SB^WtJNTEEII. Jo;u»-.E5vK , ’^ ,t “ l r ; .1 5,i! f'EiUIS- ■.>■ • 1 '■ „■ 1 ,-'rtnrt DolltU' nod “Con (a, S«D?OR»PTION. 'fjojiarsli.iiaiil within tho aid Ufa I 1 “mi,l!-.nvCoi.la, if, not 'V,a bo rig ; ’dhiW« -L-VL-ry. instance. >. sub; >')■ i f mSoiotiiiuiMl until nil arrearages urn a||’ "t.i,,- ,a llio option oflliu Julilor.. ll tn U -r:[Ti‘‘f:n:'.;;T3—Aoc'oiiipaniud by tbo cash, ? n ;,fKcSins bite bednserled "times for t)no Dollar, nndUvenly flvucents Umcli additional insertion. Tboßooragrent nan,l-bills, Posting: : iWdols, Bbmits, Labels, See., &e.,eao- I 'Vith accuracy and at lliu.tbortost notice. SPEECH OF SEXATOR BOUCUS/ OF ihUNOtS. On the Army Appropriation Bill. Bdivertd m iho. Stim/c. y.us>“‘ W 18C0 ' Mr.'Dougins. Mr.'President, lie Senator 5,.„- York. [Jlr. Sotvnrd.] «bo h«« J"“t hin'aMl. MH-nWb Inniseir murry over ,r orosneefor tlui'dvfwlt of the Approprinimn yU for the Army.,-I have never see. linn so vnlumt nml jubilant'since bolum been a mem "rtJA, as ™ ‘lie occasion of wliat he ■onsiclors <0 be 11,0 £reat triumph, winch be to'achieve in paralyzing, at lenni; one of h i a«iirtmenls»r Government. .lie has re •rreil-to-the evils, and the mischievous anti un in coiHftjne ces which may result. and " . made ilicm the subject of ridicule, nml of Hirer nml of mirth. I confess that \ listen ,| To him with no pleasure.*..when I heard him ln-usslng the question in that mood- I con • 1 limt r nm not able to sympathize with the me of feeling which nukes him so .exultant in ,i’, s lC ei ni siic)i con,sef|i}ence.J. , 'pull mischiefmust result froth the defeat of 'it' geMci’id ‘appropriation "bill for the Army. . aTict to whieli no one lor a moment can close .’That it.imisi have a deianging and iisurcairzihg effect on all thc'opcralimm of ihu iovcnmient; if. Undoes not entirely paralyze ncm. is ocrtamly true., That it must bring . iHerinz and digress to n very large portion of ~-mlu of the United Staled Is admitted by ill. Thai It must .bring discredit upon ibis tnn’rv abroad, in the eyes of the whole civil /.rl world, no one can question. Why then, imild this bo a subject uf rejoicing? Sir the ,-r.rv of the world.shows that whenever an at -11 -H it has been imde to overthrow any (Jov -I,r , r i-iu’tP. good or had. the first step has been m rripple and destroy the army. Revolution at all limes—men .tye/it on the dvstrnciiwi if ih.-lr ijo matter by what pur |.)>e animated or what eau>o they allege to j nijfy themselves."first attempt to destroy the k z'dnr fn’ree of the country. I have no sent pthvin this movement—have pever njlmired ibni complacency .which can y< joice lii-'fortunc, since I read the Xero. who | i-uld make himself merry and fiddle while Xi; o was burning 1 .Sir, circum-tanccfi* have begun to dcvclopc ilicmstlvvs. which enable ns now to see the ulmle scheme which has been plotted and ar ranged. anl Is now.»bcnig executed. The llrsi part of tho scheme was to defeat the appropri ation for the Territory of Kansas, ami, if possi ble, tp paralyze tho civil government fltmv-- The next was to organize a body of despara rtncs'to invade Kansas for- the purpose of get ting up*a civ s l war.’ The political party with which the Senator from Newark is identified.' and which it’may he said he is chin?. by a cottveri’ion at Bitjhib agreed to r;r!..J ct.UO.OCO ci ,, ' ,lr 7- oien anti supply, ;.lo*invadc KuVsas. for the purpose ISnonaVmp; war nnd._nrdfr.uton |fi|iS de stroy your polltical_capital. Mr/ Wmle—The IlmisoTSC-lEflßMeiitntircs dtiT pflS.4 n*l>T7f ; find RcnTTrh'ere.' repealing those laws, and the Senator has never touched it. Mr. Douglas—What bill 7 Mr. Wade —It is called Dunn’s bill. You commented upon it before. Mr. Douglas—Tara much obliged to tho Sen ator for calling «ny attention lo it. He will. I suppose, bo frank enough to withdraw a part nf this statement. I say I did touch Dunn’s bill, and not very lightly. T made a report up on it. and I made a speech upon it. and I show ed the character of dial bill. Now, I tell the Senator from Ohio that I showed that that bill docs not repeal one of those laws, unless it may be by general declaration of ritrhls; but on th« contrary, it recognizes the validity of tho entire code of laws enacted by the Legislature of the Shawnee Mission. It provides that it shall bo the duty of the judgea/tho governor, the mar shal. tho district attorneys, tho shcrills, and Justices of tho peace, lo remain in ofllcc. and execute those very laws, in so many words.