r?\ TERMS OP PimiCATION. ’" ! ■ 553 M per annum; }b advance—or ; -i 552 tppthin the y ear.; , ‘-Ls No subscription'taken for a less termthansijf . v n6 discontinuance permitted until', allarrearages are paid. A - failure tp ,; notify discqntinuanceait the expiration of hterirfitidß ."becohsideredanew engagement, - •/*'. ’ •JSdverttecmenle —lsl 00 per square for the. •first three insertions; and twenty five ■ cents for' . qyery, subsequent qne., f ; DR.S. Jj. STEW-ART,.•: ' Thornsonian Satanic Practitioner 'of Med ' icilte and Obstetrics, No. Zt'rffexcaider’s. Sow, Pitt Street, near tjie Sail Sdad * Hotel. RESPECTFULLY' informs faisTriends and the public generally; that (through solici tation) he has removed from Shiremanstown to ‘Carlisle, where he may be foUnd at .all times unless professionally engaged. The afflicted shall at alt times be treated with purely vege ■ table **No Poisons,” and in strict ac cordance with the principles laid down by that greattreformer in medical science, Dr. Samuel ‘Thomson*. * . ", Chronic Cases—such as .Consumption, Liver Complaint, Dropsies, Rheumatisms, and Can cers, are more especially informed that the new system is admirably adapted to their cases. ' Invalids from' a distance can be’accommoda • ted with Boarding while under medical treat ment, on reasonable terms. Carlisle; July 15, 1841. COUJVTTf mBETKVG. ' ' The Democratic Republican Cum- -horland county, ; nro requested to asscmblc in bounty meeting,-according-to custom, at the Court Housp.dn the Borough I feel it my duty to inform the public at. largo of the great virtues of Dr. HARLICH’S MEDICINE, that otherSTnay procure it, and be likewise cured,' , I am well known iri this city; any person wishing to seo me, can call at my residence. MARY H. FOURSMAN. Jackson street; back of 114 Poplar Ipno. (CfPRINCIPAL OFFICE, No. 19 North EIGHTH street, Philadelphia, where testimonials may be seen. AGENT.—Or. 3tihn J, Myers * ’ Proposed Amendment to the Constitution: . J ‘Resolution Relative to the Amendment, of\ of the Stale Constitution . “Resolved by the Senate and House of Repre sentatives in GenerarAssembly met, That the Constitution ol this Comnionwealth.be amended in the third section of the second article, so that it shitll read us follows: , “That the Governor shall hold his office do ing three years, from the third Tuesday of Jan uary, next ensuing his election, and shall not be capable of holding it longer than a single tkR’M of thrice years, in any term of nine years. ' ♦ WiVf. a. CRABB. ’ Speaker of the House of Rep. ■ , JN. H. EWING, Speaker of the Senate. Pennsylvania, ss. > SpcitKTAßv's Office. 5 I do hereby certify that the foregoing is a true Copy of a Resolution proposing an amendment of the Constitution, which was .agreed to at the last session o(. the Legislature, by a majority of the members elected to Oach honse, tlie origin?! ol which remains filed in this office; and incom pliance \yitb the tenth article of the Constitution of the Commonwealth, I do hereby cause the same to be published,-as directed by the said article. ■ajgfe. IN TESTI MONYwh ereof, I have JmMS'i hereunto set my hand’anti seal of at Harrisburg; this 14th dajr of June, 1841.- FRS. R. SHUNK, Secretary of the Commonwealth. CARLISLE SPRINGS. TH& proprietor respectfully informsthepub' lie ill general, that heja how ready to ac commodate a large aumbef of boarder? and vi sit™- • .The Springs jrg situated,4i rttUesshßrth'' of Carlisle, aim 2$ milessouth ofSterrett*s.oAp, on the road leading from Carlisle to Bloomfield in Perry To., in a fine,healthy and romantic place. The Conodoguintt creeh, and Nflfth Mountain, which are each about ttvoi miles dis-, tant, will afford amusement to such visitors as are fond of angling and gunnipg. I n addition to the. most ample accommodations, there isulso an extensive bathing establishment,'both warm and cold. „ • ». GORNMAN. ■■ OU!!,,e w ■ be ’'an:from:Carlisle,to the Springs during the season, for the accom modation of visitors;- ■■ V July I. 1841. . A/.;''': : A OAMP MEBTIITG - ' ' TTMTILL’ be held by'the order of the United ▼ W,-Bretl«;en in Christ,- on the land of John athan Neidigj‘2 miles east of Carlisle,'to com mence on the 2d ol Septemher. No Hucksters ■-will be permitted tq come within the limits ore- BCi-ihedJby iaw. ;, . JOHN FOHL, P. E. . , July.ls. 1841, . .V.,; -,?