£ . ° . "OUR COURWRY-MAY IT ALWAYS BE RIOHT OR WRONG, OUR COUNTRY." , VOL. 46.. : ’■ ' ■; v CARLISLE, I>A.. TIII'KSDAV, REMI-ARY J;J, ISliO. SPEECH OF .,tfttgs, I will your attention, sir, to the, power con >6n Congress. to, m’otect the United icluding'States, and the ' Columbia; including every, inch of ithiri our limits gnd jurisdiction— treign invasion. In the eighth seo o first article of tho Constitution, you that Congress power— ‘ jo- and support ampes; to provide anil Navyy tS 'forty-third Federalist, wntt.pn bynames Jladison quotes iliq clause of which I havp road,'giving find, after discussing to fifiph .State 4 republi j .proceeds to consider malepa it the dgty of the u raa|Sw e s to protect, each of the States •- a^l^Sl® slon ; Hero Is what Mr. Madison sphject: ' :;‘' s lftfi^S' tio n'again6t invasion is duo from event composing it. Tho latitudo of used seel P s to secure each Stato, fffiMiPB |t .- WSOUsible to the poll ■ ; S/ The‘-numbor of tho Federalist,-like all tho ptherSyof that celebrated work, was written titution was made, and before by the States, and with a view .ratification; hence the people States, when thpy ratified this low that this clause was inten : Ihe construction wliich I now ft was intended to tqako it iry society to protect each of it? ■ of tho Federal Government to tho States; and, he says, tho ought not to bo insensible to us.arhole of the Constitution, it bo made the imperative du- V . .. by the express •fw™ ,an f f U, ° Constitution, to protect each pf the States againstmyaaionor Violence from the other States, qr.from combinations ofdos- thoif limits it necessarily , - follows that it is tho duty of Congress to pass vUUktaws necessary pnd proper to render that . vguorantep offoctijal. While Congress, in the . eailjfjhistory of the Government, did provide tegWSjiPHy Avhichis supposed to ho ample to - Stows against invasion and the Indian tribes, theyhayp juried, up, to this tiipo, to mako any I , taw fqr; protection of each of tlio States against iMrosion from within the limits of the ... Union., Fam unahlo to account for this omia- JPf esumo tho r °ason is to ho found t no Congress ever dreamed I thatpuoh, legislation would over hdeomo hoo |SBary for’tlio protection of one State of this : ftolon against invasion and violonoo froiu lior [• '-I-' sister States. Who, until the Harper’s Ferry outrage, oyer conceived 'that American citi zens could'be so forgetful of their duties to themselves, to their_country, to the Constitu tion, as to plan an invasion of another State, the view of inciting servile insurrection, murder, treason, and every other crime that disgraces humanity ? While, therefore, no blame can justly bo attached to our predeces sors in failing to provide the legislation nec essary to render this guarantee of the Consti tution effectual; still, since the experience of last year, we cannot stand justified in omit ting longer to perform this imperative, duty. The question then remaining is,, what leg islation is necessary and proper to render this, guarantee of the Constitution effectual? I presume that there will be very little, differ ence of opinion that it’will be necessary to place the whole military power of the Govern ment at the disposal of the President, under proper guards and restrictions against abuse, to repel and suppress invasion when the. hos tile force shall bo actually in the field.;' But, sir, that is not sufficient. Such legislation would hot bo a full compliance with this guar antee of the Constitution. Tim framers of that instrument meant more, wlien they gave the guarantee, Mark the, difference in lan guage between the, provision for protecting the United States against. invasion and that for protecting the Slates. When it provided for protecting the United States, it said Con gress shgll havo power to “repel invasion.”—- When it came to make this guarantee to the States it changed the language and said the United States shall “protect” each of the States against invasion. In the one instance, the duty of the Government is to repel; in the Other, the guarantee is that they will protect: In other vyoyds, the Unite,d-Sttvto.s (ire; not per mitted to \vaif until the enemy shall bo upon, your borders; until the invading have been organized auff drilled and placed in march yyith g view, to the invasiori; but they must pass all laws necessary and proper b>, insure, protection and domestic tranquility toy each State and Territory of this Union against invasion or hostilities from other States aiid-Tcrritaries. Then, sir, I hold that it is not only necessa ry,to use the military power when the actual case of invasion shall occur, but to authorize the judicial department of the Government to suppress all conspiracies and combinations in the several States with intent to invade a State, or molest or disturb its government’ its peace; its citizens, its property, or its institutions. l — must punish tffp Conspiracy, tl(0 combi nation with intent to do the act, and then you will suppress it in advance. There is.no principle more familiar to the legal profession than that wherever it’ is proper to declare an | act to be a crime, it is proper to punisli a con spiracy qr.'combination with intent to perpe trate the 1 b.obk ppon your, statute-books, fpid I pvesunie yog will find an enactment to punish' thehopUtfaffciting of 'thq coin'of the United States; (ind tlipiV (uuuher ar.Vaiou to Eunish a liiau for havin'; (;o\pitvvfeit o.oln in is possession with -valent to pass'it; and ari "othor section to punish him for having the jnokls, dr dips, or instruments Tor counterfeit ing, with intent to usq thein, This is a famil iar principle in legislative and judicial procee dings. If the act of invasion is criminal, the conspiracy to invade should also be made cri minal, . If it be unlawful and illegal to invade a State, and run'off fugitive slaves, why not make it. unlawful to