— U will not do for the Senator •lo shako his htjad. The bill is a part of the archives of tho government. It will remain a permanent re cord to state yon in the face, and convict every mnn who dares to deny that the whole free soil parly in the House of Representatives, with one exception, voted for a bill to recognize the va lidity of these laws. Mr. Wade—As the Senator has alluded to that bill twice before. I wish barely to put this question to him. If the Republican party in the House by voting for that bill affirmed those laws, did not tho Senator's party, by voting against the bill or acting against it, disaffirm them? , „ Mr. Douglas—T will answer the Senator.— WiLdid not disaffirm them, for these reasons : Bytho organic law of tho Territory, whenever the Legislature passed an enactment it became a law. with an approval of the Governor, with out being reported to Congress at all. No af firmation of the laws was necessary to'make them valid. If yon bring in n proposition now to affirm anv law in anv Territory—Minnesota. Nebraska, Oregon, or Washington—about the propriety of which there Is no controversy. I would vole to lay U on the table, fot the reason that no legislation Is necessary on the subject. You give no validity by affirmance. Yon do not impart vitality to it. for it had all the sanctions of law before such action. Our mo tion was to lay this bill on the table, and I voted for the motion. It had no effect in the affirmance op disaffirmance of the acts; but the House of Representatives, by their vote on the bill prepared by themselves, have declared In so many words that those laws arc valid, and shill bo enforced,-with the exception of fhu criminal code. Yon affirmed that slavery law, extracts of which wero read by the Senator from Massachusetts'to day. Every free-soilcr. every Fremont'man in'thc House of Represen tatives, voled to affirm those very la va in re gard to slavery, which the Senator from Mas sachusetts rend and condemned to day, Mr. Wade—ls tho Senator claiming that ho has changed sides with tho Abolitionists; that they are |lp fyvorof slavery and ho opposed toil? Ts that his nosition? Mr. Douglas—WhM the Senator asks this question, and scat, t will answer him. . , “ ' f , 1 r Mr/Wnde—l put tho qncatiop. ’ ' Mr. Douglas—Put tho and sit down. ' ' ■ '■ Mr. Wade—You sny that tht» mdo of the lldtisa voted to continue shivery,in the Tornto- ry of Kansas, ami therefore} you were opposed to 'theirnotion. If they becomo pro-hlavery by that you become aii Abolitionist, being exactly opposite. ' " , 1 . AIK Douglas—My bbjeof Is. nob to prove, tljat . they become .protslayery, or-that I ISatfo hceotne anti-slavery. My object,la to prove that they are not ;R»n?erO( wjicri- t,hcy pretend tlmt they wish to defeat the ,army-appropria tion bill b.c^ osll of thcao Jawa.bufc that'they wish It for bloods murder, robbery, civil 'war, for political effect, instead of the repeal of thoflo “OUR COUNTRY-—it AY IT At,WATS RE RIGHT—RUT RIGHT QR WHO KG, OUR COUNTRY. laws: that they arc opposed to the repeal of those laws, in order In make political capital out of it, at the same time that they condemn the laws in their political speeches. Sir, I have said that every man of the party, with one exception, voted to recognize the vali dity of those laws; that one Ims published a letter in which he assigns his reasons fur his vote. T find the letter in the newspapers. Mr. Wade—T do not wish to interrupt the Senator; but he are opposed to the re peal of those laws. I want to know-how it happened thisjnonung, on our endeavoring to repeal them, that every member on. the other side of the House voted to lay the hill on the lahl * Mr. Douglas—We* passed a hill to annul them once, and sent it to the House of Repre sentatives, and your majontywould not tn*e it up and pass it. We then sent the hill a Sec ond time, and your majority in the House of Representatives would not take it tip. ti wftis well known that the reason why you would not lake it up was the fearlhat your men would join ns and pass the hill. It was unnecessary for us to stand a third bill—twice, assuredly, was enough. It is no excuse to say that our hill coryained other matter which yon did noldike in connection with the repealing section. If yon had insuperable objections toother matter, if it involved your conscience or your judg ment. yon could have strnken out all that