■ .-.A TEACHER WANTED fJIV take charge,of-theSchoolatpresent in 1 JiL. c m'e of-Mr- Meginney, (Secondary Depart . n ??.hjOJh theborpiigh of Carl isle. ~The branches taught are, ReadlnK.Writlng. Arithmetic, Book, Keeping, Eoghahj Grammar, Geography, His tory, and the. Elements of Algebra, ’The va cancy will Occur pri or.before the'lst of Septem ber next. ■ * Application tO'be'.mmVtrt'-i-'A j ; ,v,/, -geo,:. Sanderson;;; vr 'hu, <, JAMESrHAMII/rON • ' • , Cpmmittee.ofth.e Board ; of School Diretcors.. - ‘W-UST’ received 'some■ very fine BHATV •I HERRING and GHEESE. at the store'Of Kt-.-^An:RICfIPAttDSr-*' May 10, 1841,. , , nea% execuM at this J,ob.;wQ? Vil:/ \i’ iliierlciir lleilmvk fV-. 1, .'I J BY GEffe^A^DERSONO !,Wli : .o|e ',' CONGRESSIONAL. SPEECH OP MR. BUCHA3VAIV. OF PENNSYLVANIA. In Senatei.W&inesday, July 7, 1841—On .the bill ,loincorporate, the subscribers to the Fiscal Bank of the. United States.' : It was originally iny intention,' in opening this debate on our side of the question, to confine myself to some observations in reply to-the report of the. Select Committee bn the Currency,and to the remarks'of the Senator from Kentucky, [Mil. Clay,J which t con sider as a'mere supplement'to that, report., Uintehd still to pursue this course, although' thebccasion is very tempting lb'depart from it, and go oioreat I argil into thb discussion, 1 I think it could be demonstrated tliat-this bill, considered in itself a's a'm'ere Bank bill, is a production of the dark ages of the worlds and does not come down beyond the tenth centqry Of the Christian, Era; and that, in and sub jcctof banking, have been disregard-,. and pfoceed' ; tomy;rep)y?-,'%''*• ’ And, in 'the clare a's; “theft d,eliberate- e6nvtc;tibn, that a vast majority. oflhefpeoplebf.tjie U; States concur in tile expediency of establishing sncft;an institution as-rßanfc bfi’lhe United States, and that they are“npw looking 'with' anxious Solicitude tb. the Congress,>uhder the.confident'hope:;thaf,, % 'Bank of the United.Statek wifi.be!esfab!rsh-. ed at the present extraordinary session of Congress.” * -< It.ft, their .“deliberate cOnyiptumV. tliat a apxnmwy desvre tVe’estmisfimeniror am lional Bank! Whence is this ‘'deliberate conviction” derived?' Front what-ftobrce does’ll prbt eedf I am entirely at a loss even to conjecture. Was , the question ,of a National Hank discussed any wheVe,before I -the people by-the great Whig party-previous to the late Presidential election? Was the establishment.of such,a Bank then made a turning point of Whig policy any, where?— No; sir, no; the Wliigs every where shrunk from the question. They concealed their opinions on till! subject—nay, more—in some States of the Union they professed that hos ; tility to a Bunk of the United States was! one of the cardinal prihcipjcs'of their party! j The Whig convention of Virginia, in their, address to the people, expressly declare that General Harrison was opposed to a National Bank; that he was against it oh constitution al grounds: and unless l am greatly inis-in forraed, a distinguished gentleman of North Carolina, (Mr. Badger;) now a member of the Cabinet, in an address before the Wiiig convention of that State, indignantly pro nounced the assertion that General Hamsun was in favor of sucli.a Bank, to be a false hood. This, speech was, I understand, printed and circulated all over.Nbtth Caro lina. I have not seen it myself; but I have received my information from an undoubted source. - . Mr. Graham said the'speech was not made before the Whig convention, but at a publir meeting in that State.' Mr. Buchanan. Then thegentleman ad mits that the speech was made. Where it was made is of little consequence. Mr. Calhoun. I have the speech of Mr. Badgerin my ,hand, and sliffl read the fol lowing extract from it; .. “Next it is said that General- Harrison favors a Bank of the United States. The charge is false. • His opinions, on. the con trary, are against a. Bank:”' " Mi-. Graham. The speech was not made before the Whig State Convention on the sth of October, 1840. ■ Mr. Calhoun. It will show for itself.— It appears to, have been made on the Sd ol March, 1840. .. 