form conspiracies and combinations in the, several States with intent to do thfi act? We.have been told that a no-, torious npui who has 'recently suffered death for liia crimes upon the gallows,' boasted in Cleveland, Qhio, in q public,' loctqfq, q year ago, that he. hqd then a body of men employ ed in running invay hofsqs from the slavehol ders of Missouri, and pointed to a livery sta ble in Cleveland, which was full of tho stolon horses at that time. I think it is within our competency, and. consequently our. duty, to pass a law making every conspiracy or combination in any State or Territory of this Union to invade another with intent to steal or run.away property of any kind, whether it bo' negroes, or horses, or property of any other dosoriptipn, into an other State, a crime, and punish the conspira tors by indictment in tho United States courts and confinement in the prisons or penitentia ries of the State or Territory where the con spiracy may bo formed and quelled. ■ ,Sir,T would carry these provisions of law as-’far as our constitutional powqr will reach. I would make it a crime to form conspiracies with a view of inyadi’ng States or Territories to con trol elections,' whether they ho under the garb of Emigrant'Aid Societies of New England, or Blue bodges of hfi,saouri. (Applause" in the galleries.) In other words, this provision of the Constitution moans more thqn the more repelling of an invasion when, the invading army stfffU r,each the horder’Sfhb Ejbttjav'’ Iflio language is, it shall protect the'State against invasion'; % nicgnipg of jvhich is, to fiSp the language of the nietiinb.le &%} ponstilutjiqh; to insufq to each State domestic tranquility against Violence'. ■'Tiheiq can dig'’no peace, there can be no prosperity, thqr’q can be no safety, in any community, nplqss it "is secured against violence from abroad. Why, sir, it has been a question, seriously mooted in Europe, whether it was not the'duty of Eng land, a Bower foreign to Franco, to pass laws to punish conspiracies in England against tho lives of the princes of France, I shall not ar gue the question of comity between foreign States. I predicate my argument upon- the Constitution by which wo are governeq, and which wo have sworn, to obey, and demand that the Constitution ho executed in good faith so as to punish ipd suppress every combina tion, every conspiracy,' either to invade a State or, to molest its inhabitants, or to diaturh its property, or to subvert its institutions and its goyornmqnt, I believe this can he effectually uonq by authorizing the United States courts in the several States to take jurisdiction of tho pnonco, qnd pqnish-. the violation of tho law with appropraite punishments, i • Jt cannot bo said that tho timi) has not yet , arrived for such legislation. It cannot bo , said with truth that tho Harper’s Ferry case , Will not bo repeated; or is not in danger of repetition. It is only necessary tq inquire in . to the causes -which produced the Harper’s Ferry outrage, and ascertain whether those causes are yet in aotiyq operation, and then you can determine whether there is any greupd for. apprehension that that inyasqin will bo repeated, ‘ Sir, what wore tig) causes 'which produced the Harper’s Ferry'outrage J' With out stopping to adduce evidence in detail, I have no hesitation inoxprossing my firm and deliberate conviction-that the Harper’s Ferry crime was the natural, logical, inevitable re? Bu “ the doctrines nod- teachings of the Ee publionn party, ns explained and enforced in their platform,, their partisan presses, their pamphlets and books, and especially in tho speeches of their leaders in and out of Con gress. (Applause in tho galleries.) , Mason. I trust the order of tho Sen ate will bo preserved, j am sure it is only i necessary to suggest to the Presiding Officer l the mdrsponsiblo necessity of preserving tho 1 order of the Senate; and I give notice that, if i if it is disturbed again, I shaUinalst'uppn thq galleries beings cleared entirely. ' ■ Mr. Mr., President—^ The Yi?e JpiijssinßNT. The Senator will pause, far g single moment. It is impossible for the chair to preserve order without the concurrence of the vast assembly in the gal- ljle trusts that thqre. will be, no occa sion to make a reference, to this subject again. Mr." Toombs. I hope that the Urepiding' Officer will place officers in the galleries, and put a stop to this thing. It is a very bad sign of the'times. It is unbecoming this body, or the deliberations of any free people. The Vice President. The Presiding Of ficer has not the force at his coflimandto place officers in the gallery. Mr. Douglas. If the. Senate will pardon mo for a digression an instant, I was about to suggest to the Presiding Officer that I thought it would be necessary to place officers in different parts of the gallery, with instruc tions that if they saw any person giving any signs of approbation or disapprobation calcu lated to disturb oitr proceedings, they should instantly put the guilty person outof the gal lery. . ■ ' , I’m Vice President. That has been done. Mr. Douglas. ' I was romarkingthat I con sidered this outrage at Harper’s TFerry ns a logical, natural consequence of the teachings and doctrines of the Republican party. lam not making this statement for the purpose of crimination or partizan effect. I desire to call the attention of members of that party to a reconsideration of the : doctrines that they are in the habit of enforcing, with a view to a fair judgment whether they do not lead di rectly to those consequences, on the part of those deluded persons who think that all.they say is meftn,t» in real earnest, and ought to be Carried out; The great principle.that under lies the Republican party is violent, irrecon cilable, eternal warfare upon the institution of slavery, with the view of its ul timate extinction throughout the land; sec tional war is to be waged