VOL. 43.
The Huntingdon. Journal.
Office in new JOURNAL Building, Fifth Street.
THE HUNTINGDON JOURNAL is published every
Friday by J. A. Nast', at 52,00 per ODIUM IN ADVANCE,
or 12.50 if not paid for in six months from date of sub
scription, and 13 if not paid within the year.
No paper discontinued, unless at the option of the pub
lisher, until all arrearages are paid.
No paper, however, will be sent out of the State unless
absolutely paid for in advance.
Transient advertisements will be inserted at TWELVZ
AND A-HALF CENTS per line for the first insertion, SEVEN
AND A-HALF CENTS for the second and Fl VS CENTS per line
for all subsequent insertions.
Regular quarterly and yearly basin les advertisements
will be inserted at the following rats c :
3m 6w I9w I I yr l
I 3m 16m 19m lyr
lln $3 501 4501 5 501 8 00.Wcol 9 00118 00 $27 $36
2 " 5 001 8 00110 00,12 Ott %..1 18 00136 00 50 65
3 " 700 10 00114 00118 00 3col 34 00150 00 65 80
4 " 1 8 00,14 00120 00118 00 1 col 36 00,60 00, 80 100
All Resolutions of Associations, Communications: of
limited or individual interest, all party announcements,
and notices of Marriages and Deaths, exceeding five lines,
will be charged TEN exsirs per line.
Legal and other notices will be charged to the party
having them inserted.
Advertising Agents must find their commission outside
of these figures.
All advertising accounts are due and collectable
when the advertisement is once inserted.
JOB PRINTING of every kind, Plain and Fancy Colors,
done with neatness and dispatch. Hand-bills, Blanks,
Cards, Pamphlets, 5c., of every variety and style, printed
at the shortest notice, and everything in the Printing
line will be executed in the most artistic manner and at
the lowest rates.
Professional Cards
WM. P. & R. A. ORBISON, Attorneys-at-Law, No. 321
Penn Street, Huntingdon, Pa. All kinds of legal
business promptly attended to. Sept.l2,'7B.
TIR. G. B. HOTCHKIN, 825 Washington Street, Min
i/ tingdon. junel4-1878
T 1 CALDWELL, Attorney-at-Law, No. 111, Brd street.
..1./. Office formerly occupied by Messrs. Woods & Wil
liamson. [apl2,'7l
Dll. A.B. BRUMBAUGH, offers his professional services
to thecommanity. Office, No 523 Washington street,
one door east of the Catholic Parsonage. Dan4,'7l
DIL. hm permanently located in Alexandria
to practice his profession. IjanA '7B-Iy.
EC. STOCKTON, Surgeon Dentist. Office in Leister's
. building, in the room formerly occupied by Dr. E.
J. Greene, Huntingdon, Pa. [apP2S, 76.
GflEo. B. ORLADY, Attorney-at-Law, 405 Penn Street,
Huntingdon, Pa. . [n0v17,'75
GL. ROBB, Dentist, office in S. T. Brown's new building,
Uf . No. 520, Penn Street, Huntingdon, Pa. [ap12.71
HC. MADDEN, Attorney-at-Law. Office, No. —, Penn
• Street, Huntingdon, Pa. [apl9,'7l
TSYLVANT_TS BLAIR, Attorney-at-Law, Huntingdon,
e. 7 • Pa. Office, Penn Street, three doors nest of 3rd
Street. [jan4,'7l
TW. MATTEBN, Attorney-at-Law and General Claim
e 3 • Agent, Huntingdon, Pa. Soldiers' claims against the
Government for back-pay, bounty, widows' and invalid
pensions attended to with great care and promptness. Of
fice on Penn Street. [jan4,'7l
TS. GEISSINGER, Attorney-at-Law and Notary Public,
I.J. Huntingdon, Pa. Office, No. 230 Penn Street, oppo
site Court House. Lfebb,'7l
E. FLEMING, Attorney-at-Law, Huntingdon, Pa.,
S
office in Monitor building, Penn Street. Prompt
and careful attention given to all legal business.
Laugs;74-6mos
New Advertisements.
lE[VINTI
SHARE DRUB CLOTHING IIOIISE
Is now prepared to STJIP Its ]Patrons in
And the BEST MAKE UP, at prices to suit the times. Mystock of
READY .I'W IVir etc) 111 ttil
FOR MEN, YOUTHS, BOYS AND CHILDREN IS FULL.
Men's Suits for $4.00 up;
Boys' Suits for $4.00 up ;
. And Children's Suits for $2.00 up.
mlsr 64 7' 3E3E.AL'OEII
For MEN, YOUTHS, BOYS, and CHILDREN is large, and prices low. The best line of SHIRTS,
ranging in price from 35 cents up. A large assortment of HALF-HOSE-5 pair for 25 cents,
and up to 50 cents per pair. LINEN COLLARS, 2 for 25 cents.
Silspoadors, Shooldor Bracos, aad Haorikorchiofs. Also, Tracks aod. Satchels,
All bought at BOTTOM PRICES FOR
I3E 5C01,13 C11111:AP Pon
The only place in town where you can get the
GENUINE PEARL snIRT.
A SPLENDID LINE OF SAMPLES FOR SUITINGS
To be made to order, Measuree taken and good Fite guaranteed,
Don't Fail to Call and Examine my Goods and Prices before Purchasing,
DON'T FORGET THE PLACE
NEARLY OPPOSITE THE POSTOFFICE.
T. W. MONTGOMERY.
Aprilll,lS79
BROWN'S
CARP ET STOR E,
525 PENN STREET,
JUST THE PLAGE FOR HOUSEKEEPERS !