5 Mr. Graham. At a meeting of the citi zens at Granville. , „ ' ' Mr. Calhoun assented to thi?, ihid Said that a hundred thousandcopics oftfio speech had Beep printed and circulated. „■ Miv Buchanan continued. The misun derstanding relates not to what Mr. Badger -saufj but merely to when and where he said The important" fact is established be yond all doubt, that this distinguished geh-, tleman, who was selected by the late Presi dent as amember of.the Cabinet,' on account of his eminent talents, and his avowed politi cal principles, did epme diit.ata great con vention.in March lagt, and, in the strongest tdjms, did pronounce thpe charger to be talse thaliHarrison favored a Bank pf the United States., This is: all I desire to. know; and whether one hundred thousand sand. copies of this.addyeßs were cilSfblated, is a-matter of smaJPimpdrtancc.. have the solenin declafatibn flf a tiifan of high character, at the head of M?" Whig,party in jii taigehddd.'th'e’' eyeit favored National Bank. And yet it lairavely aa ®fted that thejjpeople at the' latghlWtiSn haw favor of such a BatiJf J' vyas never publicly where in my own. State by the Whig party thrmigh out' the fate canvass..: 'They would have, com mi tied political suicide had they made it a turning point of the election Their in tention to a .National Bank Was carefully concealed from the.people.- , .The late Legisfatureof Pennßvlvnnifl wnR Wfiigvdectdedf yWhig.in both its branches. They,accordingly, instructed their Senators to vote ..for the, repeal of. the Independent Treasury, and!the distribution of the pro seeds of the public lands among the,several States; hut they did not lo in struct us in favor of a National Bank.— They asked by ourTriemls in the teg- Tslature "wh£;do you not instruct your Sen- . urged to conie up to: this’pqmtby thestrpng fr^%",^TesPQn.9ibilhy,t-knowing,that-Uie peopra would bpro condemnedtho/ict, ■ r ‘r-< V- - ?? Carlisle, JPa. Thursday \lugunt 5, 1841. h-- Three Congressional elections have since been held" in Pennsylvania. Two of them were nof contested; tmtin the third, there was an animated struggle. This was in the southwestern district of the State, composed of the counties of Fayette and Greene.' I am informed by his successful competitor that'; the Whig candidate in that district publicly and. repeatedly declared himself, throughout the contest, to be the friend of the Independent Treasury, and the enemy of a Bans of the United States. How strong I must have been thc'cnrrent gf public 'opin ion which could drive this candidate into an avowal of friendship for flte Independent Treasury, and hostility to a NflflonaLßank! But this "deliberate conviction” of the Committee on the Currency is.in direct op position to the deliberate opinion of-the President of the. United States; and I shall appeal from the judgment 7 of, the committee to that of the head', at least .the official, head, o£the,party. He hasin substahc'e.declated,. I®. liisHafe message, what;the history of the country: has demonstrated to be true, that has never fM been presented distinctly be fore the people of the Unitcd States, 'with out receiving their condemnation;, I shall' not redd this portion of the message, because every Senator is already familar. with if.— President’s Ppiniipi; theflate contest Wasdecidedpriwellknown principles; But Bank was not a iHppg the number:'and most assuredjy-he is edrrect in thi? latter opinion.', In the face," then, of all these facts; and many. more which might be adduced, what, .becomes of the “deliberate conviction’’ of the committee -v{— —, -.—-'J— , vrv^VUCV.t*'* ofarNational Bank, It would be, really tbefneaus of such a Bunk, to consider seriously the consequences which may flow from the passage ot the. bill at the present extra session. No nptice of such a measure was given in tlie proclamation of-the Presi - dent convening Congress. Thp people did noPexpect .it, and have ngver demanded it l at your Bands.. Public opinion is wholly j. unprepared for if. And-vet, at this liot seif son of the year, when wrought to be all at home, here weare confined in the Capitol, whilst the friends ofthe Bank are straining every nerve to “rush” it, prematurely, through the forms of legislation, and fasten it upon a.reluctant people. What will be the corisequeitces should the bill become a law before our adjournment? ■ Why, sir, from every hill and valley throughout the land—from Georgia to Maine, and from the Atlantic to the Rocky Mountains—the cry of “repeal’.’ will be sounded. “The repeal of the Bank,” will electrify the people of this country to as high a point as “the re, peal of the Union” has electrified the Irish people. Sir, your success will prove fatal to your Bank. All that the American peo ple demand is fair play. This they must have: and they will never quietly submit to this snap judgment which would rivet upon them and their children such an odious in stitution. >No, sir, death is not more inevi table, than that the sudden and.premature! adoption of tins bill by Congress will be the source of. innumerable evils to the country,'' We shall witness new agitations of public opinion, and a new Bank war, compared with which, our history has presented no parallel. I entreat you, gentjemen, to pause. Wait at least for tluffall elections—wait for the expression'of pjtblic ‘opinion—and if it shoujd demand a Barit;,-Why, let a Bank.be established. It may then impe exist'in peace.- But :f it should now be forced upon us, it will give birth to such political con- ( vulsions-' in (he country as we have never I yet witnessed, A Bank.establishedun obe dience to, the public will, clearly expressed, may become a good investment funks stock- i (holders; but this political Bank, should if be' now established, .will linger out a sickly ex-1 istence, and at length fall beneath Hie strong arm opinion, . Now».sir, whatever may be said in rpgard to the propriety of repealing,-.the charter—and for one I sbou|d never adopt this measure unless driven to kin defence of the people against’ the hasty arid’ violent: conduct of the friends of a Bank—l pre sume there canbobut little "doubtof the power, e venif Congress, like the states, had beon exnress ly prohibited by the Constitution, from passing: any law impairing the obligation of contracts., In. the celebrated case of Dartmouth College, the ChiefJuetjcoMarehalinjr’deltvering-thempiniqn [ of tjie Court, plainly and broad|y draws the Fine of distinction .between public and private corpora-' tions. Whilst those of a public character maybe repealed, those of a private-nature are inviolable. Hear his own words: "J/the act if ineopbration fo/i Dartmouth College) be a grant uf political power,, fa it create a civii institution tu It employeji in the administration of the Governntenli or if the funds of the* College be public, property; or.if the funds of the State of. New Hampshire, as a Government, be alone interested in ito transactions, the subject is one iri which the .Legislature of,the Statomay act-according to itabwriiudgriierit, 'ririrestrainea by any limitation.of thoTJnited States.”'• I' - Cutitrequired.nojudicial 'decision to teach a ! freeman this doctrine; v.lt never could he', imagin ed .for a;single moment that the Constitution of the United States intended to enable'. Congress or a State Legislature to'transfer fpireveir either io corporations or to ihdmdualp. those grekt andiren efalppwers of Government With whicfiihey haVe ; been entnisted by the-people??’lf Congress.cam deprive itself by cpntractofanypno of these pok ers,'it may dispose of them'all, and that irrevqcai bly; and, the. National Legislature .might-, thug Jej stroy itself, aqd transfer all its mplt-impbrtmi furictipris/ Uf cprppratipns.;, Such Van Idea’ cannot be tolerated. for a: moment, ,V‘ TOponiyque'Bllon.ihen.Wobfaißeiißthisflßoal agent; in the langriago of the„lafe'.Chipf Justice, “a civil jrisritatibri, to he'emplbyediri the'’admin istration- ’of 1 theVGbvefnmerit?” ' WHbfsih doribt it? Its fdohdriavow that it ia an-institutiqir neces sare for thß keeping, transfer, and disburßemapfcofilmpiibliQ’moneyrand: that ita-' lone can funuahyaound and? uniform.currency, arid regulate the foreign anAdomestip exchanges ,ritot^&‘‘advocates, admit'i thatthiacorrioralion it can ekeifclee these great arid important financial powers of 'Governittenfr It .will bo as much a breach bt tha-Traasaiy Department aa ever:ih’e In-' aadfljkeiVaodall otfc- er acts'of Congress which relate to the great pub lic interests of the country, will be liable to