until the cotton field of the South shall be cultivated by free labor, or .the rye fields of New York and Massachusetts shall bo cultivated by slave labor. In furtherance of this article of their creed] you find their political organization not only sectional in its location, but one whose vitality consists in appeals to northern pas sion, northern prejudice, northern ambition against southern States, southern institutions, I and southern people.' I have had some ex perience in fighting this element within the fast few years, and I find that the source, of their power, consists in exciting the prejudices and the passions of the northern section against those of the southern section. They not only attempt to excite the North against, the South, but they invite the South to assail and,abuse and tradpoe the North. .Southern abuse, by violent , men, of northern. states men agd northern ’'people, is qssqntial to the. triuipph qf the Republican cause- Hence the course of argument wbipfi wo Rave to’incet is not duly repelling the appeals 'to northern passion and prejudice, but wo have to encoun ter their apper-lg to southern nqen to assail us, in ordor (hat'they may justify' thein'assaulW upon the'pjba.of'selfdefenco. .■ Sir,' when I returned homo in 1858', for the purpose of canvassing Illinois, with a view to a re-elootion, I had to, meet this, issue of the “irrepressible conflict.” ’ It is true that the Senator fi;Om New York had not then made his Rochester '’speech, and did not for four months afterwards. It is true that he had not given tfi’p doctrine that precise' name and form; but the principle was in existenoei,and had begu proclaimed by the ablest and most clear-headed men of the party.. I will call your attention, sir, to a single passage from a speech, jq show the language in which this doctrine was stated in Illinois before it receiv ed the name of the “irrepressible conflict.” The Republican party assembled in State convention in June, 1858, in Illinois, and unanimously adopted Abraham Lincoln as their candidate for United States Senator. Mr. Lincoln appeared before the convention, accepted the nomination, and made a speech —which had been previously written and agreed to in caucus, by most of the leaders of the party. 1. will'read a single extract from that speech: “In my opinion, it [tbo slavery agitation] will not coaso until a crisis shall havo been reached and passed. ‘A house divided against itself cannot stand.’ X holiovo this Government cannot endure permanently, half slave and half free. I donotex poct the house to fall, hut I do expect it will oeaso to ho divided. It will become all one thing or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will ar rest tho further spread, of it, 'and place it where.tho public mind shall rest in tho belief that it is in tho course of ultimate extinction ; or its advocates will push forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States—old as well as now, North as well as South.” . - ■ SHU tho moment I lauded tipon the soil of Illinois, gt a vest gathering of many thorn sands of my constituents to wqloomQ mq Irqnrg, T read that: passage, and took dirgotisspo with the 'dootrinq contained in it.'as being rqvoliß tionary and treasonable,’ and inconsistent with the'perpifuity of this Republic. 'That is not merely the individual opinion 6f Mr. Lincoln; nor ig ittlig individual opinion merely of the Senator from Now York, who for four months afterwards assorted Vhg same doctrine iu dif ferent language; hptj'so far as I know, it is the general opinion of the members of the Abolition or Republican party. ’ They toll the people of the North that unless they rally as one man, under a sectional banner, and make war upon, the Ejouth with a view to the ulti mate extinction of slavery, slavery will over run the whole North and fasten itself upon all the free States. They then-toll the South, unless you rally as one man, binding the whole southern people into a sectional party, and establish slavery over all tho free States, the inevitable consequence will bo that ,wo shall abolish it in tho slnvo-hojding States. The same doctrine is held by tho Senator from Now York, in his Rochester speech. Ilo.tells u's that, the States must all become free, dr all become slave; that the South, in other words, must conquer and subduo tho Northern 1 tho North must triumph oyer tho South, and drivo slavery from within its limits. JWr. President, in order to show that I have not misinterpreted the position of the Sena tor from New York, in notifying tho South that, if they wish to maintain slavery within their limits, they must also fasten it upon the northern States, Twill read an extract front his Rochester speech: “It la an irrepressible convict between opposing ana enduring forces; and it moans that tho United States must and will, sooner or.latey, become*either, ontifoly a shareholding nation] or onUroly a free-la bor nation. * Either tho cotton apu rice I 'fields of South .Carolina, and tho sugay plantations of Lou isiana, will ultimately ho tilled by free labor, and Charleston and Now Orleans hccoino marts for le gitimate merchandise alone, or else the rye, fields and Vflioat fields of Massachusetts and New’ York must again ho surrendered by. their farmers to slave culture and to tho protection of slaves, and Boston and New York become once more markets for trade in tho bodies and souls of men.” Thus, sir, you porooivo that tho theory of tho Republican party is, that there is a'con flict hqtwoen two different systems of institu tions in tho respective'classes of States—not a conflict in the same Slates; but an irrepros- sible conflict between the free States end the slav? States; and they argue that these two systems of State cannot permanently exist in the same Union; that sectjlbrial warfare must continue to rage and increase with increasing fury until the free States shall'.surrender, or the'slayo States shall'ho -subdued. Hence, while, they appeal to the passions, of our own section, their object is to alarm the., people, of the. other section, and drive them to, mphess, with the hope that they Will inyaffe.ouy rights as an excuse for some of Our psppje. to carry on aggressions upon their rights.; I appeal to the candor of Senators,’whether this is not a fair exposition of the tendency of the doc trines proclaimed by the Republican party. The creedpf that party is founded upon the theory that, because slavery is hot desirable in our States, it is not desirable anywhere; because free labor is a good, thing with us, it must be the best thing e verywhere. In other words, the creed of their party rests upon the theory that there must be.