87
FREE STOCK ! NEW STYLES! !
CARPETS,
ALL GRADES AND AT PRICES THAT CAN NOT BE UNDERSOLD.
FITItI\TIT U - E, IA:,
Chairs, Beds, Tables, Chamber Suits, Lounges,
ROCKERS, MOULDINGS, BRACKETS, &e., ever exhibited in Huntingdon county.
WALL PAPER ! WALL PAPER !
In this department I have made important changes; procured the latest improved trimmer, and my
new styles and prices for 1579, can not fail to suit purchasers. Call and see.
WINDQW SHADES and FIXTURES
in great variety. Plain, satin and figured paper, plain or gilt band shading, spring and
common fixtures.
FLOOR OIL CLOTHS
From 15 inches to 21 yards wide. Halls covered with one solid piece without joints. [Bring diagram
and measurement.] For
PICTURE FRAMES AND LOOKING CLASSES,
This is headquarters. Mattresses, Window Cornice, and anything in the Cabinet or Upholstering line
made to order or repaired promptly.
WOOD OR LIGHT METALIC TO SUIT ALL. BURIAL ROBES IN VARIETY.
A FINE P 1.4 A 'l' E GLASS HEARSE
Ready to attend funerals in town or country. My new clerk and traveling agent, FERDINAND
Kocu, will call briefly in the principal towns, villages and valleys of this and adjoining counties,
with samples of Walt Paper, Carpets, Carpet Chain, and illustrations of Chairs and many kinds of
Furniture, to measure rooms, .0., and receive orders for any goo is in my line. If he should not
reach you in time, do not wait, but come direct to the store.
J AMES A.
525 JENN s'r., HUNTINGDON, PA.
March 21,187 g.
New Advertisements
S. WOLF'S.
At Gwin's Old *Stand,
505 PENN STREET.
Not much on the blow, but always ready for work
The largest and finest line of
Clothing, Hats and Caps.
GENTS.' FURNISHING GOODS;
In town and at great sacrifice. Winter Goods
20 PER CENT. UNDER COST.
Call and be convinced at S. WOLF'S, 505 Penn at,
RENT AND EXPENSES REDUCED,
At S. WOLF'S. I am better able to sell Clothing,
Hats and Caps, Gents.' Furnishing Goods, Trunks
and Valises, CHEAPER than any other store in
town. Call at 0 win's old stand. S. MARCH, Agt.
MONEY SAVED IS MONEY EARNED
The Cheapeqt Place in Huntingdon to buy Cloth
ing, Hats, Caps, and Gents.' Furnishing Goods is
at S. 'WOLF'S, 505 Penn street, one door west
from Express Office. S. MARCH, Agent.
TO THE PUBLIC.—Ihave removed my Cloth
ing and Gents.' Furnishing Goods store to D. P.
Gwin's old stand. .s.L - 7 - e 4 ...Expenses reduced and
better bargains than ever can be got at
S. Wolf's 505 Penn Street.
March 28, 1879.
BEAUTIFY YOUR
II 0 AT _E S !
The undersigned is prepared to do all kinds of
HOUSE AND SIGN PAINTING ,
Calcimining, Glazing,
Paper Hanging,
and any and all work belonging to the business.
Having had several years' experience, he guaran
tees satisfaction to those who may employ him.
PRICES MODERATE.
Orders may be left at the JouttNAL Book Store.
JOHN L. ROIILAND.
March 14th. 1879-tf.
New Advertisements.
G-I) ON'S
of the V E RY LATEST STYLE
The Largest Stock and variety of
UNDERTAKING
Also added to the Furniture & Carpet Business,
, gant Caskets and Burial Cases,
BR W
. .
-•- ---
'll6 lit
. ..i. •
:.....,i
..• .y.,,. ,
,- ..f . e -
~rt .• :,
~...... :'.. '
• - ',,t
..11i. -e,_.• ... vii
• Nr.. . -a •
41 ,
r 7 7 . # ; * ?
-OF ' -
...;-:
Pt
.. . . .
.. .._•
( ..
HERE WE ARE !
-AND
1879.
oiiatt Vapti,
The Veto.
President Hayes and Congress.
He Vetoes the Army Appropriation
Bill—His Message in Full—The
Proposed Legislation Not De
manded by the People—Vi
cious Objects and Ten
dencies of the Politi
cal Riders. etc.
The following is the message of the Presi
dent of the United States returning to the
House of Representatives the bill entitled
"An act making appropriations for the
support of the army for the fiscal year
ending June 30. 1880, and for other pur
poses :"
MESSAGE.
To the House of Representatives : I have
maturely considered the important question
presented by the bill entitled "An act
' making appropriations for the support of
the army for the fiscal year ending June
30, 1880, and for other purposes," and I
now return it to the House of Representa
tives, iu which it originated, with my ob
jections to its approval.
The bill provides in the usual form for
the appropriations required for the support
of the army during the next fiscai year.