repeal. If the government should think proper to call in the aid of private individuals to establish this pub lic fiscal corporation,, their private, interest can never paralyze the arm-of Congress, or prevent it from exorcising itshigh legislative discretion in're pealing this law and substituting,any other fiscal agent which might, in it 3 opiniori, conduoe more to tho interest of the country. I speak solely of the question of power, under judicial decisions; and I merely glance at the subject for the present. Inthe event of repeal, the private such a Bank may have an equitable claim for in demnity on Congress; but nothing more._. It is wholly unlike the cade of a State bank charter granted to individuals. Which has been declared by the judiciary to be a pri vate corporation.' 1 [ ’ Yes, sir,‘-‘reijieal,” "repeal,” will be the icry'every where, should the bill now pass; ‘and the. struggla.will never cease until tl# law . shall., be . expunged from youVstatute book, or untU thepower of money shallliave subdued >the free and manly spirit of the American people.;. _ . The Committee express a decided opinion ifet the power of Congress to establish a National Bank ‘‘ought to. be regarded as a settled question,**; “It is settled,” “it mlrst be considered as settled,” say hlHhefriends of the Bank; and tlieir arguments upon tliis subject have .been urged for the purpose of proving, not that.this question ought to be, but that it is settled in their favor: Now if it were not'.uiiparliamentary. language, and lit 1 did not desire to treat all my: friends oh I this side of the House with the respect which ' f leet for them’,.! would Bay,- .thatJ.he Jdea ,bWd*t¥e’cbriWe‘jyceO gress - when voting on t|ie. present mll,i is ridiculous-arid-.absurd. Before a court, of taw, in a'case involving.priyate rights under either of the old charters, it may be consid ered as settled; but the proposition -now be fore Congress is to crenteanew Bank, the two old Bankshaving lived out the allotted period of their existence. The question is now put to the conscience of each Senator, and.lie is asked, “do you possess the power under the Constitution to create this Bank?” i,f all thp judges, and all the lawyers in Christendom had decided in the affirmative, when the question is brought home to me as a legislator, bound to vote for of. against a new charten upon my oath to- support the Constitution, I must exercise my.own judg ment. I would treat with profound respect the arguments and opinions of judges and constitutional lawyers; but if, after all, they failed to convince me that-the law was con stitutional,,! should be guilty of perjury be fore high Heaven if, I voted in its favor. ■ . I respect judicial decisions as much as any Senator on this floor. They put at rest for ever the controversy immediately before tha court; and as a general rule, they govern all future cases of the same character; but even these decisions, like all other human things; are modified and changed by the experience of time, and the lights of knowledge. The law is not now what it was fifty years ago; nor what it will be fifty years hereafter. But how does the constitutional-question stand at the present moment, even upon the. authority of judicial precedent? Have tire Supreme Court decided ihpt any inriepenr dent power exists in the Constitution au thorizing. Congress to-establish a .National Bank? No, sir; no such thing; because this would have been in direct opposition to the well known'vote of the Convention itself, refusing to Congress the power of granting charters of incorporation. ’ There is, no ju dicial precedent in Existence which can re strain, of ever intended to'restrain, the free dom of members of'Congress, in voting on the question of a new -bank. Directly the reverse is the truth. The opinion of the Supreme Court, in the case of McCullough against the State of Maryland, decides no such principle.' On the contrary, it express ly refers thequestion back toCongress upon every new attempt to pass anewbank char ter,. This -decision - is-founded upon two clauses of the Constitution; {he one confer ring on Congress the power ‘‘to lay and col lect; taxes, .duties, imports and exciaes”, for; the purpose of paying the debts and. provi ding for the common defence arid general - welfare of the United States; and the other, “to make aUjawaAvhich shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution” the mmmcrafcdTiower3T--Theonlyp6int-deci!