-«ai/bm% in the domestic institutions anduptornal polity of the several States of this Uhibn. There, in my opinion, is the fundament alorror upbn which their whole system rests. In the Illinois can vass, I asserted, and now repeat, that unifor mity in the domestic institutions of the differ ent States is neither possible nor desirable. That is the very issue upon'which I conduct ed the canvass at home, and it is the question which I desire tp present to the Senate.. Ire peat, that uniformity in domestic institutions of the different States is neither possible nor desirable. Was such the doctrine of the framers of the Constitution ? , I wish the country to bear in mind that when the. Constitution was adopted the Union consisted of thirteen States; twelve of which were slaveholding States, and one a. free State. Suppose this doctrine. Of unifor mity on the slavery question had prevailed in the Federal convention, do the gentlemen oh that side of the House think that freedom would have triumphed over slavery ? Do they imagine, that the on? free . State would have outvoted the twelve slaveholding States, and thus have abolished slavery throughout the land by a constitutional provision’? On the contrary, if the test had then been made, if this doctrine of uniformity ,; on the slavery question had then been proclaimed and be lieved in, with the twelve slaveholding States against one free State, would it not, have re sulted in a constitutional provision fastening slavery irrevocably upon qvefy inch of Amer ican soil, Worth ns well as South? Was it quite fair in those days for the friends, of free institutions to clqim that theFoderal Govern ment must, not touch. the question', but must leave flip people, of each Stale to do as they pleased,’ until under the operation of that' principle they secured the majority, and thah wield that majority to abolish slavery in the other Statps of the Union ? ;■ Sir, if qniformity in respefit to domestic in stitutions'had been deemed . desirable when the Constitution was-adohliidj'there was ano ther mode by which, tained. ■ .The natural mode. Of-bbtaimhg uni formity was to haye blotted out the, State gov- Degis latures, to have, conferred upon Congress leg islative power'over the municipal and domes tic concern? of the people of all the as well as "upon Federal questions affecting the whole Union; and if this doctrine of unifor mity had been entertained and favored jiy the framers of the Constitution, Such would have been the result. But, sir, the frapiersof that instrument knew, at that day, as well qs we now knbw, that in a country as broad as this, with so great a variety of climate, of soil, and of production, there must necessarily be a corresponding diversity of institutions and domestic regulations, adapted to the wants and necessities of each locality. The framers of the Constitution knew that the laws and institutions which were well adapted to the mountains and valleys of New England were ill-suited to the rice plantations and cotton fields of the Carolines.. They knew that onr liberties depended upon reserving the right to the people of each State to make their own laws and establish their own institutions, and control them at pleasure, without interference from the Federal Government, or from any other State or Territory, or any foreign coun try. The Constitution, .therefore, was based, and the Union was founded, on the principle of dissimilarity in the domestic institutions arid internal polity of the several States. The Union was founded on the theory that each State had peculiar interests, requiring pecu liar legislation, arid peculiar institutions, dif ferent and distinct from every other State. The Union rests on the theory .that no two States would bo precisely alike in their domes tic policy and institutions. ’ ' . .Hence, I assert that this doctrine of unifor mity in the domestic institutions of the differ ent Statqs is repugnant to the Constitution, subversive of thq principles qpon which the Union wiis-based, revolutionary in. its charac ter, and loading directly to despotism if it is oyer'established. Pniformity. in local and do mestic qffairs in'a country of great extent is despotism always. show me centralism pro scribing'uniformity from the capital to all of it? provinces in their local and. dornestic' rion cornsj'and I will*’slprw you a deipotiam as odious and as insufferable as tiSqt 1 bf Austria or of Naples. Dissimilarity is" the principle upon which the Union rffsts. It is founded upon the idea that each Statq must necessari ly require different regulations; that no two States have precisely the some interests, and hence do not need precisely the same laws ; andyoubanriotacoountforthis confederation of States qpon any other principle; • ; Then, sir, what becomes of this doctrine that slavery must be established in all the States or prohibited in all the States ? If we only conform to the principles upon which the Federal Union wa? formed,'there can bo no conflict. It is only necessary to recognize the right of the people of every Igtate to have just quoh institritiona as they please, without con sulting your wishes, your views, or your prej udices; and there ban bo no conflict. And,_ sir, inasmuch as the Constitution of th? United States confers yvptiri Congress the powqr coupled with the duty,:of protecting each State against external aggression, and inasmuch as tljat includes the 'power of sup pressing and punishing conspiracies in one State against the institutions, property,’peo ple, or government of ovpry other State, I de sire to carry offt that power vigorously.' Sir, give us such ft law as the Constitution contom- § lutes, and authorizes, and 1“ will show the enatoy-from New YoVk that there is a con stitutional mode' of repressing the f.