you objected to. and sent ns the residue. You have had assurances sufficient to-day that your, ac tion would have been concurred in by the Scn oto in a moment, if you had done it; and if your folks arc sincere in desiring, those obnox ious laws to be repeal'd, you will lake up lull, and certainly pass the repealing section, whether you pass the remainder or not, before 12 nVlge’k to-tnorrmv. Wc shall now wait In see whether yon arc sincere in trying to get rid of these obnoxious laws. I believe, and it is painful to me tfidic under lhs necessity of say ing that I-have'been forced to thij conviction, that von’will not pennifthesc obnoxious laws to he swept from the statute hook until after (he Presidential campaign. I believe you have a distinct understanding that iho repealing bill shall not pass. It i* the main plank in your political platform A>r the pending election. , But I said I would read an extract lrom-,a letter of one member of the Black Republican party nf the House who could uot’voto for your bill. He says : ••We passed Dunn’s hill for Kansas yester day* in a very objectionable manner. It has manj fi feond provisions, but extends the Fugitive Slave Law over Kansas and Nebraska, ami per* petnnies slavery there until 1858, and makes all children horn therein up to that lime ol slave mothers. sla\*s. This was too much for me. T have always said, nnd now repeat ray pledges, that I will never \otc to recognize slavery; I will never,vote 10-mnkc any £nman*bclng a slave: T tvilkncvcr vote to extend slavery one single foot; tyvill never vote for the Fugitive 1 Slavo'LaW or Us extension over any Free Terri tory.’ 1 I therefore voted against Dunn’s bill, solitary and alone of all our party.” Senator—Who is that ? ‘ Douglas*— Mr., Leitci 1 , of. Ohio.' He shoWs in this letter Umt'U .was. known and.mv ‘drrSlnnd, at the thne wlifcn every; member of tilt Free'Soil parly but htnlsel/ vot£^fcc-4hat. bill. : DmlTiicV*mrTriVvn : thtgnTr^cl i pct’uate slavery in the Territory by continuing in force laws which nro so obnoxious to gentlemen now. . ft,also appears troth this letter, that .the/ knew that they were voting on a proposition to make chil dren hereafter horn, slaves for life, and their poKtority'after them, if horn of slave mothers and removed from the Territory before 1858. The letter shows, too, that you all knew, when you passed that bill, that ytm were voting to extend the fugitive slave law over Kansas Ter ritory. with all its provisions, at the same time that the Senator from Massachusetts, in his speech to-day, talks of the barbarity of the fugitive slave law. of Its heavy and monstrous penalties, it not allowing food and raiment and water to be famished to the unfortunate fugi live. I will'not repeat this doleful speech on that branch of the subject delivered to-day. I wish him to bear in mind that every man of his political parly in Dm House of Ueprcsenla tivc«. With one exception, did every act which he condemns, and is responsible for crerv con sequence which he professes to lament, Do not misunderstand mo on this point. I am not complaining of the harshness or injusticcofthc fugitive slave law. Iheilcvc it was a Jaw re quired by the Constitution of our country, and t sustain it for that reason. But with what fnco or show of justice or truth can one of this Free Soil or Black Republican party rise and condemn that fugitive law. whenheknows that the whole parly have voted for it within the last jjirco or four weeks. Then, sir. we find, upon looking into this question; that it Is clear to tho mind of every impartial man. that while the Democratic Sen ate desire to get rid of those lows. Which violate Ihe freedom of speech, nnd all those great and fundamental principles of liberty nnd justice in tended to be secured by tho Constitution ami the Organic net. tho Free Seller* for P°N liw d cf * fret, have managed to perpetuate those laws on tho statute-book in order that they may use thorn for -political cflect after . Congress ad joui-ns. , . . , Mr. Wade—l should like to inquire how long it is since tjio Senator became convinced that those lawowero so obnoxious, nod ought to bo swept nway. It is cerhunly since hid first or second report on the subject. Mr. Douglas—l wjll answer that question.