The Huntingdon journal. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1871-1904, January 10, 1872, Image 2

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

    The Huntingdon Journal
T. R. DURBORTOW
HUNTINGDON, PENN' A
Wednesday Morning, Jan. 10, 1872
County Committee Meeting
The Republican County Committee will meet in
the Court Heuse, at Huntingdon, on TUESDAY,
the 16th day of January, 1872, (second week of
court), at one o'clock, p. m.
Delegates will be elected to the neat State Con
vention, and other business of great importance
transacted.
The indiations aro that there will be quite a full
attendance and an interesting meeting. I hope
every district will bo represented.
K. ALLEN LOVELL, Chm'n.
Ilettingdon, Dee. 30, 1871
GRANT AS A SOLDIER, AND AS A
PRESIDENT.
No President of the United States has
ever escaped the keen edge of criticism.
President Grant is no exception. But it
would be difficult in scanning the pages of
history, from the days of Washington down
to the present time, to name many of our
public men whose acts have been more
free from mistakes than those of U. S.
Grant, either as the General of our armies,
or as Chief Magistrate of the Nation. He
is not a man of words, but of deeds. His
promises are few, but his acts are always
in the right direction, and rarely fail of
success.
It will be remembered that soon after
General McClellan was called to the com
mand of the army, he reviewed the troeps
in front of Washington; and in the pres
ence of Abraham Lincoln and the army,
he stood in his carriage and proclaimed,
without qualification, that, henceforward,
"There shall be no more defeats; we shall
have no more retreats." But unfortunate
ly for the army and the Nation his military
experience-was a succession of "defeats,"
followed by "retreats," down to the close
of his command.
When General Grant was placed in com
mand he made no promises, beyond the
declaration that "We shall fight it out on
this line if it takes all summer." Steadily
he persevered through the summer, and
the winter, and down into the months of
spring, when he whipped his foe ; and
closed the war. There was no "defeat,"
no "retreat," until Tice laid down his arms
and.surrendered his army.
The brief correspondence which passed
between those two gre:..t Generals on that
memorable occasion is creditable alike to
both. The language of the conquerer to
the vanquished General is plain and point
ed, but at the same time entirely free from
a semblance of anything that could offend
or wound the feelings of Lee or his army.
Could words be more fitly chosen to assure
a conquered General of the folly and crime
of further resistance, than the following :
"Arm!. 7, 1865.
"General R. E. Lee, Commanding C. 8. A.
"GENERAL: The result of the last week must
convince you of the hopelessness of further resist-,
once on the part of the army of Northern Virginia
in this struggle. I feel that it is so, and regard it
as my City to shift from myself the responsibility
of any further effusion ofthlood, by asking of you
the surrender of that portion of the Confederate
Army known as the Army of Northern Virginia.
"Very respectively,
"your übt. serv't..
[siorieo] ..U. S. GRAN; Lieut. (len.,
"Comd'g. Armies U. S.
Gen. Lee replied, April 7th, asking for
terms. Gen. Grant, April Bth, submitted
as the terms, 'That the men surrendered
shall be disqualified from taking up arms
angainst the United States until properly
exchanged."
On the same day Gen. Lee's reply was
received, in which he said, "I do not think
the emergency has arisen to call for the
surrender of this army ;" and proposed a
Meeting at ten a. m., April 9th, "to nego
tiate for terms of peace." To which Gen.
Grant replied as follows :
APRIL 9, 1863.
"Gen. R. E. Lee, (Johemandidg, U. S. A.
"GENERAL: As I have no authority to .treat on
the subject of peace, the meeting proposed for ten
a. m. to-day could load to no good. I will state,
however, General, that I am equally anxious for
peace with yourself, and the whole North enter
tains the some feeling. The terms upon which
peace can be had are well understood. By the
South laying down their arms they will hasten
that -desirable result, save thousands of human
lives, and hundreds of millions of property not yet
destroyed.
"Sincerely hoping that all our difficulties may
be settled without the loss of another life, I sub
scribe myself
"Very respectfully
"your obt. serv't,
"11. S. GRANT
"Lieut. General."
[SIGNED]
The firm but subdued spirit manifested,
and the words chosen to convey the senti
ments of the victorious General, demand
for that letter a place, in all time to come,
among the noblest examples of military
diplomacy in the recorded history of war
fare.
General Lee submitted without further
delay. According to an eye witness the
two Generals met at the house of Wilmer
McLane, near Appomattox Court House,
at 2 o'clock p. m., April 9, 1865. They
greeted each other with a dignified cour
tesy, and proceeded at epee to the business
before them. Gen. Lee immediately al
luded to the conditions of surrender; char
acterised them as exceedingly lenient, and
said he would leave the details to General
Grant's own discretion. Gen. Grant stated
the terms of the parole : that the arms
should be stacked, the artillery parked,
and :the supplies and munitions turned
over to him; the officers retaining their
side-arms, horses, and personal effects.
Gen. Lee assented to the conditions, and
the agreement of surrender was engrossed
and signed by Gen. Lee at 3:30 o'clock.
Thus the last scene in the great war was
enacted, and'the curtain fell. Not only
the "thousands of human livOs, and hun
dreds of millions of property," were saved
to the country, but tile life and unity of
the Nation itself were saved through the
military genius and indomitable perseve
rence of "the right man in the right place."