-irrepressi hlo conflict." f will open the prison door to allow conspirators against the peace of the Republic and the domestic tranquility of our States.to select their colls wherein to drag out a miserable life, as a punishment for thoir I crimes against the’poapo 6f society. . Can any man say to us that although this/ outrage has been perpetrated at Harper’s Ferry, there is no danger of its recurrence? Sir, is not the Republican party still 9™“°" died, organized, confident or success,■ and de fiant in its pretensions? Does it not now hold and proclaim the same creed that it didjjetoro i this invasion ? It is true that most of itsrop- resontativos here disavow the iicts of John Brown at Harper's Ferry. I am glad that they do soI am rejoiced that they havogorib far j but I must be permitted to say to them that it is not sufficieutthat they disavow the act, unless they also repudiate and de nounce,'the dopirines abd teachings which pro duced the', ndt. IJhose doctrines remain the 'same;, thosp, teachings’ are being poured into -the'minds pf.m'dn throughout the country by means of speeches and’pamphlets and books, and through partisan presses’. The causes that produced the Harper’s Ferry invasion are now in active operation. ’ It is tru'd that the people of all the border States are.required by the Constitution to have their hands'tied, without the power of sclf-defepcp, and remain patient under a threatened in vasion in the jay or in the night? Can you expect peppje.to bo. patient, when they dare not he. down to sleep, at night without first stationing sentinels around their houses to see if a bepd of marau ders and murderers are not approaching with torch and pistol ? Sir, it requires more, pa tience than freemen ever should cultivate, to submit to constant annoyance, irritation and apprehension. If we expect to preserve this Union, we must remedy, within the yniop apd in obedience to-the Constitution, every evil for, which disunion would furnish a remedy. If the Federal Government fails to act, either from choice or from an apprehension of the want of power, it cannot bo expected that thtj States will he content to remain unprotected. Then, sir, I see no hope of peace, of frater nity, of good feeling, between the different portions of the United States, except by bring ing to bear the power of the Federal Govern ment to the extent authorized by the Consti tution—-to protect the people of all the States against , any externalviolence, or aggression. I repeat, that if the theory of the Constitution shall bo carried out by conceding the right of the people of every State to have just such in stitutions os they choose, there cannot be a conflict, much loss an ‘‘irrepressible conflict,”' between the free and the slaveholding States. Mr. President, the inode of preserving peace is plain. This system of sectional warfare must cease. The Constitution has given the power, and all wo ask of Congress is to give the means, and wo, by indictments and con victions in the Federal courts of our several States, will make such examples of the leaders of these conspiracies as will strike terror into the hearts of the others, and there will be an end of this crusade. Sir, you must check it by crushing but the conspiracy, the combina tion, and then there can be safety. Then we shgll be. ab'bl 0 re.atbrpj'that spirit of fraternity which inspired bur revolutionary fathers upon every battle-field; which presided over the deliberations of the convention that framed the Constitution, and filled'the hearts of the pbople who ratified it. Then wo. 'shall be able to demonstrate to you that there’ is no evil un redressed in the Union for which disunion would furnish a remedy. Then, sir, let us execute the Constitution in the spirit in'which it was made... tot Congress pass all the laws necessary and proper to give full force and' complete effect to every guarantee of the Con stitution. Let them authorize' the punishment of conspiracies and combinations in any State or Territory against the property, institutions, people or government of any other State or Territory, and there will he no excuse,- iib de sire, for disunion. lot us leqve the people of every State perfectly free to form I and rfegnlatb their domestic institutions in their own way. Lot each of them re'taihsla voryjust as long as it pleases, and.abolish it when it chooses. Lot us net upon that good old golden principle which'teaches qll’mcn to mind their own business and lot their neigh bors alone'. Let this he done and this Union | can endure forever .as our fathers made it, composed of free and slave States,-just as the people of each State may determine for them selves. 