— T regarded those laws to which I referred, as being repugnant to the Constitution and to the organic not. I was entirely willing to rely on tho judiciary to make wise-decisions on that subject, in the annulment of those laws. I did not*believe that - a law infringing the freedom of the press was .consistent with tho ongamo apt allowing' a decision of the slavery question by the people themselves. So with a long list of tho laws; but’ I did not deem it any port of my duty, nor did I deCin it necessary to wipe out those laws by legislative enactments,'for tho reason that tho courts srould do It. But when U was proposed horo I was entirely wil ling to pass o declaratory act that they were null and void nnd should not bo enforced, In order to bring tho men who hoped to make no. litical capital out of thorn to the lost nnd show that vou would never permit those laws to ho blotted out. you cling to thorn aa you would, to the last hope ofllfc,. If they had been blot ted out. you would havo lost all your capital on tho stump;. you would have boon under the ne cessity of re-writing all your stump speeches, changing tho tone of all your newspapers, and of nviking nh entire now plan of campaign for tin* Presidential election. ; Mr. President, I havo shown that tho House would not pass a bill, to repeal the obnoxious laws. I havo shown That they would not tnko tm and net on onr bill when wo did pass lb— Lot na trace thin history a little further. In this yen' proviso to tho army bill they havo not oven’there a repeal of tho obnoxious laws.— That very proviso preserves those laws In force nn they nee., .Vou do,not even propose to re peal them In,the proviso,. Now lot I vou Jmvpdono’by yortr appropriation bills.—| Yon first put ill « proviso nob to.allow-ihn j itadgurtft hftvoJhMlr, salaries■ until, they should j | dismiss certain prosecutions. If they dismissed, tho prosecutions for political ofibnocvtacy j CARLISLE, PA., "SEPTEMBER 18,185 G. wore Jo have Ihvir salaries; butwlienJliLy got ■ their salaries wl at were the# to do? ,Ol course, go on and ho'd iheir courts and try murderers, thieves, robbers, and every man guilty of crime. At lust, vou recodbd lrom your cond Hum or proviso P-the legislative. ex •cnlivonnd Judicial appropriation bill, and allowed It Ift become a law. I will not sav.that lIIJ. fact that It con t.iincd.an appropriation for }'onr pay ana mum was any Indnccniont for thus receding, but it bo happened that tho bill on which you receded lidiu your provisoes ami passed, contained tbo appropriations to pay tho Governor* the judges, and all tho civil officers’of Uftbf erniory. Yon lima ha vo voted money, alrqtidy to -carry Thosd laws Into effect., Your proviso to tho army Mil leaves them lb force, hut It says the Pretd. dent sh.ll not nab military pMvcr to enforce them. Vou leave them hi Tovqej you mak6 It the duty of the Governor of khfa lernU,ry to cn force (Item 5 you leave It to tho jiulgea to en force them 5 ami by appropriating fur their sal aides, you leave them on tho-atatute-b'joka with entire vigor fur them to enforce. You furnish the money to dbtt, and ybu only provide tha tho president shall not use tholnullnrvimwcr 0 the government. Now, ifyoulnfgnded to blot out those bad-hw?, would you have framed lan guage pf that kind / ‘ .If.ls clear that It never bus been tho intention to allow thesei la*s to be blot ted out or repealed. ' Great Skill in drawing the proviso to the army bill in such a wav aH to leavo the obmoriousj laws In force, to be talked about on the- stijmpdnnng the cam piign. and at the,some tlmothat you cripple tiie President and Ucprlvo.hlm of tho poKvct o com-- ing to the rescue bt tlie civil n|ithorlf> . Hence it is evident thfit the proviso tb th s army bill is not designed to prevent the execution of those laws. Ymi never intended IPfor .that purpose. It was designed to'cripprQ 'lho;army—not to prevent the execution of those laws in Kansas, for yon left them in force, you recognized their validity, you appropriated the money Mr the ■ governor to enforce thoini-' You appropriated the money to the jndlrtiiry.for the same purpose. Vou did everything that could bo-done to aid the civil authorities in enforcing |hcm— -but 3on would not allow the military,power to bo used. ( I am. therefore, forced to the conclusion, Dial 1 by framing tills proviso,.thus guarded, to pro-1 servo those darling laws, which you hug to ymnj heart? so dearly!, in order td Uso them for politi cal effect, vou wish to get rid of. (ho army in or-1 fddr To get up a elvil war.on account of (bcMi. I ferV law s which you thus leave rn force. Whr ! did yon ttms limit the of the army, atthe same lime that you recognized the laws as being in force, and authorized the governor and judg es lo earn - them Into efli-qif ,-H the govenmi and judges did not attempt to execute the laws, perhaps you would.not hftvO any pretext lor 1 gotlinp up a civil war. . In order to make the scheme complete it, waff .necessary to ma.o pmgtr hero now.’