If it contained no other provisions it would
receive my prompt approval. It includes,
however, further legislation which, at
tached as it is to appropriations which are
requisite for the efficient performance of
some of the most necessary duties of the
Government, involves questions of the
gravest character. The sixth section of
the bill is amendatory of the statute now
in force in regard to the authority of per
sons in the civil, military and naval service
of the United States "at the place where
any general or special election is held in
any State." This statute was adopted
February 25, 1865, after a protracted de
bate in the Senate, and almost without op
position in the House of Representatives,
by the concurrent votes of both of the
leading political parties of the country,
and became a law by the approval of Pres
ident Lincoln. It was re-enacted in 1874
in the Revised Statutes, Sections 2,002
and 5,528, which are as fbllows :
"Section 2,002. No military or naval
officer, or other person engaged in the
civil, military or naval service of the United
States, shall order, bring, keep, or have
under his authority or control any troops
or armed men at the place where any
general cr special election is held in any
State, unless it be necessary to repel the
armed enemies of the United States or to
keep the peace at the polls
":-ection 5,528._ Every officer of the
army or navy or other person in the civil,
miltary or naval service of the United
States, who orders, brings, keeps, or has
under his authority or control any troops
or armed men at any place where a general
or special election is held, in any State,
unless such force be necessary to repel
armed enemies of the United Sates, or to
keep the peace at the polls, shall be filled
not more than 85,000, and suffer im
prisonment at hard labor not less than
three months nor more than five years."
THE GOVERNMENT AND .THE ELECTIONS.
The amendment propaied in this statute
in the bill before me omits from both of
the foregoing sections the words •`or to keep
the peace at the polls " The affect of the
adoption of this amendment may be con
sidered.
First—Upon the right of the United
States Government to use military force to
keep the peace at the( lections for members
of Congress ; and
Second—Upon the right of the Govern
went by civil authority to protect these
elections from violence and fraud.
In addition to the sections of the statute
above quoted the following provisions of
law relating to the use of military power
at the elections are now in force :
"Section 2,003. No officer of the army
or navy of the United States shall prescribe
or fix or attempt to prescribe or fix by
proclamation, order or otherwise the quali
fication of voters in any State, or in any
manner interfere with the freedom of any
election in any. State or with the exercise
of the free right of suffrage in any State.
"Section 5,529 Every officer or other
person in the military or naval service who
by force, threat, intimidation, order, ad
vice, or otherwise prevents or attempts to
prevent any qualified voters of auy State
from freely exercising the right of suffrage
at any general or special election in such
State, shall be fined not more than five
thousand dollars, and imprisoned at bard
labor not more than five years.
"Section 5,530. Every officer of the
army or navy who prescribes or fixes, or
attempts to prescribe or fix, whether by
proclamation, order or otherwise, the qual
ifications of voters at any election in any
State, shall be punished as provided in the
preceding section.
Section 5,531. Every officer or other
person in the military or naval service who
by force, threat, intimidation, order or
otherwise compels or attempts to compel,
any officer bolding an election in any State
to receive a vote from a person not legally
qualified to vote, or who imposes or at
tempts to impose any regulations for con
ducting any general or special election in
a State different from those prescribed by
law, or who interferes in any manner with
any officer of an election in the discharge
of his duty, shall be punished as provided
in Section 5,529.
"Section 5,532. Every person convicted
of any of the offenses specified in the five
preceding sections shall, in addition to the
punishments herein severally prescribed,
be disqualified from holding any office of
honor, profit or trust under the United
States, but nothing in these sections shall
be construed to prevent any officer, soldier,
sailor or marine from exercising the right
of suffrage in any election district to which
he may belong, if otherwise qualified ac
cording to the laws of the State in which
he offers his vote."
The foregoing enactments would seem
to be sufficient to prevent military inter
ference with the elections.
THE LAST CONGRESS.
But the last Congress, to remove all ap
prehension of such interference, added to
this body of law Section 15 of an act en•
titled "Au act making appropriations for
the support of the army for the fiscal year
ending June 30, 1879, and for other pur
poses," approved June 18, 1878, which is
as follows :
"Section 15. From and after the pas-
sage of this act, it shall not be lawful to
HUNTINGDON, PA , FRIDAY MAY 9, 1879.
employ any part of the army of the United
States as a posse comitatus or otherwise for
the purpose of executing the laws, except
in such cases and under such circumstances
as such employment of said force may be
expressly authorized by the Constitution
or by act of Congress, and no money ap
propriated by this act shall be used to pay
any of the expenses incurred in the em
ployment of any troops in violation of this
section, and any person willfully violating
the provisions of this section shall be
deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and, on
conviction thereof. shall be punished by
fine not exceeding $lO,OOO, or by imprison
ment not exceeding two years, or by both
such fine and imprisonment."
This act passed the Senate, after con
sideration, without a single vote recorded
against it on its final passage, and by a
majority of more than two thirds it was
concurred in by the House of Representa
Lives. The purpose of the section quoted
was stated in the Senate by une of its sup
porters as follows :
TROOPS AT THE POLLS
"Therefore, I hope, without getting into
any controversy about the past, but acting
wisely for the future, we shall take away
the idea that the army can be used by a
general or special deputy marshal, or any
marshal, merely for election purposes, as a
posse, ordering them about the polls or
ordering them anywhere else, where there
is no election going on, to prevent disorders
or to suppress disturbances that should be
fuppressed by the peace officers of the
State, or if' they must bring others to their
aid, they should summon the unorganized
citizens, and not summon the officers and
men of the army as a posse comitatus to
quell disorders, and thus get up a feeling
which will be disastrous to peace among
the people of the country."
In the House of Representatives the
object of the act of 1878 was stated
by the gentleman who had it in
charge in similar terms. He said : "But
these are all minor points and insignificant
questions compared with the great princi
ple which was incorporated by the Housa
in the bill in reference to the use of the
army in time of peace. The Senate bad
already conceded what they called, and
what we might accept as a priaciple, but
they had stricken out the penalty and
stricken out the word 'expressly,' so that
the army might be used in all eases where
implied authority might be inferred. The
House Committee planted themselves firm•
ly upon the doctrine that, rather than
yield this fundamental principle for which
for three years this House had struggled,
they would allow the bill to fail—notwith
standing the reforms which we had se
cured -L-regarding the reforms as of but
little consequence alongside the great prin
ciple that the army of the United States
in time of peace should be under the con
trol of Congress and obedient to its laws.
