you to every lino, word, arid sylla
ble of the. instrument.' You have no right to
say that any giyen'.clauso is in violatiou.of the'
Divine law, and that, therefore, you'will not
observe it. The man who disobeys any one
clause, on the pretext that it violates the Di
vine law, or,on any other pretext, violatesdus
oath of ofiicoi : '.
, , But/sir, what a commentary is this pretext
that the Constitution is a violation of the Di
vine law, hpon/ those revolutionary; fathers
whose eulogies wo have, heard here to-day.— s
Did tho framers ,of that instrument make a
.Constitution iil violation of the law of God ?
If So, how .do your consciences allow you to
take the oath of office ? , If the Senator from
New York still holds to his declaration .that
the clause.in the Constitution rotative to fugi
tive slaves is a violation of the Divine daw,
how daro he, as an honest man, take an oath
to support, the instrument? Did ho under
stand that ho was defying tho authority of
Heaven when he took tho oath to support that
instrument? - .
Thus, wo see, the radical difference between
the Republican party and the Democratic par
ty, is, this: wo stand ley the Constitution as
our fathers'made it, and by the decisions "of
tho constituted, authorities as. they are pro
nounced in obedience to the Constitution.—
They repudiate the instrument, substitute
their own will for that'of the constituted au
thorities, annul such provisions as their fanat
icism, or prejudice, or policy, may declare to
he ill violation of God’s law, and then say,
‘• Wo will protect all your rights under the.
Constitution as expounded by ourselves; but
not as expounded by the tribunal created for
that purpose.*’ . ■
Mr, President, I shall not occupy further
time in tho discussion of this question to-night.
I did not intend to utter a word ; and. I should
| not have uttered a word.unon the subject, if
tho Senator from Now York had not made a
broad arraignment of the Democratic party,
and especially of that portion of the action of
the party for which I was most immediately
responsible, Everybody knows that I brought
forward and helped to carry through the lian
sas-Nebritska act, and that I was active in
support of the compromise measures of 1850!
I have heard had iaith attached to tho Demo
cratic party for that act too long to be willing
to remain silent and seem to sanction it .even
by tacit acquiescence.
Hr. TRUMBULL having replied to Mr.
DOUGLAS, he responded as follows:
I have but a few f?Brds to say, in reply to
my colleague; and first on tho question,
whether lllihois was a slave Territory or not;
and whether we ever had slavery in the State.
I dislike technical denials, conveying an idea
contrary to tiro fact. My colleague well knows
mid so do I, that, practically, wo had slaves
there while a Territory, and after wo became
a State. I have scon.him dance, to tho music
of a negro slave in Illinois many a time, ami
I have danced to tho same music mys.‘lf.
(Laughter,) We have both, had the same ne
gro servants to black our boots and wait upon
us, and they wore held as slaves. Wo know,
therefore, that slavery did exist in the State
iu fact, and slavery did exist in t he lerntory I
in fact; arid his denial relates exclusively to
tho question whether slavery was logo 1.
Whether legal or not, it existed m fact. Ihe
master exercised his dominion over the slnic
and those negroes wore held ns slaves until
1847 whoa wo established the now constitu
tion/ There are gentlemen around mo bore,
I who know the , fact—gentlemen who wore
nursed by slaves in Illinois, No man familiar
with the history of Illinois will deny the fact.
The quibble is, that tho territorial laws au-.
thorizing tho introduction of slaves wore, void
because tho ordinance of 1787 said slavery
was prohibited.
Notwithstanding that ordinance, the old
French inhabitants, who had slaves before tho
ordinance, paid no attention to it, and hold
slaves still. Slaves were held there all the time
that Illinois was a. Territory; aud.aftor'it bo-
oamo n.Stats'they Vcro bold till they nil d'el
o at, andlboir children booarbo emancipated un
der the constitution. I tie a fact; wo all kaow
it. • That gentleman has seen many of those
old French slaves, who wore held in defiance
of the ordinance. Whether they were lawful
ly hold or not, the territorial authorities Bus-
ied the rights of the master,
were slavi 8 held by the French before thejor
d nance, but the Territorial Legislature pass
ed a law in substance to this effect: any citi
zon might go to Kentucky, or any other State
or Territory, where slaves were held, and
bring slaves into the Territory of Illinois, take
them to. it cohnty cotirt, and in open CoUrt on?
ter into bn indenture by which the slave and
his posterity were to serve hibi for ninoty-iiiiie
years; and in the, event that the slave refused
to enter into' the. indenture,.the master should
have a certain time to take- him out of thO
Territory and sell him. The Senator now
says that law was not valid. Valid or not, it
was executed; slaves were introduced; and
they were held; they were,used ; they wero
worked; and they died slaves. That is tho
fact, I have had hiinded to me a book
ing the nltniber of sltiVOs in Illinois at the ta?
king of the various censuses, by which it ap l
pears Unit, when the census of 1810 wtts taken;
therii were ih Illinois 1(58 slaves,; in 18201'
917 ; in 1830,747; and in 1840,331-.. In 1850
there were none, for tiie reason that, in 1847;
we adopted a now constitution that prohibited
slavery entirely, and by that time they had
nearly all died. Tho eonsus.showa that at one
time there Wore as many as nine hundred
slaves, and at all times the dominion of the
master was maintained.