3 Mr. Fessenden having replied at some length i to_ Mr. Douglas, he made the following rc r joinder: ) Mr. Douglas. Mr. President, I shall not i follow the Senator from Maine through his 1 entire speech, hut simply notice such points : as demand of me some reply. He does not ■ know why I introduced my resolution; hccan ■ not conceive any good motive for it; he thinks there must bo some other motive besides the i one that .has been avowed. There are some men, I know, who cannot conceive that a man can be governed by a patriotic or proper mo tive ; 'but it is not among (that class of men that I look for those who are governed by mo tives of propriety. I have no impeachment to make of liis,motives. I brought in this reso lution because I thought the time had arrived when wo should have a measure of practical legislation. I had seen, expressions of opinion against the power from authorities so high that I felt it my duty to bring it to the atten tion of the Senate. I had hoard that the Senator from Virginia had intimated some doubt on tho question of power, as well as of policy, Other Senators discussed tho question hero' for weeks when I was confined to my. sick bed. Was there anything unreasonable in my coming before the Senate at this time, expressing my own opinion and confining my self to tho practical legislation indicated m the resolution ? . Nor, sir, havi I in my remarks gone outside of the legitimate argument per taining to the necessity for this legislation. I first showed that there had been a great out rage ; I showed what I believed to be tho cau ses that had produced the outrage, and that the causes which produced it wore still in ope ration ; and argued that, so long as tho party to which the gentlemen belong remains embo died in full force, those causes will still threat en tho country. That was all. The Senator from Maine things he will vote i for the bill that will be proposed to carry out ! the objects referred to in my resolution. Sir, i whenever that Senator and his associates on i tho other side of tho chamber will record their votes for a bill of the character doscr bed in my resolution and speech, I shall congratulate the country upon the .pro gress they are making towards sound prin ciple's. ' Whenever ho and his associates will make it a felony for two or more men to conspire to run off fugitive slaves, and punish the conspirators by confinement in tho peni tentiary, I ‘ shall ‘‘ consider that wonderful changes have taken place in this country.' I toll the Sehntof thaji it' is thp general fond of I sentiment iiVqll those sections of the country I whore'the Republican party predominate, so far as I know, Hoi only not to doom if a crime to rescue q fugitive slave, but to raise mobs to aid in the rescue. He talks about slandering tho Republican party when wo Intimate that they, are 1 funking a warfare upon the rights guarantied by the Constitution. Sir, whore, in the towns and pities with Republican ma jorities, 'can yon execute tho fugitive slave law? Is it in tho town where tho Senator I from New York resides ? Do.yon not remem ber tho Jcrroy rescuers? Is it at Oberlin, whore tho mob was raised that made tho rcs ouo last year and produced the riot? Mr,. Fpssenden,. I stated, and I believe it was all I said on that inatter, that I was dis posed to agree with the Senator in his views as to the question of power; and that, with my views, I should go very far—far enough to accomplish the purpiso—to prevent the forming of conspiracies in one State to attack another. I' did not understand.the Senator to say anything n,bout conspiracies to rim away with slaves; nor did I understand him to say anything about the fugitive slave law. 1 How I should act in reference to that matter I do dot kn'qw; I wiU meet it when it comes; but I ask' the Senator whether that was a part of his first, speech, or whether it is a part of his reply?,’ Mr. Douglas. The Senator will find it several times repeated in my first speech, arid the question asked Why not make it a crime, to form conspiracies add combinations to run off fugitive slaves, as well as to fd'n off-horses, or any other properly ? I am talking about conspiracies which are so comhidjh, inpall our northern States, to invade, and dptcr, through their agents, the slave States, and seduce,away slave a and run them off.by the. underground railroad, in ordjOr td send them to Canada.— It is these conspiracies to perpetrate crime with impunity, that 'keep up the irritation. — John Brown could boast, in a public lecture in Cleveland, that ho and his band had been engaged all the winter in stealing horses and ruunj-ng’ fijpm the; 'slaveholders in Missouri, and that the livery stables were then filled with stolen horses, and yet the con spiracy to, do, it could not b.o punished. Sir, I desire a law.thhtwill make it a crime, punishable by imprisonment in the peniten tiary, after conviction in' tile United States court, to make a conspiracy in one State, against the people, property, government;'dr institutions, of another. Then we shall get at the root of the evil.' I have no depljifc that gentlemen On the other side, will vote‘for a' law which pi'ctcnds to’comply with the guar antees of the Constitution, without carrying any force or efficiency in its provisions. I have heard men abuse the fugitive slave law, and express their willingness to vote for amend ments ; but when you came to the amend ments which they, desired to adopt, you found' they were such as would never return a fugi tive to his master. They would, go for any fugitive slave law that had a hole in'it big enough to let £ho negro drop through and es cape ; but none that would comply with the obligations of the Constitution. So wo shall find that side of the Chamber voting for. a law that will, in terms, disapproye of unlawful expeditions against neighboring States, with out being efficient in affording protection. But the Senator says it is a part of the pol icy'of the northern Democracy to represent the Republicans as being hostile to southern institutions. Sir, it is a part of tlie policy of the northern Democracy,.as well astheirduty, to speak the truth on that subject, I did not suppose that any man would have the auda city to arraign a brother Senator here.for re presenting the Republican party ,as dealing in denunciation and insult of the institutions of the South. Look to your Philadelphia Platform, where, you assert the sovereign power of Congress over the Territories for their government, and demand that it shall be exerted against those twin relics of barbarism, polygamy,and slavery. .