After a long and contracted negotiation
the Senate committee have conceded that
principle in all its length and breadth, in
cluding the penalty which the Senate had
stricken out. We bring you ba4-there
fore, a report with the alteration of a single
word, which the lawyers assure me is
proper to ha made, restoring to this bill
the principle for which we have contended
so long and which is so vital to secure the
rights and liberties of the people.
"Thus have we this day secured to the
people of this country the same great pro
tection against a standing army which cost
a struggle of two hundred years for the
Commons of England to secure for the
British people "
NO MILITARY INFUENCE UNDER EXISTING
LAWS.
From this brief review of the subject it
sufficiently appears that under existing
laws there can be no military interference
with the elections. No case or such inter
ference has in fact occurred since the pass
age of the act last referred to No soldier
of the United States has appeared under
orders at any place of election at any State.
No complaint, even of the presence of
United states troops has been made in
any quarter It may, tberefcre, be con
fidently stated there is no necessity for the
enactment of section 6 of the bill before
me, to prevent military interference with
elections. The laws already in force are
all that is required fur that end. But that
part of section 6 of this bill which is sig
nificant and vitally important is the clause
which, if adopted, will deprive the civil
authorities of the United States of all
power to keep peace at the Congressional
elections. The Congressional elections in
every district, in every important sense,
are justly a matter of political interest and
concern throughout the whole country.
Each State, every political party, is enti
tled to its share of power which is confer.
red by the legal and constitutional suf
frage.
TIIZ RIQIIT OF SUFF.RAGZ
It is the right of every citizen possess
ing qualifications prescribed by law to cast
one unintimidated ballot and to have his
ballot honestly counted. So long as the
exercise of this power and the employ
ment of this right are common and equal,
practically as well as formally, submission
to the results of the suffrage will be ac
corded, loyally and cheerfully, and all the
departments of government will feel the
true vigor of the popular will thus ex
pressed.
Two provisions of the constitution auth
thorize legislation by Congress for the regu
lation of the Congressional elections. Sec
tion 4 of Article 1 of the Constitution de
clares : "The times, places and manner of
holding elections for Senators and Repro
sentatives shall be prescribed in each State
by the Legislature thereof; but the Con
gress may at any time by law make or al
ter such regulations, except as to the places
of choosing Senators."
The Fifteenth amendment of i;he Con
stitution is as follows :
"Section 1. The right of citizens of the
United States to vote shall not be denied
or abridged by the United States or by
any State on account of race, color, or pre
vious condition of servitude.
"Section 2. The Congress shall have
power to enforce this article by appropri
ate legislation."
The Supreme Court has held that this
amendment invests the citizens of the Uni
ted States with a new constitutional right
which is within the protecting power of
Congress. That right the Court declares
to be exemption from discrimination in the
exercise of the elective franchise, on ac
count of race, color, or previous condition
of servitude. The power of Congress to
protect this right by appropriate legisla
tion is expressly affirmed by the Court.
National legislation to provide safe
guards for free and honest elections is ne
cessary, as experience has shown, not only
to secure the right to vote to the enfran
chised race at the South, but also to pre
vent fraudulent voting in the large cities
of the North. Congress has, therefore,
exercised the power conferred by the Con
stitution, and has enacted certain laws to
prevent discrimination on account of race,
color or previous condition of servitude,
and to punish fraud, violence and intimi
dation of Federal elections. Attention is
called to the following sections of the Re
vised Statutes of the United States, viz :
Section 2,004, which guarantees to all
citizens the right to vote, without distinc
tion on account of race, color or previous
condition of servitude ; Sections 2,005 and
2,006, which guarantee to all citizens equal
opportunity, without discrimination, to
perform all the acts required by law as a
prerequisite or qualification for voting ;
Section 2,022, which authorizes the Uni
ted States marshal and his deputies to keep
peace and preserve order at the federal
elections.
Section 2,024, which expressly author
izes the United States marshal and his
deputies to summon a posse comitatus
whenever they or any of them are forcibly
'resisted in the execution of their duties
under the law or are prevented from exe
cuting such duties by violence.
Section 5,522. which provides for th.
punishment of the crime of interfering
with the supervisors of elections and de
puty marshals in the di-charge of their
duties at election of Representatives in
Congress
These are some of the laws on this sub
ject which it is the duty of the Executive
Department of the Government to enforce
The intent and effector the sixth section
of this bill is to prohibit all the civil offi•
eers of the United States, under penalty
of fine and imprisonment, from employing
any adequate civil force for this purpose
at places where their enforcement is most
necessary—namely, at the places where
Congressional elections are held Among
the most valuable enactments to which I
have referred are those which protect the
stjapervisors of federal elections in the dis
arge of their duties at the polls. If the
roposed legislation should become the
4-w there will be no power vested'in any
cer of the Government to protect from
olence the officers of the United States
*gaged in the discharge of their duties.
Their rights and duties under the law
Dill remain, but the National Government
Mill be powerless to enforce its own stat
toes. The States may employ both mili.
tpary and civil power to keep the peace and
to enforce the laws at State elections. It
IS now proposed to deny to the United
States even the necessary civil authority
to protect i,he National elections No suffi
cient reason has been given for this dis
orimination in favor of the State and
against the national authority. If well
founded objections exist against the pres
ant national election laws, all good citizens
should unite in their amendment The
laws providing the safeguards of the elec
tions should be impartial, just and efficient.