* ; • ■ 'i , ■ ; • 1 . ; From (he Washington Union. THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN TRUTH AND FALSEHOOD. The fundamental issue between democracy and republicanism is n contest between truth and falsehood. Republicanism was the oft* spring of a falsehood, and its whole power con sists in the success with which in Inc vigor of Its youlh’nnd carl v, manhood it maintained the combat with truth. The final result of the conflict is as certain as that “truth is mighty and Will prevail.” It is a mere question of time when thq victory will be consummated. — As sooner or later, there can be no'dou&tis * • . . , RepobliSiftifam;, owes us ongm, and its strength to. the assumption that thq repeal of the Missouri restriction by the passage Oi the Kansas bilfwns a measure for the extension of slavery. This assumption was false in its ori ginal conception, has been false lJpiQ.il has been repealed, and is as false now as it ev er was. 'When first announced, the falsehood found ready credence in the anti-slavery feel ings and sentiments of northern men, and eve ry possible device has since been resorted to l»v unscrupulous demagogues to keep up the delusion. During the last two years no repub lican speaker nr journalist discussed the Kansas bill without building bis arguments up on the false assertion that it was a pro-slavery I measure, and without drawing bis conclusions 1 from these false premises. -Truth was crushed down in the first conflict with this falsehood.but it was not subdued, and never can be wade to surrender. It .renewed the contest upon the earliest opportunity, and has since constantly maintained itself in the field, gradually hut : surely growing in strength. until it 1 brought its foe to the issue which is now pend l’ing. and which is to prove that “truth crushed to tnrlh will rise again.” Tn the present great conflict between truth amf falsehood, the success of the democracy ; depends upon ihceslabhshment in the northern j mind of one single piopoMlion —and that is. ■ 1 that the friends of the Kansas bilKlid not pass I it and do not advocate it as a measure for the •extension of slavery.imt as a measure to enable 1 1 the people of Kansas lo decide for themselves ' whether it should he free or'slnve terri ory.— ' The moment this proposition is established re publicanism ceases to have vitality and the tri- 1 umph of tbrulh is complce. There arc, comparatively, few at this day ■ who dispute the abstract principle that the people of every political community ought to exercise the privilege of determining the char acter of their own local institutions. The wry fact that there are any who controvert this principle only proves that the progress of truth, although sure, is frequently slow in eradicating falsehood. Because the democracy were overwhelmed in 1864. upon the assump tion that they were advocating the Kansas bill as a pro-slavery measure, it does not follow that,the assumption was truthful. The lime was when it was rank heresy to maintain that the people had any right to govern themselves. The advocates of “the divine right of-kings" resorted to every shift, whether by argument or by force, to crush out the idea of popular soll-pownuncut—insl as the .republicans arc 1 ‘now la boring l lo defeat IhcnpplicaUon of the i^tno^idoaria-Kansas, “d'rnlh; however; was finally an overmatch for’ falsehood m the- for mer struggle, as It ctfrtainfy will bo in the lat ter. . ‘ ■ .. .. ..... ; i VTJiafwe fmro said jmlicafcs'dfctfuctJy thoj paramount diUy of cveiy,democrat fn (hepend- f mg Issue—thnt duty is to midcccivo the north ern mind in regard to the true -character and object of the Kansas law. Il Is not true that the extension of slavery was the object of that bill, but it is true that it was intended to pro mole the perfect equality of the Rialea by se curing to the citizens of each and all the right of settling in tho Territory, and, when thus settled, to determine for tficmsclvcs whether slavery should or should not exist. This is the truth, tho