‘'• ■ .•••• .." “ . ' jVlr. fesENnptr. ■'tei' mo, suggest to. (he .Spngtor'ihat beid‘entl&dy changingthe issu'd bqtWeen 'him find j : did not desire £6 says, and I did ho't SaVji'that the Republicans of. the North jyerp_ potnlnfriondly to the institution Of slavery.' X adiqittod myself that I was; T trust they 'all pro. It is not in that respect jhqt I acduso, the' Democracy of the North of misrepresenting the position of the liepubll | can party. _ It was in representing that they desired to interfere with the institution in the southern States. That is the ground—that they wore opposed to southern rights, That I they do not think well of slavery as it, exists in this coußtry, I do not undertake to deny. I do not know that southern gentlemen ex pect us to be friendly to it. T apprehend that they would not think very well of us if we pretended' to bo friendly to it.--If we. were friendly to the institution, wo should try to adopt, wo certainly should not Oppose it; but what I charged upon the northern Democracy was, that they misrepresented our position.— ; That wo were opposed to the extension of sla very over free territory, that we called if a relic of barbarism,. I admit; but I deny that the Republican party, or the Republicans ge nerally, have ever exhibited a desire or made a movement towards interfering with the'right of southern men, the States, or any constitu tional rights that they have anywhere. That is the charge I made. Mr. Douglas. Mr. President, for what purpose does the Republican party appeal to northern passions and northern prejudices against southern institutions and the southern people, unless it is to operate upon those in stitutions ? They represent southern institu tions ns no better than polygamy; thq alijye : holder,as no better than the polygamist; and complain that wo should intimate that they did not like to associate with the slaveholder any better than with the poly gam islj ‘ I can. see a monstrous lowering 6f the’ flag in the Senator's speech and'explanation. I would respect the concession, if the fact was acknow ledged. This thing of shrinking from position that every northern ‘man knows, tq bo true, and arraigning men for slander for'tolling the truth to them—. ’ ’ ’ ■ •"■■■ .»:■ Mr. Bessenden. I know it not to bo true. Mri Douglas.' You may knpw it down'ln Maine,', but you do not know it in Illinois.' ' I h'avq always noted those men who Were so far off froni' the slave States that' they did not know-ariyt'hin'g about them, are mosf'anx ious for the fate'of the poor slate'. 1 ".'Those rii'eYi who are ad tar off that they do riot know what U negro’is, are.distressed to' (Jdath'about the condition of the poor riegro. "(Laughter.)— But, sir, go into the 'border States, where we associate across the lihe, where the civilities of society are constantly interchanged; whore we trade with each other,"arid hayo social and doimnoroial intercourse'; arid there you will find them standing by each other like a band of brothers. Take sduthern Illinois, southern Indiana,' southern Qhib, and that part of lionn fcylvania bordering on Maryland, rind there you 'ivill find social intercourse; commercial intercourse; gpodfeoling; lauaiuso those poo plo know tho condition of tho slave on tho op posite sido of tho lino; hut, just in proportion as you recode from the siavo States, just in proportion as the people are ignorant of tho toots, jast in that proportion party leaders can impose on their sympathies and honest preju dices. - Sir, I know it is the habit of tho Itepulfii ,oan party, as a party, wherever I have mot them, to make the warfare in such a way as to try to rally the whole North on sectional grounds against tho South. I know that this is to be tho issue, and it is proven by the speech of tho Senator from Now York, which I quo ted before, and that of Mr, Lincoln, so far ns they are authority. I happen to have those speeches before me. The Senator from Maine has said that neither of these speeches justi fied the conclusion that they asserted, that the free States and tho slave States cannot coexist permanently in the same Republic. Lot us see whether they do or not. Mr. Linoqln says A' homo divided ngaiust itself cannot stand. I lolicvo this Government caniiot endure pcnn'aucnt -Iy, half slave and half free.” Then he goes on to say they must nil bo one thing or all the other, or else the Union can not endure. What is the. meaning of that language, unless it is thnt' tho 1 Union cannot pbrmanentiy.exist, half slave and half free— that it must all become one thing.br all be come the Other f That is the declaration.— The; declaration is that the North must com bine as a sboticmb.l party; and carry on, the, agitation so'fiercely, tip to the very borddra of the slaveholding States, that the master dare not sleep at liigrit fdf fear that the robbers) the John Browns, will obm.e and sot his house oh' fire, and murder the. woineh. and children, before morning. It iif’to sdl-round the slave holding States by a cordon bf free States, to use the language of the Senator; to hem them' in, in order, that you may smother them out) The Senator avowed, in his speech to-day, their object to be to hem in the slave States, in order that slavery may die out. How die ■ out? Confine'it to its present limits ; let the ratio of increase go oh by the laws of nature );. and just in prppbrtiiJn "as the lands in'the slaveholding States wear out, the negroes in crease, and you will soon reach that point where the soil -bill not prhduco'enough to feed the slaves.'; then hem them in, and let them! starve out—let them die out by starvation.