They should, if possible, be so non-parti
sad and fair in their operation that the
minority, the party out; of power, will have
no just ground to complain. The present
liws have, in practice, unquestionably con
duced to the prevention of fraud and vio
lence at the elections. In several of the
States members of different political par
ties have applied for the safeguards which
they furnish. It is the right and duty of
the national government to enact and en
force laws which will secure free and fair
Congressional elections The laws now
iu force should not be repealed except in
conjunction with the enactment of meas
urea which will better accomplish that
important end. Believing that Section 6
of the bill before me will weaken, if
it dues not altogether take away the power
of the National Government to protect
the Federal elections by the civil author
ities, I am forced to the conclusion that it
ought nit to receive my approval. This
section is, however, nut presented no me
as a separate and independent measure,
but is, as has been stated, attached to the
bill making the usual annual appropria
tions fur the support of the army. It makes
A VITAL CHANGE IN THE ELECTION LAWS
the country, which is in no way con
nected with the use of the army. It pro
hibits, under heavy penalties, any person
engaged in the civil service of the United
States from having any force at the place
of election to preserve order, to make ar
rests, to keep the peace or in any manner
to enforce the laws. This is altogether
foreign to the purpose of an Army Ap
propriation bill.
The practice of tacking to appropriation
bills measures not pertinent to such bills
did not prevail until more than forty years
after the adoption of the Constitution. It
has become a common practice. All par
ties when in power, have adopted it. Many
abuses and general waste of public money
have, in this way crept into appropriation
bills. The public opinion of the country
is against it.
The States which have recently adopted
constitutions have generally provided a
remedy for the evil by enacting that no
law shall contain more than one subject,
which shall be plainly expressed in its
title. The constituticns of mote than one
half of the States contain substantially this
provision. The public welfare will be pro.
moted in many ways by a return to the
early practice of the Government and to
the true principles of legislation, which
requires that every measure shall stand or
fall according to its own merits. If it were
understood that to attach to an appropria
tion bill a measure irrelevant to the gen
eras subject of the bill, would imperil and
probably prevent its final passage and ap
proval, a valuable reform in the parlia
mentary practice of Congress would be
accomplished. The best justification that
has been offered for attaching irrelevant
riders to appropriation bills is that it is
done for conscience sake to facilitate the
passage of measures which are deemed ex
pedient by all the branches of government
which participate in legislation. It can
not be claimed that there is any such rea
son for attaching this amendment of the
election laws to the army appropriation
bill. The history of the measure contra
dicts this assumption. A majority of the
House of Representatives in the last Con
gress was in favor of section 6 of this bill.
It was known that a majority of the Sen•
ate was opposed to it, and that as a sepa
rate measure it could not be adopted. It
was attached to the army appropriation to
compel the Senate to assent to it. It was
plainly announced to the Senate that the
Army Appropriation Bill would not be al
lowed to pass unless the proposed amend
ments of tht election laws were adopted
with it. The Senate refused to assent to
the bill on account of this irrelevant sec
tion. Congress thereupon adjourned with
out passing an appropriation bill for the
army and the present session of the Forty
sixth Congress became necessary to furn
ish the means to carry on the government.
The ground upon which the action of
the House of Representatives is defended
has been distinctly stated by many of its
advocates a week before the close of the
last session of Congress. The doctrine in
question was stated by one of its ablest de•
fenders, as follows : "It is our duty to re
peal these laws ; it is not worth while
to attempt the repeal except upon the ap
propriation bill. The Republican Senate
will not agree to nor the Republican Pres
ident sign a bill for such repeal. What
ever objection to legislation upon appro
priation bills may be made in ordinary
cases does not apply where free elections
and the liberty of the citizens are concern
ed. We have the power to vote money;
let us annex conditions to it and insist up
on the redress, of grievances." By an
other distinguished member of the House
it was said : "The right of the represent
atives of the people to withhold supplies
is as old as English liberty. History re
cords numerous instances whets, the Com
mona, feeling that the people were op
pressed by the laws that the Lords would
not consent to repeal by the ordinary
methods of legislation, obtained redress at
last by refusing appropriations unless ac
companied by relief measures." That a
question of the greatest magnitude and
new in this country was raised by this
course of proceedings was fully recognized
also by its defenders in the Senate. It
was said by a distinguished Senator : "Per
haps no greater question, in the form we
are brought to consider it, was ever con
sidered by the American Congress in time
of peace; for it involves not merely the
merits or demerits of the laws which the
House bill proposes to repeal, but involves
the rights, the privileges, the powers, the
duties of the two branches of Congress.
and of the President of the United States.
It is a vast question that never yet has
been brought so sharply before the Ameri
can Congress and the American people as
it may be now. It is a question which
sooner or later must be decided, and the
decision must determine what are the
powers of the House of Representatives
under the Constitution, and what is the
duty of that House in the view of the
framers of the Constitution according to
its letter and spirit. Mr. President, I
should approach this question, if I were
in the best possible condition to speak and
to argue it, with a very grave diffidence,
and certainly with the utmost anxiety, for
no one can think of it as long and care
fully as I have thought of it without see
ing that we are at the beginning, perhaps,
of a struggle that may last as long in this
country as a similar struggle lasted in what
we are accustomed to call the motherland.