General McClellan had some good qual
ities, but be failed signally as a soldier .;
and the command of the army passed suc
cessively from McClellan to Burnside,
then to Hooker, and from him to Meade,
and finally to Grant, who after an almost
unbroken series of successes brought the war
triumphantly to a close. In all of this
the General was never known to manifest
ostentation; or claim for himself even due
credit for what has been acknowledged to
be the greatest military achievement of
the nineteenth century. He invariably
attributed his success to the bravery and
intrepidity of the soldiers under him, for
whom be has always evinced the warmest
attachment, and expressed the most un
bounded admiration.
With peace restored, the name of Grant
was freely used in c.ninection with the
Presidency, and in due time he was nomin
ated for that important position. On be
ing officially informed of this, he addressed
a note of acceptance to Gen. Joseph R.
Hawley, President of the National Union
Republican Committee, in which he used
these words : elected to the office of
President of the United States, it will be
my endeavor to administer all the laws in
good faith, with economy, and with the
view of giving peace, quiet and protection
everywhere."
EDITOR
There is no boasting or circumlocution
here, but the candid expression of .a fer
ventpurpose to serve his countrffaithfully,
as its Chief Executive, as he had done
when a soldier.
He was elected. Nearly three years of
his term of office have passed into history,
and what is his record? One uninterrupt
ed series of years of successful administra
tion, in every department of the Govern
ment, resulting, under God's blessing, in
unprecedented prosperity to the various
great, as well as to the more minute indus
tries, and in the general national develop
ment. The laws have all been adminis
tered in good faith; economy of [expendi
ture has been th • l ruling policy, and peace,
quiet, and protection have prevailed, ex
cepting, perhaps, among a few vicious
spirits in limited sections • of the South ;
and even these have been made glad to
yield to the supremacy of the law, and sue
for pardon.
It is a significant fact as in his General
ship, so in the discharge of his important
duties as Chief Magistrate, U. S. Grant
cannot be charged with a solitary blunder.
Those who have attempted to attribute to
him official errors have been forced to
change their tactics, or abandon their op
position. Even in the San Domingo
affair, his victory over his accusers is as
complete as that at Appomattox Court
House. The revival of the old story of
the one term rule for the Presidency is
no more applicable to that office than it
would be to that of United States Sena
tors, in which ,honorable body Charles
Sumner has faithfully filled a seat for,
twenty years in succession, with distin
guished credit to himself, his constituents,
and his country.
If we ask for retrenchment do not the
annual reports prove incontestably that
expenses have been cut down in every
department of the Government? The lib
eral pensions to soldiers and sailors, or to
their families, can be reduced only by the
lapse of time. The Indian Bureau has
been remodeled, and is now a success.
The cost of collecting the revenue has
been largely reduced; and the revenue
reform has brought the internal taxes down
from three hundred and ten million dol
lars, per annum, to one hundred and forty
four millions, with a prospective reduction
to one hundred millions, or a trifle over.
Can our Revenue Reformers ask for more
than this ? Then the duties on importa
tions were reduced twenty-five millions
last year; while a still farther reduction
will take place during the present Con
gress.
In conclusion, it may be said without
fear of contradiction, that at no time with
in the history of the Nation have the pub
lic affairs been in a more satisfactory con
dition than they are now, at the opening
of the new year, 1872. The Government
itself is stronger than ever before. We
are at peace with all the world. The
public credit has been restored, and placed
on a firm and favorable basis. Our indus
tries, under the fostering influences of a
judicious. protective tariff, are prospering
as they never have before; and peace,
remunerative employment and protection
prevail throughout the Union.
"Let us have Peace," said Grant, after
the close of the war. That peace, with its
offspring, prosperity, we have ever since
enjoyed. And, basing our conclusions, not
upon the man merely, but upon his acts in
the past, it is safe to say that the re-nom
ination and election of U. S. Grant to the
Presidency, is probably the best guarantee
we can have, for the continuation of these
great blessings in the future.
OUR MINISTERS' MINING OPER
ATIONS.
Minister Schenck has not asked to be re
called, but telegrams of ten days ago inform
us that he has withdrawn from the direc
torship of the "Emma Silver Mines."—
There calf be no objection, of a tangible
nature, to Mr. Schenck or any other officer
of the. American Government owning stock
in a mine, provided he came into possess.
ion of it by honest and legitimate means.
Mr. Schenck's ownership in these mines
was obtained prior to his appointment to
England ; but when the stock was offered
in that market, his name won for it a pop
ularity, probably, that it would not other
wise have attained. At any rate, the de
mand for the stock exceeded the srpply
in the ratio of three to one. This attract
ed the attention of the London press.—
Hence the charge of speculation.
Who would object to Minister. Thornton
becoming the owner of a mine in our west
ern country, or in any other part of the
world ? or of stock in a railway, or in a
steamship company, if it was his pleasure
BO to invest his earnings ? The charges
against Catacazy were not of this nature at
all. He made himself obnoxious by un
necessary interference in our own public
affairs; by dictating articles for the news
papers derogatory to our President and
other public officers, and then complaining
to the Secretary of State of their publica
tion, and denying to him that he had any
thing to do with their authorship; and by
speaking disrespectfully, on public occa
sions, of prominent officials. He might
have invested a fortune in American en
terprise and we would all have thanked
him for such a manifestation of public
spirit ; so also our Minister to England
may do, without detriment to his official
standing; but it seems that Royalty could
not view the matter in that light, or toler
ate, gracefully, any Minister near the
Court of St. James who condescended to
earn an holiest penny outside of his official
income..
m,.. His Excellency, Gov. John W.