whole truth, and nothing but the truth, as to the Kansas issue. Whenever, or wherever, or by whomsoever, a different ob ject is attributed to the bill, tho truth of tho case is violated. It is alike true that tho mea sure was supported by men who desire to sco slavery in Kansas, and by men who desire to see the Territory a free Slate: it Is also alike trup that some pro-slavery men expected the measure to bo followed by the establishment of slavery, and that anti-slavery mrn-expcctcd it to be followed by the exclusion of slavery: but these conflicting divisions mid expectations were compromised by agreeing that the natur al law of peaceful and spontaneous immigra tion should decide between them, and that it should be either a free or a slave State, as this law should decide. The fact ought not to be forgotten, that whilst a majority of tho sup porters of tho bill wore pro-slavery men m Congress, many of them frankly and expressly declared that they supportid it with the con viction that tho natural law of emigration would make the Territory free. This convic tion was based upon another fact, which shows that tho compromise was not favorable to the wishes of the pro-slavery men—that fact is, that the anil-slavery portion of our population constitutes a largo majority, and of conse quence the natural law of immigration would give them a decided advantage In tho decision of tho character of tho domestic institutions of Kansas. To secure n recognition of the per fect equality of tho Southern Stales, and to re movo an agitating subject out of Congress, the pro slavery men wore willing to concede to the anti-slavery tho advantage which tho natural law of Immigration gave them, and to admit Kansas ns ft ftp or slave State, os that Jaw should decide. The utter absurdity of the assumption that the Kansas bill was a pro-slavery measure will ho apparent upon a simple statement of tho caw. The Southern Stales, being the minori ty claimed to bn entitled, under Iho constitu tion to equal privileges with the Northern Slates tho majority, in Kansan, which Is com •non property. To settle the dispute, the mi nnrity proposed to tho majority that the ques tion nhould not he settled Congress, hut that thomattcr should he submitted to tho in habitants of their respective sections, lo go or not to go to Kansas, os they pleased, and that, when an many as choose to go should ho net tied thorp, a majority of them should decide either to recognize or exclude slavery, as tiny might deem best. . Tho question Is. was this ft pre-slavery proposition? It was so far from it that it was a proposition of tho minority to abide by a decision when tho probable result would ho that that decision would bo on the sido of tho majority. There were far more an ti-slavery men than pro slavery men. am! far more of tho former than of tho latter, likely, under the operation of tho natural law of emi gration, to settle in Konsas. It lit absurd, therefore, to aasumo that tho Kansas law, winch docs no more than carry out this propo sition, waa a pro slavery measure. Never jest the sorrows ami frailties of men. Frailties imr misfortunes, and the most saOml thliis; on'earth to each heart,' Is its own sorrows., pe assured that however trivial tbu casus of your ndghhorV ferief may appear to y who came out,of thb revolution;‘and .labght the first political. lessons of dnr government I. •Will they’ forgtf that other generation which followed them. In winch their own distinguish ed statesman James Bacfiahan, was a promi nent actor? Will they not remember that to insure peace and future security, to oar eoun try, it is necessary to go back to those old and high standards of political excellence, of which we have reminded them ; and that,'if they love their country, they must dismiss the conspira tors of the present Congress forever from their confidence I Wc believe that the independent men of the good old Keystone will do this, and | that in October wo shall hear a voice from her which will ring with triumph over \ho fall of these enemies of the republic. A Cajutai. Hit. —The best thing wp have heard this year, in a political way. occurred at Mcadvillo a few days since. One of the Black Republican editors of tl at rural town, who last year was very hostile to the Pope, and fully persuaded that ••Americans might to rule America,” met a German acquaintance in the street, and accosted hint something in this wise: “ Well, John;iJ/ r 6tippose you arc going to give Fremont a’lgltf'this year.” John studied tt moment and cocking one eye, as much as to Say, “do you see anything green (here ?" replied that ho Imd no vote to giro Fre mont ! “Why, how is that?” queried our editor friend. “Because,” replied John, “I havn’t been here long enough.” “Not long enough ? Why, how long have you been hero ?” “Oh. about ten years.” “Well,” persisted the Frcmonlcr, “that is long enough to entitle yon to rote.” “Oh, I know, 1 ’ said Iho man With the‘sweet German occent.