There the struggle lasted fltr two centuries
before it was ultimately decided. It is not
likely to last so long here. But it may
last until every man in this chamber is in
his grave. It is the question whether or
no the House of Representatives has a
right to say. "We will grant supplies only
upon condition that grievances are re
dressed ; we are the representatives of the
taxpayers of the Republic; we—the House
of Representatives—atone have the right
to originate money bills; we—the House
of Representatives—have alone the right
to originate bills which grant the money
of the people. The Senate represents
States. We represent the tax-payers of
the Republic. We, therefore, by the very
terms of the Constitution are charged with
the duty of originating the bills which
grant the money of the people. We claim
the right which the House of Commons in
England established after two centuries of
contest, to say that we will not grant the
money of the people unless there is a re
dress of grievances."
THE EXTRA SESSION
Upon the assembling of this Congress
in pursuance of a call for an extra session,
which was made necessary by the failure
of the Forty fifth Congress to make the
needful appropriations for the support of
the Government. the questii,n was pre
sented whether the attempt made in the
last Congress to engraft by construction a
new principle upon the Constitution should
be persisted in or not. This Congress has
ample opportunity and time to pass the
Appropriation bill, and also to enact any
political measures which may be determined
upon in a separate bill by the usual and
orderly methods of proceeding, but the
majority of both houses have deemed it
wise to adhere to the principle asserted and
maintained in the last Congress by the
majority of the House of Representatives.
The principle is that the House of Repre
sentatives has the sole right to originate
bills for raising revenue, and therefore has
the right to withhold appropriations, upon
which the existence of the Government
may depend, unless the Senate and Presi
dent shall give their assent to any legisla
tion which the House may see fit to attach
to appropriation bills. To establish this
principle is to make a radical, dangerous
and unconstitutional change in the char
ter of our institutiocs The various de
partments of the Government and the
army and navy are established by the con
stitution by laws passed in pursuance
thereof. Their duties are clearly defined
and their support is carefully provided for
by law. The money required for this pur
pose has been collected from the people,
and is now in the Treasury, ready to be
paid out as soon as the appropriation hills
are passed. Whether appropriations are
made or not, the collection of taxes will go
on; the public money will accumulate in
the Treasury. It was not the intention of
the framers of the Constitution that any
single branch of the Government should
have the power to dictate conditions upon
which the treasure should be applied to the
purposes for which it was collected. Any
such intention, if it had been entertained,
would have been plainly expressed in the
Constitution. That a majority of the Sen
ate now concurs in the claim of the House
adds to the gravity of the situation, but
does not alter the question at issue. The
new doctrine, if maintained, will result in
a consolidation of unchecked and despotic
power in the House of Representatives.
A bare majority of the House will become
the Government. The Executive will no
longer be what the framers of the Consti
tution intended, an equal and independent
branch of the Government.
THE DUTY OF THE PRESIDENT.
It is clearly the constitutional duty of
the President to exercise his discretion and
judgment upon all bills presented to him
without constraint or duress from any
other branch of the Government. To say
that a majority of either or both of the
branches of Congress may insist on the
approval of a bill under the penalty of
stopping all of the operations of the Gov
ernment for want of the necessary sup
plies, is to deny to the Executive that share
of the legislative power which is plainly
conferred by the second section of the sev
enth article of the Constitution. It strikes
from the Constitution the qualified nega
tive of the President. It is said that this
should be done because it is the peculiar
function of the House of Representatives
to represent the will of the people ; but
no single branch or department of the
Government has exclusive authority to
speak for the American people. The
most authentic and solemn expression of
their will is contained in the Constitution
of the United States. By that Constitu
tion they have ordained and established a
Government whose powers are distributed
among co•ordinate members, which, as far
as possible, consistently with harmonious
co-operation, are absolutely independent of
each other. The people of this country
are unwilling to see the supremacy of the
Constitution replaced by the omnipotence
of any department of the Government.
The enactment of the bill into a law will
establish a precedent which will tend to
destroy the equal independence of the sev
eral branches of the Government. Its
principle places not merely the Senate and
Executive, but the judiciary also, under
the coercive dictation of the House. The
House alone will be the judge of what
constitutes a grievance, and also of the
means and measures of redress. An act
of Congress to protect elections is now the
grievance complained of. But the House
may on the same principle determine that
any other act of Congress, a treaty made
by the President with the advice and con
sent of the Senate, a nomination or ap
puintment to office, or that a decision or
opinion of the Supreme Court is a griev
ance, and that the measure of redress is to
withhold the appropriations required for
the support of the offending branch of the
Government.
A DANOEROUS VIOLATION OF THE CONSTI
TUTION.
Believing that this bill is a dangerous
violation of the spirit and meaning of the
Constitution, I am compelled to return it
to the House, in which it originated, with
out my approval.
The qualified negative with which the
Constitution invests the President is a
trust that involves a duty which he cannot
decline to perform. With a firm and con
scientious purpose to do what I can to pre
serve, unimpaired, the Constitutional pow
ers and equal independence, not merely of
the Executive, but of every branch of the
Government, which will be imperiled by
the adoption of the principle of this bill. I
desire earnestly to urge upon the House of
Representatives a return to the wise and
wholesome usage of the earlier days of the
Republic which excluded from appropria
tion bills all irrelevant legislation. By
this course you will inaugurate an import
ant reform in the method of Congressional
legislation, your action will be in harmony
with the fundamantal principles of the
Constitution and the patriotic sentiment of
Nationality which is their firm support,
and you will restore to the country that
feeling of confidence and security and the
repose which are so essential to the pros
perity of all of our fellow citizens.