Geary, will please accept our thaolo for
an early copy of his message.
MEETING OF THE LEGISLATURE
The Legislature, of this State, met at
Harrisburg, on Tuesday, of last week, and
the House proceeded to organize by the
election of Hon. William Elliott, Republi
can, of Philadelphia, as Speaker, by a
vote of 61 to a vote of 37 for Adam
Wuolever, Democrat. James L. Selfridge
was elected Chief Clerk, Capt., Hugh
Morrison, Assistant and John A. Smull,
resident clerks. On motion of Mr. Fleger
the following gentlemen were elected to
fill the several respective offices, viz :
For Meisenger—C. W. Ray, Mercer
county. .
Fir'st Assistant Messenger—John T.
Toy, Chester county.
Second Assistant Messenger—Joseph
M'Donald, Philadelphia.
Third Assistant Messenger—Joseph E.
Zueler, Venango county.
Doorkeeper of Rotunda—M. Dague,
Washington county.
Superintendent of Folding Department
—David Martin, Philadelphia.
Assistant—lsaac Marsh, Bradford coun
ty.
Pasters and Folders—Morris Stringfield,
Philadelphia; J. Craig, do.; Philip Schaef
fer, do.; P. H. Jones, Allegheny county;
J. F. Stephens, CraWford county; Charles
Pickering, Bucks county; Henry Ray
mond, Lancaster county; A. Jackson Bow
ers, do.; Anthony M'Altum, Delaware
county; A. H. Baker, Indiana county.
For Transcribing Clerks—lsaac More
head, Erie; R. V. Thompson, Lawrence
county; A. R. M'Carthy, Huntingdon
county; Richard Williams, jr., Luzerne
county; C. M. Sanner, Somerset county;
W.A. Stone, Tioga county.
Postmastet:—William Coates, Alleghe
ny county.
Assistant—A. J. Monks, Jefferson
county.
_ _ _
Sergeant-at-Arms—John F. Shemer,
Philadelphia.
Assistant Sergeant-at-Anna—Robert H.
Newton, Philadelphia ; John Humphries,
do.; Russell H. Griffin, Blair county ; My
ron M. Mott, Susquehanna county.
Doorkeeper—Christian Hock, Alleghe
ny county.
Assistants—Samuel Kephart, Philadel
phia; Ed. Milligan, Allegheny county;
and James Tate, Philadelphia.
The death of Hon. J. W. Dickerson, of
Bedford, was announced and a warrant for
a special election was issued by the Speak
er. A committee was appointed in the
Warren county contested case which report
ed in favor of the Republican being enti
tled to the seat on the prima facie.
In the Senate nothing was done on
Tuesday. The Speaker announced that
satisfactory evidence having reached him
of the death of Senator Connell he would
issue his warrant for a special election in
the Fourth district. On Wednesday ef
forts were made to compromise without
accomplishing anything. On Thursday
the Democrats, alter several ineffectual
ballots, instructed Mr. Buckelew to vote
for the Republican candidate for Speaker,
and Mr. Rutan, of Beaver, was elected.—
His address upon taking the chair was a
very modest and prudent one. Chief
Clerk, Zeigler, then tendered his resigna
tion and a number of ballots were had for
Chief Clerk without any favorable result.
The Republicans voted sixteen totes for
Geo. W. Hammersley and the Democrats
voting a like number of votes for their
candidate. Thus things stood up to Fri
day, when both branches adjourned over
until yesterday (Tuesday.)
sm. The Democrats, in the Bedford and
Fulton district, talk of placing John G.
Fisher, Esq., of Bedford, in nomination
for the position in the House made vacant
by the death of Hon. J. W. Dickerson.
On the other hand, the Republicans have
scarcely indicated who will be their choice.
While in Bedford, last week, we heard
John Alsip, Esq., spoken of, and if he
should receive the nomination we pre
dict a shaking among the dry bones of
the Democracy. We also heard our friend,
D. S. Elliott, Esq., of the Press, spoken of,
and presume that Hon. S. P. Wishart, the
late representative, will also be a candidate.
ter Elsewhere we publish the material
portions of the Governor's Message. It is
a very satisfactory document as our read
ers will learn by reading the portions pub
lished. The financial exhibits are very
gratifying and the recommendations are
very good. If the Legislature does its
part as well, the Old Keystone will sail
along, very smoothly, for the next twelve
months.
ge.. By reference to the list of officers
elected by the House of Representatives,
of this State, for the present session, it
will be seen that Dr. A. R. McCarthy, of
Dudley, has been elected a transcribing
clerk. We congratulate our friend upon
his good fortune, and hops that his stay,
at Harrisburg, during the winter, may be
both pleasant and profitable.
se- Hon. J. P. Wickersham, Superin
tendent of the Common and Soldiers' Or
phan Schools, of Pennsylvania, will accept
our thanks for advance copies of his Re
ports. The exhibits are very satisfactory,
and give assurances, that in the hands of
the present efficient chief, our schools will
will. occupy the front rank in the great
march of popular education.
sigi, In another column a communica
tion will be found recommending Hon. P.