* “that I have been hero long enough to vote for Buchanan ; but it requires a German to reside here twenty-one years to make him a legal voter for Fremont.” Just about that time the editor in “pur«uU of voters under difficulties,” hod particular bu siness in his office. Asrcdotr op Piicenix.— The Sierra Citizen tells the following story; One evening nt the theatre Phoenix observed a man pitting three seats in front, whom ho thought ho knew, and requested a stranger sit. ling near him to punch the other individual with his cane- The pulitc. ftrnng’er did-*6. and the disturbed person turning Ins head adit tie. Phoenix discovered his mistake—that ho was not the person ho took, him for.. Fixing his attention steadfastly on the play, and affec ting unconsciousness of the whole affair, he "left the man with the cane to settle with the other for the disturbance, who, being wholly without an excuse, thcrowas of course a ludi crous and embarassing scene, during nil which Phoenix was profoundly Interested In the piny. At Inst Ole man with the cane asked, rather in dignantly : “Didn’t you lell mo to punch that man with ?” ‘♦Yea.’*! “And what did you want ?” “Wanted to see If you tcoufd punch him!” About this llfno Squibob’s head \yna aching for a club. • CißOCUftTAitczs Alter CABta.—Lord Urn* kino, having llvcd : a bnoholdr to an advanced ngo, finally married hi* oook, for tho pur pose of securing her services, as ebo had tVu quenlly threatened to leave him. After she became Lady Krsklno,«hb fast all knowledge of ooojcory, and It was a.tn-rlal affront to hint the p'Mlhlllfy rf her kn wing any aort of eatables was prepared for the table. ’bariloa. Ilonrr S. Baltd, of Grcso Hoy, Wisconsin. lato Whig candidate for Governor, la out for Buchanan. 1 THE' COUSTBY ’ CJKI. DT Mna.' M. A. DERiSON. Her bright young face wasliko“fhe May,- - When blno and bloom are bent together j And by tho mows of fresh heaped b" Hurqulck tread brushed thoscenfed heathen. Health’s brightest jewels gemmed the zone, iler cheek was dainty white and crimson f Her eye beneath her lashes shone, Like blue flowers with golden crimson* Tho fresh winds blow her curls frotn ploco, Till round her neck like amber drifted, They glittering hung—and.her sweet face. Shone Uko the heaven to which ’twas lifted. .No silks laid ift.tho old homo chest, No gewgaw clasped hot Wrist or finger ; Sbtrdeemed a modest garb tho,best. And by the, homo hearth loved to linger. Nor rout nor gandy thoafro, N'»r lustred ball-room tilled with beauty, Non dashing-men had charms for her W lioso round of life was loro of duty. But from the cages In tho wind, - - -► Ot bright faced biiuglis and leaves In flutter,' Slic'd often pause to hoar what \V uJi all her skill yot failed to.Uttey.O Tho silvery-piping of tho bird— . Tho flute tones of the sun-riso slngfef,> *(, These richest notes are evuc heard, i i Could tho sweet peace of angels bring her* And in tho mourn, nt sultry noon, At eve and night her soft voice chanted; So tint the old house smiled Hko Juno, And every nook seemed beauty-haunted. And blessings followed her,whoso grace And every gift lent perfect pleasure; Yet tho’ h .t charms made rare her face,* Tho heart that coined them was thetreosure. CUD SAVE THE DM. God save tho Union of tlie'StatcS I And brlglitur make those stars which shorn* i ; Around tlnrhallow’d glory-day Ot Freedom's Lexington, For all tho blood whicVhhs boon shed, F r all the patriotic dead, ~ . For a'l tho hearts which for us bled, 0, a.tvc the Union of tho States ! Cm.il B.ivc the Union. By it stand, Vt* true men who revere its laws, And. oh, remember Washington, Who oi nulled oppression's blighting cause. Bo faithful to those men who gnvo To Freedom life—to Wiong a gravel 1K» faithful now, If ye would sivo The Shored Union of the States. God saro the Union ! By it stand, Ve men whose love is Union’s might. To men whose hearts and