RUTHERFORD B. HAYES
yocat Bistorp.
THE
OLD FOOT-PRINTS OF TEE RECEDING RED MAN,
AND THE
EARLY LAND-MARKS 0? THE COMING WHITE ILAN
WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO
The Juniata Region.
BY PROF. A. L. GUM, OP HUNTINGDON, PA
'Tis good to muse on Nations passed away
Forever from the land we call our own.
ARTICLE V.
WORDS FROM TUE SENSES-NOT FROM RE-
FLECTION
The Iroquois languages were made up
largely of what came to them through the
medium of the senses and their desires.
Their words denoted rather what they saw
with the eye, than what arose from mental
reflection. It had a-material richness, but
a spiritual leanness—plenty of observation,
but paucity in meditation. They had no
words for holiness or gratitude, for justice
or self denial, but their language abounded
in beautiful metaphors and glowed with
expressive allegory. There is an absence
of words denoting a reflective conscious
ness and logical analysis of ideas. Complex
ideas were, therefore, expressed in a
group, that is they followed the synthetic
method.
DIALECTICAL CHANGES ON WORDS.
In the process of transforming the un
written Indian names to our written lan
guage, variations and changes are found
in almost every instance, thus making
them hard to follow, and sometimes even
preventing recognition. A most fruitful
source of these variations arises out of the
dialectical differences in the several branches
of the Six Nations. It will be interesting
to take a few examples which will show
that these variations consist of prefixes,
suffixes and inter fixes, as well as in accent.
The name of the Niagara river means "At
the Neck," and the Ohio means "the
Beautiful River."
Niagara. Ohio.
Seneca— Ne-ah'-ga 0-bee'-yo.
Cay u ga---0-ne-ah'-ga O-hee'-yo.
Onondaga— N i-ale-ga 0-hee-yn.
Tuscarora-0-ne-a'-cars 0-bee-yu.
Oneida-0-n e-a'-ga I e 0-hee'.
Mohawk —O-ne-a'-ga-ra 0-heecyo.
This explains why Gov. Dongan, 1684,
wrote Oneigra and Pownell map, 1776,
says Oxniagara, while some writers said
Oio, Ohgo, Ohz:yo, Ohioh, Oye, Oeyo, &o
Then let us take Utica, the name of which
meant "Around the Hills,"and Tonawanda,
meaning "Swift Water"
Utica. 7onewaada.
Seneca- Nun-da-da'-ele Ta'-na-wun-da.
Cayuga----Deo-nun-da-da'-eis Ta-no-wun'-da.
Onondaga-- None-da-da'-tie Ta•no-wa'-da.
Tuacarora-- Ya-nun-da-rand Ta-na-wakteh.
Oneida- Ya-nun-da-d&'-eis Ta'-na-want.
llohawk - Ya-none-da'-eie Tana-wa'-deh.
Again let us take the name of Albany,
since transferred to an adjoining town
which meant "Beyond the Openings", and
Canandaigua, meaning a "Place Selected
for a Settlement."
Schasectady. Chnandaigua.
Seneca—Sha-neh'-ta-de Oa-nu n-da'-gwa.
Coy ugs----E k ens-ta-de Ga-na-dacgw.
Onondaga--Sks-rue-ta - de Cr-us-de-qua.
Tuscarora—Sksw-na-taw'-de Ca'-to-na-ra-qua.
On eida---Ska-na. ta t' f~a - aa-da id-qua
Mohawk—Ska'-neh .ta-de Oana-te-la-qua.
These examples, taken from Morgan's
League of the Iroquois, illustrate the dia•
lectical variations ; and yet they fall far
short of being as difficult as the mass of
their words, still they will ser:e to give
the reader an idea of the changes that have
come over many Indian names, to which
we shall have occasion to refer hereafter,
and among others our own beloved Ju-
NIATA,
REAL. NAMES OF THE TRIBES.
The following are the names of the tribes
as given in the Seneca dialect, by Morgan.
The terminal 0-NO means people—it is the
same as ROONA, RRONON, &c. and the
Mohawk form HAMA. The words have the
same force as our NS in turning the name
of a country into the people of that section,
as America into Americans. Thus they
used Car-re ya•ga--roona,for Heavenly In-
habitants ; On•as ah--roona, for the People
of the Lower Regions; while the Mohawks,
who were farthest east, and saw white pen
ple first, called them TuNtas—haga, the
Morning Light People, as they seamed to
come up at the rising sun.
NUN•DA-WA`-0 NA, Senecas, the Great
Mountain People, the Mountaineers. This
was also the name of their principal town,
where they sprang out of the ground. The
following are some of the modifications of
their name as shaped by other Iroquois
dialects, by the French, by the English,
and by ignorance, and other causes :
Mountain. Great. Used By
On-non-to to- Ilan- r Momentary words.
on-non- to-nan- s La. Hontaa, 1683.
S on- on- to- wort English Geography 1721.
Ta en-non- to- u in. a Huron-French.
In-a on- on- to- uan-es Pownall's Map, 1154.
T on-non- to- in- a Pottehet's Map, 1767.
Ts On- on- to- Dan- a French—La. Hoots..
T en- on- to-wan-oe English writers.
Ts an- an- do-wan- s English, frequent.
To an- an- do-wa Their town, 1727.
Ts an- on- do-w -monis Jas. togas, Mar.31,17=
Ch en- an- do- an-es Louis Evans' Map, 1166.
tt en- an- do- ah Their Valley in Virginia.
Ch an- an- do-wa Their lands, 1736.
8 in-non- do-wan-e Mohawk dialect.