_ ded is; that ai.fter Congress have determined, that theestablishment of a bank'is a means | necessary and proper for thecollection aml 'disbursement of. the public revenue;the Su preme;Gqurt will .not rejudge their justice and declare that it is not a necessary .agent to- accomplish these purposes. ’They shy' that i.t 'must be an extreme case , indeed wnichwould induce them to declare that the means selected by -congress to caTry into effectany express power, was notnecessaiy [arid proper to Accomplish the purpose/i They' thus e*presBly reie| the question back [ to'each Seri'ator andßepresentative. called j;to.act upon the’subject, and-cast upon hipi the responsibility of deciding whether a bank of the United,States “be to'carry .irito'eflect the “power -of taxation, ■ ThisSs the very point-of.the decision. ; But strange as it whilst the -Supreme Court have;thrisoxpressljtidevblved upon Congress -the., decision' in the first instance of the qties-. tion,-; settled The .question, I should -n;bver‘hold myself bound, by their decision, whilst acting in a legisla tive character. Unlike the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Bates} I 'shall never consent to place the political rights and lib erties of this peoplg-ih the-hanils of any ju dicial tribunal. It was, therefore, with the utmost astonishment! heard the Senator de clare, ; that. Im considered the expositions of the Constitution by. the judiciary to be,e qually binding upon us, as the expostions of of the moral law by the Saviour of mankind, contained in the Gospel, were upon Chris? tians; and that they were of equal authority with the text of the Constitution.' This, sir, is an infallibility which.TvaS never before claimed for any human tribunal; an infalli bility which would convert freertieh into ab ject slaves;, an infallibility which would haVe rendered the infamous sedition’ law a’s'so cred-as the Constitution itself,' the judicia ry having decided-that law to be cbnstitu .which. wpuld' > tedktht'oughouTTlierwliiSevoxtcnT'hT'f^'U;- onrof speech, No. sir; Wofif.ls'not Tile fe nius bf our institutions to consider .mortal men as infal fibre. ■. No man holds in higher estimation than I, do, the” memory of Chief Justice Marshall; butT’shpuld never have consented to make even him the.finaf arbiter between the Gov ernment and dispeople' of this country oh questions of constitutional liberty. - The experience of all ages and-countries has.de monstrated that judges instinctively lean towards the prerogatives of Government; and it is notorious that the court, during the' whole period which he presided,over it, em bracing so many-years of its existence, has inclined'towards The highest assertion of Federal power.. That this has been done honestly and conscientiously, I entertain not a doubt. : ‘ The principle'of constitutional construc tion which Would reduce the power to es tablish a Bank of the .United States, from the source where it is said to exist, would break down all the barrier's creeled by. our fathers between Federal and State authori ty. If you can infer this power from the simple power of taxation in the Constitution, I ask what other power which you may de sire to exercise may be inferred from that or some other clause? An ingenious man might thus fasten aiiy power which Congress, or the-President iqay desire to cxercise, on some one of the express grants contained in the constitution. Biit the incident cannot transcend its principal—-the stream cannot ascend higher than its fountain, and upon, the mere power of levying theTnxes- neces sary to support an economical Government, you cap never -erect a vast corporation to’ Overshadow the whole land, and, if,not in form, yet in substance, lb change' the char-| acter of' all pur institutions. Never, never, can you TairlyThfer "'the'existence; of j the power tbtereate a Bank from that of the! power "to lay. and, collect taxes.” ~,But it neither was nor is my purpose to enter upon the .constitutional argument-furtherThaii to .show that tne question .has not been settled. If the question