Frazier Smith, our present worthy and
able State Reporter, for the Supreme
Judgeship. There is not another man in
the State, unconnected with the Bench,
so intimately acquainted with the duties of
a Supreme Judge or so thoroughly posted
in the decisions of the Court as Mr. Smith.
D 0.., We take up almost the entire out
side of our paper, this week. with an offi
cial copy of the Alabama Treaty. This
document should be read by every citizen
in the United States. It is one of the
most important documents since the pro
mulgation of the Declaration of Indepen
dence.
re, Col. Jacob M. Campbell, Surveyor
General, of Pennsylvania, has our thanks
for a copy of his Report for the year end
ing November 30, 1871. The receipts of
his office, from all sources, during the year,
were $51,127.41. This indicates that our
people are not neglecting their titles.
in_ Hon. Francis Jordan will accept
our thanks for valuable public documents.
le. Horse thieves are operating sue.
eessfully in parts of York county.
OUR WASHINGTON LETTER
The Opposition to Grant—Sumner, Sam,
Trumbull, Fenton, Tipton and Logan,
his Republican Opponents—A Newspa
per Libel Suii—Grant in Philadelphia
—Halleck, Sickles, Cameron, Fish.
WASHINGTON, D. C., Jan. 8, 1872.
THE ANTI-ADMINISTRATION FACTION,
The Republican :ore-heads of the U. S.
Senate will leave no stone unturned to ac
complish the defeat of General Grant's re
nomination for the Presidency. There
are half a dozen of them, all told, and pro
minent in the group is Charles Sumner
His disaffection dates back to the time that
he delivered his great speech on the Ala
bama question. The Senator took high
ground which the Administration sustain
ed in the main, but they could not endorse
the more extreme views presented by Mr.
Sumner. Soon after Mr. Motley was com
missioned Minister to England, Mr. Sum
ner gave him certain instructions, which
Mr. Motley preferred to follow out in pre
ference to those received from the State
Department. In consequence of this the
President recalled Mr. Motley. The Mas
sachusetts Senator took offence, and mani
fested his opposition by his efforts to de
feat the annexation of San Domingo and
bring the President-under censure on the
charge of an improper use of the Navy,
and other abuses of his office in that con
nection. Then Sumner was deprived of
the Chairmanship of the Senate Committee
on Foreign affairs, which he claims was
done through Executive influence. Thus
the breach between Sumner and the Pre
sident has become irreparable. But it has
been most conclusively shown that Motley
forfeited all claims to his official position,
by a disregard to instructions. It has also
been demonstrated that the acts of the
President in reference to the San Domin
go affair were strictly within the line of
duty, up to the hour that he turned the
question over to Congress and the people
for their disposal. The removal of Sumner
from the Chairmanship of the Foreign
Committee was purely the act of the Sen
ate. But Sumner will not be consoled,
,and he has joined in the imprudent move
ment to defeat the re-nomination of Gen.
Grant.
Senator Trumbull is another of the sore
heads. It will be remembered that he was
one of the seven Republicans who voted
against the impeachment of Andrew John
son, and he is the last one of the seven left
in the Senate. His time, too, will soon
expire, and he cannot possibly be returned.
He knows this ; but he is tenacious of po
litical life. His only hope is to break up
the Republican party, and under a new or
ganization come up in the lead, and with
new power. For this end he is laboring
with unflinching energy, and scruples at
,no means that may tend to secure the end.
Carl Schurz is busy in the opposition.
Carl professes to a high code of pure poli
tical morals; but his past career does not
indicate that he is entitled to the claim, or
to much consideration from the people. It
will be remembered that he stumped the
West in 1860 in favor of Mr. Lincoln's
election. But he was paid, and paid lib
erally for every speech delivered, and day
spent in the work. He would not work
without a fee; and lie received his pay in
full. But he was not satisfied. He came
to Washington after the inauguration of
Mr. Lincoln, and demanded a foreign mis
sion. He was sent Minister to Spain.—
The war broke out. After somo little time
Mr. Schurz returned to Washington and
demanded a brigadier-general-ship. Gen.
Grant was contented to enter the army as
a captain, and work up upon his own mer
. its. Schurz preferred a shorter route to
fame, and demanded and obtained a gen
eral's command to start upon, in which he
never distinguished himself, or afforded
evidence that he was worthy of the posi
tion he held. Afterwards he went to
Missouri, was sent.a Senator to Washing
ton, returned to his State where he suc
ceeded in splitting the Republican party,
and sending Blair to the Senate; and en
couraged by his course a Ku Klux organ
ization sprung up in the State, which, in
some sections of the State, have become a
terror to peaceable citizens. Schurz wants
to be President, and if he is'successful in
his present project of defeating the re-no
mination of Grant, and breaking up the
Republican party, he will make an effort
to secure an amendment to the Constitu
tion, by which foreigners will be made
eligible to the office of President of the
' United States. Such is the Schurz pro
gramme.
Fenton's opposition is the result of his
own imprudence. On coming to the Sen
ate he undertook, in a not very creditable
way, to control the State patronage, and
because ho was checked in his purpose, he
manifested an opposition to thg President,
which has since controlled all his move-
ments.
Tipton, of Nebraska, claims that he has
not received a fair share of the patronage
of his State, and he too, from no other
cause, has thrown his little influence with
those who propose to defeat the President.