The fact is, that the people of the-I'c’ffitory
of Illinois, when it was a Territory, wore al
most all from the southern States, particular l
ly from Kentucky and Tennessee. The sdiitli
orn end of .the State was the only part at first
settled—‘that part called Egypt—because it is
th.e land of letters and of plenty. Civilization
and learning all originated in Egypt; Tho
northern part of tho State, where the politicM
friends of my colleague now preponderate,
was then in the possession of the Indians, and
to were northern Indiana and northern Ohioi;
and a Yankee could not get to Illinois at all;
unless ho passed down through Virginia and
over into Tennessee and through Kentucky;
The consequence was, that ninety-nine out of
a hundred of the settlers were from the slave
States. They carried-the old family servants
with them, and kept them. They, were told.
“ Here is ah ordinance of Congress passed
against your holding thenl." They paid,’
“What has Congress to do with our domosUp
institutions; Congress had hotter mind-its'
own business, and let us alone ; weknowwhdt
wo wantbettor than Congressand hened
they passed this, law to bring them in and.
make them indentured; Under, that, theyes
tablishdd shivery and held slaves as long as
they wanted them; When they assembled to
make tho constitution of Illinois in 1818, for’
admission into the Union, nearly every dele
gate to the convention brought, his negro a
long- with him to black his boots, play, the
fiddle, wait upon him, and take care of .his.
room. They had a jolly. time there; they
were dancing people, frolicsome people,.peo
ple who enjoyed life’;' they had the old French
habits. Slaves were just as thick there as
blackberries. , • ■ "
But they said “Experience proves that.it,
is not going to ho profitable in this.climate.”
There were no scruples about it. Every one
‘of them was nursed by it. His mother Hhd ; ,
his father held slaves; They had no scrbpleq,
about its being right, but'they solid,;" wei.ijb,,
not make any money by it, and as our State
! runs way off north, up to thorn eternal snows,
perhaps wo shalt.gain population faster if we .
stop slavery and Invite in the ri irthorn popu
lation ;” and, as a matter of political policy,
State policy, "they prohibited slavery them l
selves. ;Ilow did they prohibit it? Not by
emancipating, setting at liberty, the. slaves
then in the State, for I believe that hasuoycr
been done by any legislative body in Ameri
ca, and I doubt whether pity duo will.oyer airi
rogate to itself the right to divest property al-.
ready there; blit they-provided that all slaves
then in tho State should remain slaves for life ; .
that all indentured persons should fulfil the ,'
terms of their indentures. Nine-nine years
was aboqt long enough, I reckon, for grown
persons at least; . . .
All persons of slave parents; after a certain.,
time, wore to ho free at a certain age, and alii
born after a certain other period, Were to be. free,
at their birth. It was a gradual system of
emancipation. Hence, I now repeat, that so.
long as the, ordinance of 1787, passed by. Con l ,
gross, said -Illinois should not have slavery,
she did have it; and. the very first day that ,
our people arrived at that condition that they
could do as they pleased, to wit, when they
became a State, they adopted a system of,
gradual emancipation; but still slavery con
tinued in tho State, as tho census of 1820, the
census of 1830, and the census of 1840, show,,
until tho new constitution ot 1847, when near-,,
ly all those old slaves, had died out, and prob l .
ably there were not a half dozen alive. That,
was the way slavery was int.’oduced and ex-,
piled in Illinois.- Whatever quibbles there
may bo about legal construction, legal right,
these' are the facts;
Look into the territorial legislation, and-yoil’
will find us rigoioas a code for the protection,
of slave property as in any State ; a code pro l ■
scribing the control of tho master, providing
that if a negro slave should leave his master's','
farm without leave, of in the night time, ho,
should bo punished by so many stripes, and
if he committed such an offence' he should ro-'
coivo so many stripes, and so on; as rigorous ,
a code ns-ever existed in any southern State
of this Union. Not . only that, but after the ;
State came into the Upiuu, tho State of Illin
ois reenacted that code, and continued it- up,
to tho time that slavery died out under the,op-,
oration'of tho State constitution. , ■
I dislike, sir, to have a controversy with my ;
colleague about historical facts. I suppose
tho Smntoof the United States has no par
i ticular interest in the early history of Illinois,
but it has-become obligatory on me to vindi
cate iny statement to that extent. -
Now, sir, a word about tbo repeal of the;
Missouri Compromise. I have hud -occasion/
to refer to that before in tho Senate, and I ant
j sorry-to have to, refer to it again. ■
I My colleagues arraigns me us chairman of,
the Committee on Territories against myself
as a member of tho Senate, in 1854, ' upon the
Nebraska bill. lie says that, as chairman of,
tho committee, I reported that wo did not see,
proper to depart from the example of; 1850;
that as tho Mexican laws wore not then re
pealed in terms, wo did not propose in terms
to repeal the Missouri restriction, hut— there
tho Senator stops, and there the cssonso of the
report begins—hut, tho report added, this
committee proposes to curry out tho principles
embodied in the.comproraho,measures 0f.1850
iu precise language, and then wo go on to
slate what those principles wore; and otto'
was, that tho people of a Territory should sVt
tlo tho question of slavery for themselves, add
wo ;oported a hill giving them that pqwor.
But inasmuch as tho power to introduce
slavery, notwithstanding the Mexican laws,
was conferred on the Territorial hagislaturea •
urn’or the compromise measures',of 1830; the
right to introduce it into Kansas,' notwith
standing the Missouri restriction, was also
proposed to bo conferred without expressly
repealing tho restriction. Tho legal effect was
precisely the same. . Afterwards some gentle-’
' [Contimucd on secondpagc.\
Not only
NO. 41.