has hot been settled by the. Judiciary, has it been 'settled by Congress? Certainly not., If two National Banks haye been chartered, they have bbth beensuffer ed to expire,at the termination of their char; te'rs, becaus their existence was believed to lie a violation of the .Constitution;,. To say the least, then,"the legislative piecedentsare equal on; ebch - side., But if we tike into consideration The repeated attempts to estab lislTa Bank.Tvhich have failed, Congress have much oftener’decidcdagninst the power than in its favor. The, people have never failed to decide against this' power, when the question .has. been distinctly presented to them, as it was at thePresl3ential~election~of-1832,~aftcr General Jackson had vetoed the'Bank char ter.' In short, the question has neither been settled by the Judiciary, nor by Congress, nor by the people, nor the Executive, unless it hriny have been against of ■this dangerous power, and against the policy of its exercise. '[l!- _. : J ' The.coiUmittee say that ."they have adopt ed. Washington, city, proposed bythe Secret tary of the Treasury, as the place of location ofthepnncipainank.VTlieScnatbrfrom Kentucky J"Mb. Glay3:has j'nformediUs.that he felta slight preference. ,fpr;‘other places; but he agrees avith the committce iii hcliev ing that this- is "a subordinate question:” He, has; therefore, I kindly yielded the point to his companions ondhe comaiit tee, for the; sake of harmony, Now. sir, I consider-. thiS/ppint which the, has thus; any rendered to be of the yeryjast iihporlance. 7, -Washington .city. then--a place destitute of commerce,; either foreign or domestic—-is the ehpsehhpoie;of tljis great central money ppyyef.;.;lf you, desire, a,bank for: the pur pose of facilitating the commerce, encourag mg,the manufactures, and promoting,th’eogfj ricullure of/the country/Washingtori is the very worst spot for its location whicfit could be selected within the broad lirnita bf theTTnion. But, sir, if you wishutdegtabV lish a great Treasury jßank, which shall ibe Under; the direct influence and control of the, universe; is the yety rfacS fOr;! power tQumon will behrotight ihtooon- AGE'NT JohnMoork, Esq* Newvill ' T ■Joseph M. Means, Egq; HopewelUownsmp. JoaK Wunderlich} J3sq. Snippensburg. ' ,William M. MATEKR'~Esq> Lee’s X Hoads John Mehaept, Dickinson township. . JOHN Llekdenjit, ttogestown. George P. CaJn, Esq. Mechanicsburg 1 . Frederick Wonderlich, do. •' Joh j btoucn, Esq, Stoughstowh. ■ Daniel Kbysbbb; Esq. Churchtown. Jacob Longnecker, Esqj Wor mleysbiitg. Jv B t DrAwbaugh, Cedar Spring, Allen tp. Martin Shiremanstown. junction with'the political power; andhere theywill act together in'perfect concert anil harrtwny. Henceforward there; Wilf be' no jarring between these two' high powers. Now, air, whatever may have bgpiathe design of the projectors of this Fiscal Agent, this institution, should it ever be established, will be, .both in fact and in form, nothing more nor less than a Government Bank; 1 If I were asked for a definition of a Govern* ment Bank, could Ijgive a better, one. than to say, it is a bank over whose directors the Government will possess, from the very na ture of its organization, a controlling influ ence—whosestock will be chiefly owned by the Government*—whose surplus profits, be* yond a limited dividend to private stockhol ders, will all belong to the Government—* and whose chief source Of profit will be to loan out to individuals, and use, according to its own discretion, the money df the Go* vernment? I think I could not give a more perfect definition df suClra Bahk than is” embraced in the particulars which I hav.e just enumerated. If this be true," and Who can doubt ij, then this Fiscal Bank of, the United States will be a Government Bank. And, in the first place. Government will have a controlling influence over the direc* own Fiscal Agent. Who will these directors be?; Not merchants; nht manufacturers; not men actually-engaged in business. Sucli. men will never. leave their home &nd their employment, to reside in this city, and to become directors of this Bank. They will remain in Boston, in. New, York, in Philadelphia,.in Baltimore, in Richmond, and ev,ery where else except in this city, at* -tSs,din£Tp-their. business*. Here