Logan is a Democrat at heart, though
elected under the garb of a good, honest
Republican. He has, by his action in the
Senate, disappointed his State, and has
become extremely unpopular during the
last few months.
These are the men who have combined
to defeat the President, and if possible,
break up the party now in power. They
are working into the hands of the demo
cracy with an earnestness worthy of a bet
ter cause. But as the country can do
without them better than it can without
Grant, they will accomplish their own de
feat in this manifestation of personal oppo
sition and extreme folly.
SUIT FOR LIBEL.
The proprietors of the Washington Dai
ly Chronicle have sued the proprietor of
the Daily Republican of this city for libel.
Damages 820,000.
John M. Morris, of the Chronicle, came
here from Charleston, S. C., and purchased
the paper from J. W. Forney. The Re
publican charges that Parker, State Treas
urer of South Carolina, is one of the pro•
prieters of the Chronicle, and furnished
the funds with which the paper was pur
chased. Parker and the Governor of
South Carolina, it is said, have made an
over issue of State Bonds of over six mil
lion dollars, and there is no show in the
State Treasury for the bonds or the funds.
The Republican says that a portion of the
proceeds from the sale of these bonds was
used in the purchase of the Chronicle.—
Hence the libel suit.
PERSONAL.
President Grant and family were in
Philadelphia from Friday evening, Jan. 4,
until Monday.. Thervere entertained by
Col. J. W. Forney.
Gen. Sickles and his handsome young
Spanish wife were in Washington during
the past week.
Major Gen. llalleck is reported danger
ously ill.
It is announced in Washington that
Senator Cameron proposes to retire from
public life after the expiration of his pre
sent Senatorial term.
Secretary Fish, contrary to
,a previous
announcement, is about to take a house,
and continue his residence for the winter,
in Washington. N. H. P.
Speech of Hon. John Scott on the Re
moval of Political Disabilities.
Delivered in the United States Senate.
December 20, 1872.
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, lam not
willing to be classed among the opponents.
of this bill because I rise to discuss it. It
is because I have heretofore been unwill
ing to support a measure of this character
that I now say anything. I have never
been able to look at this question in the
light in which many of the Senators who
have spoken seem to view it.
Mr. ALCORN. Will the Senator allow
me one word ?
Mr. SCOTT. Certainly. •
Mr. ALCORN. I desire to say that I
labored under embarrassment when I
spoke, for in truth I did not rise to make
a speech ; and I wish now to state distinct
ly that which I sapposed I had made plain,
but which it seems I did not. In the State
of Mississippi the election occurred is No
vember. The officers, under our constitu
tion, qualify on the first Tuesday after the
first Monday in January. The Legisla
ture also meets at that time. Several per
sons who have been elected to the Legis
lature are under disabilities. I have upon
my table petitions signed by all the officers
of the State of Mississippi, asking that
their disabilities be removed, and some of
them we regard as the most influential and
competent men for the places. If the bill
should not pass now, it will be too late for
cases that I speak of; and those men will
be excluded and men less competent, men
who are not the choice of the people, men
who are obnoxious to the' people, will oc
cupy the places, and the persons elected
will go back with a brand upon their brow
that the Government has discriminated
against them. Such a man goes back with
the sympathies of the people and with no•
feeling that there has been_ justice on the
part of the Government. I thank the
Senator from Pennsylvania for his kind
ness.
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President-
Mr. POMEROY. Will the Senator yield
for a motion to proceed to the considera
tion of executive business ?
Mr. SCOTT. Not now. I have not
been able to view this measure in the light
in which some other Senators have spoken
of it, as one of justice to the people of the
South. I have not been able to view it as
one of personal feeling, to be decided by
the feelings which we have entertained
either during or since the war. It is sim
ply a question of the highest political wis
dom, and not of political wisdom in a party
sense, but in the broader sense as it affects
national and State prosperity.
I do not intend, Mr. President, to occu
py airy considerable time in discussing the
operation of the disqualifications of the
fourteenth amendment; but I have been
placed in a position where that operation
has been forced upon my attention, and it
is because that operation has been forced
upon my attention that I at this time say
anything.
There are two views of the operation of
the disqualifications of the fourteenth
amendment, and there is but one of them
that is likely to attract much of our atten
tion in this body or in the House of Rep
resentatives; and that is, as it bears upon
national interests. Men are disqualified
for holding office in Congress, and we di
rect our attention too much to the effect
•which that conclusion has, and forget that
the disqualifications extends also to State
offices, and that it has affected to a very
large degree the character and the capacity
of the local State government.
Now, sir, looking at it in this light as a
question of political wisdom, and not as a
question of amnesty, as the chairman of
the committee himself styled it, the meas
ure seems to be looked upon as removing
all disqualifications that exist in the Con
stitution as to holding office. That is not
the case. I have taken the trouble to look
at the Constitution, and I find that in con
sidering this question of political wisdom
the framers of the Constitution have dis
qualified many citizens from holding office,
and there will be many disqualifications
left after we have removed the disqualifi
cation which have grown out of the rebel
lion. For instance, all voters ender the
age of twenty-five years are disqualified
from holding office in the House of Rep
resentatives; all voters under thirty years
from holding office in this body. All
naturalized citizens, for nine and seven
years respectively after! they become citi
zens, are disqualified from holding office in
this and in the other House; and there is
also a disqualification which, if I recollect
aright, the Senator from Missouri [Mr.