— 1 That is the policy—hem .them in, and starve, them out. l)o as the French did in Algeria) when the Arabs took to the caverns—smoko them out, by making .fires at the mouths of {lib e'avefris, and keep them burning until they die. The policy is, to keep up this agitation, along the line; make slave property insecure in the, border States; keep the "master con stantly in apprehension of assault) till he will consent to abandon his native country, leaving his slaves behind him, or to remove them fur ther Sbiith. ’ If you can'force Kentucky thus to : abolish 'slavery, you make Tennessee the herder' State, and begin the same operation upon her. 'But, ‘sir, lot us see, whether the Senator from New York did not proclaim the doctrine that free States and slave States cannot per manently exist in the same Republic.- Htf said; • “It ia an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces; and il means that .the United States must and will, eoo.ner or later, become either entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a frco-la .bor nation.”, a Tile opposing conflict is between the States; the Union cannot remain ,as it now is, part free and part slave. The conflict between ! free Slates and slave States must go on until there is not a slave State loft, or until they , are all slave States. That is the declaration of the Senator from New York. The Senator; - from Maine tried-to make the Senate beljevO that I had misrepresented, the. Senator from New York and Mr. Lincoln, of Illinois, in' stating that they referred to a conflict between States. Ho said, that all they meant was that . it was a conflict between free labor and slave labor in the same State. Now, sir, let mb submit to that man’s candor Whether he will insist on that position. They both say the contest will go oh until the. States become all free or all slave.; . Then, when is the contest going to' 'end ?/ When they become all slave ? Will there npt bb the same conflict betweeii free labor, and slave 'labor, after every State has become a slaf'e Stale, tbit there is now? If that was the meaning, would'the conflict between slave labcir and free laborgease even, when every State had become elavetiblding ? Have hot all the slaveholding States a large number Of free laborers within her limits;' and if there is an irrepressible conflict be tween free labor and slave labor; will you-re : move that conflict by inakig the States all slave? Yet, the Senator from New York says they must become all slave or all free before the conflict ceases, Sir, that shows that the Senator from New' York meant what . I represented hup as meaning. It khoNvsiliat a man who knows the inbaning of wi/rds; anil has the heart to express them $a they reiui; cannot fail to know that that was thb'm&tiif ing of those Senators.- The boldness, with' which a charge of misrepresentation may he made in this body will not give character to it when it is contradicted by the facts.. I dis? like to have to repel these charges of unfair- . ness and misrepresentation; yot the Senator began with a series of inuendos. With a series bf complaints of misrepresentations, showing - tirat he was afraid to meet the real issues of his party, and would make, up for' that by personal assaults and inuendos against the opposite party.- ; : '■ Ho goes back to a speech of mine in oppor sition to thb Lecompton constitutibn, in which I spid that if yon would ' send'that qOustitu- . tipn b«cfcand let the' people of’ Kahsas; Vese for or against H, if* they voted, for a free Stiit'o or q' slave' State I wcaild go for it without caring : Whether they yoted slavery up or down. He’ thinks it is a great charge against me that !' do hot care whether the people vote it up or’ Vote it down. ' ' '' S|r. Jho Senqto.r is mistokeh' as to the speech to which I referred. “It whs one of his speeches made dp luV ‘ eopthbrn toury that I referred to: ip. JbouGLAS. The idea is taken from a speech in the Senate—the first speeoh'lymado against the Leeompton constitution. . It 1 was' quoted all over Illinois by Mr. Lincoln In f|ib' canvass, and I repeated the sentimeiit time It, was quoted against mo, and'fepeated' it in the South ns well ns the North! ' I say this: if the people of Kansas want a slave State, it is their business an 4 not mine; if they want a free State, they have' q right, to have it; and hence, I do n'ot 'carouse far as regards my potion, whether they make it a free'State or not; it is none of my business. But the Senator says lie does care, ho has a preference between freedom and slavery.— flow long would this preference last if he was a sugar planter in Louisiana, residing oh his estate, instead of living in Maine 1 Sir, I hold the doctrine that a wise statesman will ( adapt his laws to the wants, conditions, and I interests of the people to be governed by them,.- I Slavery may bo very essential in one climate 1 and totally useless in another. If I were a citizen of Louisiana I would vote for retain-" ing and maintaining slavery, because I be-’ lievo the good of that people would require it. As a citizen of Illinois I am utterly' opppvfcd' to it, because our interests would not bo'pro-" inoted by it. I Should like to" see the Aboli tionist who would go and live in a southern' country thgt wduld hot |ct over his scruples very soon and have a plantation as quickly as he could got the money to buy it. I have" said and repeat that this question of slavery is one of climate, of political ooonbmy, of self-interest, not a question of legislation.". Wherever the climate, the soil, the health of the country is such that it cannot be cultiva ted by white labor, you will have African la-" bor, "and compulsory labor at that. Wherev er white labor can bo employed cheapest and most profitably, there African labor will fo-' tire and white jabor will take its place. . Y6u cannot force slavery by all the acta of Qohgresff yoi} may tiiko on one. inch of torri-' tqisy' agaihsj "flio will of the people; apd ! j‘oif cannot by any law you can m'ako" keop’it olif from ono inch of American territory where (Concludedon Fot&thpage.) NO. 37.