no such-, uj- upinion that - r draft selected• beyond i Whdvffieivrwirt?' these directors be?. Does it not result, from the very nature of things, that they must bo politicians? Who would come to this’ city,' arid spend tlie whofe. or the' greater, part of the year here, ns a director of this Bank, unless it were some political.cormorant, de sirous of obtaining influence for himself,and office for his friends? .Now, air, if you de’- ■ sire to preserve this Bank of the United Statcs.freerfrom the influence and control of politicians, which must be the case.should ■you locate "the bank here, you Ought to plant it in some commercial city, where merchants^' and men of business, having a greater inter* est in commerce than inlpolitics, wmjld be* come itsdirectors. This District is redolent with politics. Here, “we live, move, and have our being” in an atmosphere .of politics) and during the walks of these directors- he- , heath the groves of the Capitol,' fto use the language.of the Senator from Kentucky,) politics and not philosophy wlll be the theme of their ..conversation, and politicians, hot philosophers will be their companions.- Of all men in the'wprld, the moneyed aristoc* racy a.re' the most, anxious to propitiate .the . Executive power and acquire political influ* ience. There are no persons before whom stars and garters and foreign.missions shine with such dazzing splendor. They have already acquired wealth; and what they most desire afterwards are political rank and standing in societyfor themselves and their families. Truly Washington is the - very spot • in which to establish a great political Treas ury Bank,' and here it will flourish in the ut most perfection. But let us proceed one step further. As if-fdr the verypurpose of placing these Di rectors more effectually under the control of the President, their nuiiiber has been redu ced tb nine is the number."' The first Bank ■ ' of the United States had twenty five direc-. tors, and the Executive appointed none of them. It was said, and truly said, that the Government, notwithstanding, exercised- an undue influence over this Bank; but before , theycguld obtain it, they' were obliged to propitiate'atTeast thirteen of these twenty five directors. The. nuniber afforded some security against Excutive influence. The second Bank of the United, States had also twenty five directors, one-fifth' of whom were appointed- by the President; but still eight of these elected by the' stockholders must be gained over to the Government iii order to obtain ~.A'gjf for tl|g very purpose of rendering this Bank a. merV Government machine which will wort easily,, the number of Directors has been reduced to nine. .I do not say that thisJwas the.infen- ■ tion; but such must be the inevetable cfrcct. When we consider that these nine directors' the very eye ofthefixecu live, it must; be ad mitleU'lpy, alb tlmt there never was si.better contrivanccfor making this a mere‘rotten borough political Bank, to be usbd for his ben-, eflt and at h.isipleasue throughout the Unidti, whenever oceasiori may require. But nine solitary .directors !., And "what else?’ One tliird of these,r-jnstead of one-fifth ag for-' rnerly, are to be appointed by the President. They wilt be his ow’d, dependent, creatures and directly under his own control.v"ln our former Bariksi:the directors received.no'gal , ary. It was supposed they woald' bB hien: ofr-business, owning stock jri ,the institution, whp woulcl give, their time and, services.to promote its interest arid, thus to benefit theinr' selves, as well as the .community of which, they were members.' But in this Bank. the ~ directors will be salaned officors, arid three ofirthem,jriaybef- dependent. fur. tjte bread j. whlcH^feeds their,Wives anjl'.lihewjphtidreriv 9nitl(e r v9j[r9£.die l of ,fhe, 4 U;. States.,. If he ean Obfain but tyro of tho dnectors.eV: lectedsiby thei stockholders, he, will then haye. a rnrgority of the.boanl. Iri thiß ha ttyrpgWbwpter no, diffioully.;%\Ve|ij(h and " powetareever.reaUf et 4 s,ar%;hndthe v ßan w|ll;acVin.harmqnmuaun^ ;^qhB, : l-most sblqmniy’dcclare. thatbfi-$ lBabky-ranbrte- r , to: the Senate ,by ■the Se'cretary o tflie Trea e?ertiserif:t|iepower - clawieitocreateaf -i. ,I'' W-'. 1 ; ,?rV. - :