Scion] in one of his recent speeches
characterized as a humane or benevolent
provision, which excludes all naturalized
citizens from the two highest offices in the
nation. We even go further ; officers who
have been impeached, found guilty, and
sentenced, as a part of the punishment, to
disqualification for office, are held to be so
highly disqualified that even the pardoning
power cannot render them eligible to of
fice again. And so I might go on. Sen
ators and Representatives are disqualified
from holding office in one sense, for they
can never become electors of Presidentand
Vice Presidenrof the United States, al
though they manage to get around that
now by becoming members of national
conventions, whic a mounts practically to
the same thing.
These disqualifications were imposed, not
as penalties, but because these classes of
,men were considered as unfit depositaries
of public power in the places from which
they were excluded. It was political wis
dom, as the framers of the Constitution
believed, to impose these disqualifications;
and, sir, it was political wisdom to impose
these disqualifications of the fourteenth
amendment at the time they were imposed.
Sir, what was the condition of things
when the fourteenth amendment was pro
posed ? The very class of men who were
disqualified were rallying around a Presi
dent whom the majority of this nation at
that time considered was placing the na
tional interests in a perilous, position ; and
if that policy had been successful, and
these men had been permitted to take
places in Congress, there is none but an
overruling Providence can •tell us what the
result to the nation would have been. It
was wisdom then to impose these disquali
fications. They have existed from the
time that constitutional amendment was
adopted down to the present hour; and
the question comes to us now, is it politi
cal wisdom to remove them? In consider
ing that question, we ought to consider it
in as grave a light as if we were called
upon to pass a constitutitional amendment
removing some of the disqualifications to
which I have adverted.
In that amendment the right of two
thirds of Congress to remove disqualifica
tions was reserved. If that right had nev
er been exercised, we should have a differ
ent question before as from that which wo
have to-day. The question of political wis.
dom in continuing these disabilities has
practically disappeared, for I have now be
fore me the last volume of the Statutes-at-
Large, and I have had the curiosity to
count the number of persons whose disa
bilities have been removed, and I find fifty
solid columns in the index of names,
amounting to over two thousand, nearly
twenty-five hundred persons, whose dis
abilities have been removed by special act
of Congress. There are enough persons
whose disablilities have been removed to
send members of Congress and Senators
here for thenext twenty-five years from the
southern States; so that, so far as the
question of wisdom is concerned, there
have enough of that class qualified to come
here to represent their States for the next
quarter of a century, and by that the gen
eration which has grown up may be com
posed of worse men than they, and the
question is practically removed.
But, sir, it reaches to State government
and there is where my attention has been
seriously directed to it within the last few
months. There is no concealing the fact
that in many of the southern States there
is very bad local self-government; and I do
not now apply it simply to State adminis
trations, but to county administrations al
so. I find that there are numbers of men
in every county there disqualified, whom
the people, if left to themselves, would
elect for their county treasurers, their
county commissioners, their local officers,
their trial justices where they are elective;
and yet under the provisions of this amend
ment they are disqualified, and the charac
ter of many of the men who are in those
offices is alledge as. one reason, whether
true or untrue, of many of the disorders in
the South. I believe that in many cases
such disorders have been committed by
men who did not care for the character of
those officers; but that has been urged as
a pretext and as a reason. There are many
of those men who would make good officers,
and we can trust it to the intelligence and
discernment of those local communities to
make their selection from them. I am sat
isfied that the character of many of the
local administrations in the South can be
very much improved by removing these
disabilities, and so far as its effect upon the
State administrations is concerned, it will
be political wisdom fire us to do it.
There is another reason that influences
me, and a sentence near the close of the
remarks of the Senator from Mississippi
brought into my mind. :What is left of the
spirit of slavery and the rebellion can now
be controlled by; and when I say "what is
left of the spirit of slavery and the rebell
ion" I refer to the the very organization
which the Senator from Mississippi de
nounced when he said, "Down with the
Ku Klux." I mean that that organiza
tion has embodied in it just what is left of
slavery and of the rebellion. But, sir, the
experience of the conotry since the pass
age of the law upon whose details many of
us differed has been that that orgnnization
can be, where the proper measures are tak
en, controlled by the law ; for its members
have been pleading guilty to the indict
ments against them, have been found guil
before the juries, and are now suffering the
penalty of their crimes in the prisons of
the crountry ;so that it can no longer be
said, when you come to speak of the spir
it of rebellion animating these men, that
the law is not strong enough to punish
, what is left of treason.
Sir, lam glad that we have arrived at
that point that the national law has vindi
cated its power, and that where there have
been conspiracies against the Government
of the United States for the purpose of
subverting its constitutional provisions, and
of depriving its citizens of the rights of
life, liberty, and property, the members of
those conspiracies have been brought be
fore the legal tribunals, and made in a
legal manner to submit to the penalty of
the law.
We have, then, arrived at a point where
the law is strong enough to cope with what
is left of slavery and the rebellion ; and
having arrived at that point, I think it is
political wisdom to remove these disabili
ties, and to permit the people of the South
a full choice from all their people of whom
shall represent them in the national and
State °mind's. I am willing,almost, at this
period to go so far as to say that I would
make it universal, for I have come to the
Conclusion that the few exceptions which
are used as a reason for witholding it are
the few that would make the spirit of re
bellion more odious than it now is if there
should be such a mistake on the part of the
southern people as to put them in a posi
tion where they could make that spirit
more conspicuous than they do in private
life.