• in-ne - do-wan-. Mohawk dialect variation
J en- on- to-wan-os At Treaty in 1742 and 1744
J on- on- to-wa - s Conrad Weiser 1743.
is an- an- do- n-as Another variation.
Ta on-non- tho-nan-a A French form.
• in- on- do-wan, C. Colden, for their castle.
9 in- no- ca- -s Old Form.
• in- no- ker- a Conrad Weiser.
8 en- e- ea- -a Modern form.
Nun- da-ws-o-na Present !lath, form.
The reader will remember that the
French have no W, but use a U is its
place. The T glides into D and then into
C. The last syllable of Onnonte, mountain,
is elided in all the forms of combination ;
or perhaps, by a peculiar Iroquois idiom,
it is transferred to the beginning of the
word in the form of the breathing expressed
by S, T, Ts, Ch, Sh, J . and so forth. By
the Delawares the Senecas were termed
Mechltenatogha. They were the keepers
of the western gate of the Lang House.
They were the most numerous—out num
bering all the other four tribes. Hence,
the Iroquois were at an early date, some
times called Senecas, but not in New York,
for there the Mobawkv, from their position,
sometimes gave their name to all the
tribes, such as the Five Mohawk Nations.
When we come to discuss the origin and
meaning of the word JUNIATA, and the
Indian nation from whom we have derived
the name, the above variations on the
tern, for the Senecas will prove a floe il
lustration of the derivation of our JUNIATA
from ONO.TUTTA-HAGA ; the breathing J
being also transferred to the beginning of
the word. More of this hereafter.
G Ue-17-OWER---0 NA, Cayugas,thelkfucky
Land People, 80 called from the marsh
lands near their lake, where their first
town was located. They kept the Southern
gate of the Long House opening on the
Susquehanna. They were also spelled the
Goyogoans, Cuinkguos, Caiyonquos, Caju .
gas, Cayoogoes, CawyniM, elliooop2l,_AP.
THE ONONTiAGAB.
0-NUN DA'-GA-0 -NA, Onondagas ,
the
People on the Great Hill, so called from
their principal town on an eminence/over
looking the valley, where they claimed to
be autochthons. They had the central
Council House or capitol
0-NA-VOTE'-lAA-0 NA, Oneidas, thj
(Red) Granite Stone People, from the stone
at Utica, where they came up out of the
ground. When the Great Spirit first made
this country, he caused the Oneidas to
spring up just as the trees, having the
color of the stone at that place, which thus
became their name, the TOTEM of their
tribe, and recalled at once the whole story
of their creation, so that around it were
associated all the sacred legends of their
tribe. Being first created they were in
consequence the chief of all Indiana, As
will be hereafter shown, we reject entirely
the interpretation perpetuated from Dr.
Barton, that Oneida means "STANDING
STONE," and, which false notion caused the
name of Oneida to be given to a township
adjoining Huntingdon. They were the
people of Tin STONE—such a stone as that
one where they were autoehthons. It was
not a "Standing" Stone, but Syenite or
Scotch Granite Boulder. The great orris
of the Oneidas is still in the cemetery at
Utica. Other spellings of this name are :
Onoyouts, Ottoyootes, Oneyookees, Ono
yootoes, Anayints, Anoyirda, Honoyoo
thacks, Oneyonte, Oneota, Onayants. The
root is ONIA, signifying stone.
YAMOYDEN.
GA-NE A' GA'-O NA, Or GA NE GA HA'OA
-0 NA, Mohawks, the People who Pos.
sees Flint, or the Fire Stone People. We
have here an illustration in these two
forms of Iroquois interjected sylla beele,per
baps representing a shade of difference in
the meaning. Whether this name had
au original signification, referring to their
origin in the land of the Flint Stone, like
that of the Oneidas at the Syenite ; or
whether it arose from their first being iu
possession of muskets, on which the Fire-
Stone seemed to be a coveted mystery, is
now uncertain. The common outside nick
name of Mohawks meant man eaters, and
shows that anciently they were at least
charged with being cannibals. They had
other names also such as Agnies and Can
nyingoes, Ganyingoes or Caningoes.
Due GA.'-0 WSH-O NA, Tuscaroras, or
the Shirt-Wearing People. This name
shows the inroads already made by inter
course with the whites in Carolina. The
meaning of Tuscarora is undetermined ;
but it originally bore the same relation to a
number of allied tribes, that the term Iro
quois did to the Five Nations. They com
menced to leave Carolina in 1713, and
scattered fragments kept coming north as
late as 1767. They were formally ad
ted, as we shall hereafter show, into the
Iroquois League about 1722.
THE CONFEDERACY ITSELF.
As a Confederacy, the Iroquois never
used any other term than Ho DE' NO SAU
NEE, the People of the Long Howe. Da•
ga no-wd•da was the tbunder of this
League, and its first great Law-giver. He
was an Onondago. These names are ac
cording to Morgan, but Hackewelder, and
others, give another founder, of the Mo
hawks. Some of these varieties in names
are owing to mistakes, and some are trans
lations into other dialects and languages.
The date of the organisation of the League
is lost. Some circumstances point to a
period one hundred years prior to the
advent of the Dutch in 1609. but their
traditions make it much more remote.
Possibly we may place it about the time
of the discovery of America by Colum
bus in 1492.
SUBSCRIBE for the JOURNAL.
NO. 19.
TEIK SENECAS.
THE CAYUGAS.
THIC ONZIDAS.
THE MOHAWKB.
THE TUSCARORAS.
(To be Continued.)