hands uphold, The great omnipotence of Right. Be faithful tonne cuuso—tho just— Tho Constitution is y«.ur trust. Would ye behold laid In the dust Tho Union ol the sister States? God save the Union I When it breaks • Thun Freedom falls—tho Might eipirOßp And what was born at Lexington ' Meets death amid Disunion's fires. Then strike,'Vo men who war for right. Let no Diaunh n bring Us blight. By suffrage exercise your might. And save (ho Union of tho States I ftiisrtlfiiiifm , Tho Governor nnd the Stotctrovv. i Governor D.. of no matter what Slate,- was a plain, fannrr-liko person—in fact, aside from his political oflloe, his profession was that of a fanner, lie had an orchard behind his Loose, to which he paid a great deal of attention. In, personal appearance tho Governor was not very prepossessing. Ilewas tall and guant, and when aootifc his work,.was generally, in the habit of wearing a faded dressing which ,was ofcxcccding length, coming nfarly ta, bis feet. t ■» 1 - ft chanced one day that a gentleman, fash* ionablc dressed, called at the Governor's real* dcncc and inquired for nim. Ho was in quest ofn certain office which lay in the Governor's, gift. “lie is not at home just at present.’ 1 said Mrs. D.. “but if you will come in and tako'.a Beat, no doubt ho will be along soon.** , ! 1 The visitor accepted the invitation, and Boat* 1 ing himself in the plain sitting room, entered 1 into conversation with tho Governor’s .lady. ‘ I believe.” said he. “that this is considered « I fine agricultural place. Dues your husband j own much landl” • Some thirty acres, lie is quite a farmer, 0 “I caught a glimpse of an orchard’just,be hind the house. That 1 suppose bdoDg4\to him V* i tl “Yes, ho prides-himself on his orchard.” “1 see you find it necessary to use scare crows to frighten away the birds.” “Scarecrows!” The Governor’s lady waso.v Jonlshcd. “No,” said she, “wo never employ any.” . “Why I nm quite sure T sow one in one of the trees, rigged up in a long fluttering robe.” “I don’t Hunk Mr. D. has put any fat he or chard. You can look from the window, and perhaps you can see the object which you misi took.” - ,> “There it is now” was the reply, as he poin ted out a figure standing on a limb of one of the trees, dressed in a pair of overalls, with a faded robe fluttering in the breeze—“thot’atho scarecrow I 1 was sure that I was not mista ken !” “That ascarcerow!” said Mra. T)., in amaze ment, “why. that's nvj husband I” The victim of this embarassing mistake bad Just voice enough left to iu inquire for his hat. upon which he Immediately withdrew t think ing it be-it to defer his application to 0 more convenient season. The Earth a Graveyard. Sientifio writers assert that the number of persons who existed rinco (tie beginning of timo amounts to 30,027.843.275,076.845. These figures when divided by 3,005.000. Ibo number of square leagues of land on the globe, leaves 11,320,080,732 square miles of laud on iho globe, which being divided as before, give 134,022.076 persons to each square mile. Let us n<*w‘reduce miles to square rods, and iho number will be 1.853.174.600,000. which lie i*g divided as before, will give 1283 inhabi tants to each square rod; which being reduced to feet, will gi»e about five persons to each square foot of terra iirmn. Thus it will bo perceived that our earth is one vast cemetery. 1283 human beings lie buried on each square r od—scarcely sufficient for ten graves. , JDach grave must contain 128 persons. Thus it is seen that the whole surface of tfio globe hw» been dug over 128 times to bury its death The follies of grown people arc frequently brought, out by children in startling promi nence. Two girls of twelve or fourteen years passed Third street yesterday surrounded by hoops und trailing long .dresses over the dirty pavement. They were novices in .the manage ment of such rigging, but determined (oitcqmre (ho artorcljclnthb attempt. Do I tiyist too much, asktd otto of the anxious couple aa.ahe wriggled along. ‘Oh no, said the other stop ping.a little. *ont if you could raise a «»N«> P rt your tncs. ns you squirm it would -throw, ypWf dress bbtior.* ! T7* Wiggins says *thnt wo Americans have a fitrattgo piodo olsalntatlon. When a fnend meets Arlcnd in the street, he extends Uw hind S how do you do? The other replica hotr do you do I Then both, apparently well satte fled, pass on althoughjnot a. whU thesisWcon cerning each • n y r T*' r "'“ r i