Jefferson Davis has been alluded to by
the Senator from Connecticut. While I
coincifie with the Senator in the feelings
which he expressed, and which perhaps all
us would feel were it possible that those
people could send him back to this Senate,
I think we can all agree that if they could
be guilty of such an act, and could stand it,
to have him here, those who are opposed to
him in political principles could stand it
better than they could. It would not be
political wisdom in them to puirsue such a
suicidal course.
Now, sir, I look at this question entire
ly in this light: I discard from the con
sideration of it all feelings of resentment
toward any man or toward any community
in the South ; I discard all personal feel
ings that may have been engendered by
the events or the incidents of the war, or
what has occurred since ; and coming
down to look at it as broadly and as can
idly as lean as one of political wisdom,
shall vote for the removal of these disabil
ities, pelieving that by doing so we not
only afford to these people an opportunity
of showing their devotien to the law, but
that we can place ourselves upon grounds
where we can say to them "Another ex
cuse fur the violations of the law has been
removed, and henceforth we will hold yon
to a more rigid accountability, every at
tempt at a violation of the law shall only
be met , and will be met, by rigid legisla
tion for the purpose of meeting and 'pun
ishing it; obey the law; take the removal
of these disabilities, and let us see how far
you will fulfil the promises that have
been made as to what would be the result
if these disabilities were removed."
The Governor's Message
To the Senate and Hones of Reprenentatieer of the
Commontecalth of Pennsylvania :
In compliance with the duty prescribed by the
Constitution, I transmit for your information and
that of the people. a statement of the condition of
the finances, schools, military. and other matters
of interest, with recommendations of such measures
as are deemed of sufficient importance to be pre
eented to your consideration.
The total amount in the Treasury, during the
year ending Nov. 30, 1871, MIA $8,500,888.44 ; the
disbursements were $7,024,079.85; the total public
debt was 828,080,071.73, which consisted of total
funded debt $28,866,845.16, and unfounded debt
$113,9265.7. The assets in the hands of the Com
missioners of the Sinking Fund, consisting of
Pennsylvania Railroad Company bonds and bonds
of the Allegheny Valley Railroad Company,
amount to 09,400,000,60. Tho amount of public
debt unprovided for is $19,103,263.14. The re
duction of the public de:t during the year ending
November 30, 1871, was $2,134,590.17, and the
average redaction during the last five years was
$1,744.867.75. The amount of loans overdue is
now $2.502.695. 16. and this sum can be raid as
rapidly as holders will present it to the Commis
sioners of the Sinking Fund. The bonds payable
in 1872, and the demandable in 1877, amount to
$3,879,400.00 which can be paid within five years
prior to maturity at an average of $775,800.00.
The people at the last eleistion having proclaim
ed unmistakably in favor of a convention, to re
vise the Constitution,it will doubtless be the pleas
ure of the Legislature to provide the necessary legal
machinery to carry out the popular will on this im
portant subject. I cordially sympathize with this
movement, and in my last annual message pre
sented my views there so fully that a repetition of
them is deemed unnecessary, but to which special
reference is made. A careful revision of our fun
damental law. by men qualified for that duty, is
imperatively demanded by the highest considera
tions of public welfare.
Connected with this, in a considerable degree,
are the question. of the establishment of a “Coart
of Appeals," and the appointment of a commis
sion to revise the tax laws and to equalize taxa
tion. Both these measures are important, and are
urged upon my consideration by intelligent men
from different parts of the State. But, inasmuch
as the constitutional convention may, with pro
priety, undertake the re-organization of onrjudicial
system, and as taxation should be based upon and
made conformable to the requirements of the Con
stitution, I incline to the opinion that general leg
islation on these subjects had better be postponed
until the action of the proposed convention shall
be known.
At the session of 1870, the Legislature passed an
act entitled "An Act to allow write of error is
cases of murder and voluntary manslaughter," the
first section of which provides that a writ of error
"shall be of right, and may be sued out upon the
oath of the defendant or defendants, as in civil
cases:" The second section makes it the duty of
the judges of the Supreme Court, io all such
cases, to review both the law and the evidence.
The importance of this subject, and the neglect of
the Legislature to act upon it in response to the
request in my last annual message, make it incum
bent upon me to repeat my recommendation. Be
fore this enactment the law required the defendant
to allege that some error had been committed by
the court on the trial, and to show cause, within
thirty days, why the writ of error should gran
ted; but this law gives a writ, whether any error
is allowed or not, and allows the defendant seven
years in which to issue it, according to the practice
in civil eases. Heretofore the executive did not
ordinarily issue the warrant for the execution of
any criminal until the expiration of the thirty
days within which he was permitted to apply for
his writ of error. That limitation of thirty days
being now virtually repealed, and seven years
substituted therefor, it is expected the warrant
shall be withheld or the seven years ? If not,
when if properly issued at any time within seven
years, may not the criminal supersede it any time
he pleases by his writ of error? And may it net
be reasonably expected that this will be the prac
tical result in many cases? This would seem like
trifling with very serious matters; and I respect
fully submit whether the act should not be repeal
ed, or very materially modified, without delay.
In my message of 10th February, 1870, returning
the bill with my obj.ctions, I gave sundry reasons
why it should not be approved, and the views
therein expressed remain unchanged.
A suitable place is desirable for the proper ex
hibition of the painting of the Battle of Gettys
burg, and the. flags now stowed away in the office
of the State Historian. Few persons visit Harris
burg who are not desirous of viewing not only the
painting, but the worn and tattered colors carried
triumphantly over many battle-fields by our brave
soldiers during the recent war. These should not
be hidden from public inspection as so much use
less and condemned rubbish. The rooms in the
Capitol used by the State Historian and the
Board of Charities would, conjointly, answer the
purpose indicated, and but small expenses need be
incurred to put them in proper order.
The Legislature has frequently under con
sideration the propriety of purchasing a small
piece of land at the cast corner of the Capitol
grounds, necessary to complete the square. 1 re
commend that further efforts be made to secure the
object indicated, and that the iron fence enclosing
the grounds be completed.
In my last annual message the favorable con
sideration of the Legislature was invited to the re
vised civil code; but no action was taken on it
other than the appointment of a joint committee
of the two houses to examine it and make report
at the present. The commissioners informed me
that, in the interval of time, they have ingrafted
into the code so much of the Legislation of last
winter as was necessary to harmonize the whole,
and have also made some corrections of their ear
lier work, and that their production is now in the
hands of the joint committee.
During the session of 1871 the Legislature pass
ed a law "providing for the health and safety of
persons employed in coal mines," which has been
productive of beneficial results. Yet there are de
ficiencies to be supplied in order to fully accom
plish the desired objects. In a previous message I
endeavored to make it appear that no extensive
coal mine could be safe without more than one
outlet, and not even then unless secured by incom
bustible material. The recommendation that at
least two openings should be required has been
incorporated in the law, but that regarding the
useof wood in their construction was unheeded.
It is comparatively of little importance how many
means of exit there may be if these are choked up
with the flames and smoke of burning timbers.
This was demonstrated in September last, in the
terrible calamity at Pittston, which followed soon
after that of Avondale, an i was less hoirible only
because less extensive, by which the lives of miners
were sacrificed, and which, with the proper pre
caution against lire, might probably have been
saved.
A still more recent caueuality suggests another
amendment to the act referred to. By the repre
hensible practice of robbing the supporting col
ums, the roofs ofthe mines, the overlaying surfa
ces of which aro in some planes covered with
houses; sink into the vacum, causing the des
truction of many thousands of dollars worth of
property, as at Scranton, Hyde Park and Wilkes
barree. It should, therefore, be made unlawful to
remove the coal supports without supplying their
place with others of substantial masonry, or some
thing equivalent.
The reports of Inspectors of Mines furnish much
statistical information and other valuable and in
teresting matter, exhibiting their usefulness and
vindicating the propriety of their appointment.
The small-pox has during the past year, made
its appearance in the cities and populous districts
of the State. In July last it assumed an epidemic
character, and its ravages still continue. During
the last six months, in Philadelphia alone, over
eight thousand cases were reported, of which
eighteen hundred and seventy-nine proved fatal.
On this point the Port Physician and Health offi
cer of that city iu their report of December 11,
says "it is a deplorable shame that ten hundred
and eighteen lives (the number reported up to that
date) have been sacrificed this year, which could
and should have been preserved by the known
means of prevention." From this statement it
appears that more than ono per cent. of the popu
lation of that city was smitten with the infection,
and that the mortality exceeded twenty-three per
cent, of the cases reported. The epidemic has
spread widely over the State, and many ncighor
hoods have greatly suffered.
The cause evidently exists among ourselves,
and it becomes our duty to devise means to arrest
its progress, and to enact such legislation as will
protect our people against its recurrence. This is
a delicate subject, and it is one which so deeply
affects the welfare of our eitizens, and the general
interests of the State, that it becomes my duty to
speak frankly and to the point. And it is also
one in which every member of the General Assem
bly is equally concerned. Eminent medical men
unhesitatingly declare that thousands of lives
have been sacrificed for want of proper sanitary
laws. There are none such in the State ; and if
they are not speedily enacted, a weighty responsi
bility will rest upon whom the duty devolves.
The propriety of removing the Quarantine sta
tion has for a long time been a mooted question.
Popular opinion decidedly favors a change, and
in a few years it will be an imperative necessity.
The existing Lazaretto was established nearly a
century ago in a sparsely populated district.
Since then its neighbarhood has become thickly
settled, and many dwellings and towns are spring
ing up in its immediate vicinity. The rapid growth
of the city of Chester, and its being made a port
of entry, will necessitate the removal. Besides,
there are cities and villages of considerable size
far below the Quarantine station, on both sides of
the river, which should receive the protection now
only inadequately afforded to Philadelphia. It
should be located at the mouth of the Delaware
river, or upon the bay, if a proper situation for
the erection of the necessary buildings can be ob
tained. . .
No argument is necessary to show that Quaran
tine, to be effective, should be es far remote from
thickly populated districts as possible ' and hence
the necessity for the change suggested.
To effect this change the co-operation of the
States of Delaware and New Jersey is desirable
and important, in order that a joint Quarantine
for the protection of the three contiguous States
may be established. I recommed that two com
missioners be appointed to correspond with similar
commissioners of the other States named, for the
purrse of successfully accomplishing this greatly
desired object.
Among the most embarrassing and responsible
duties required of the Executive is the exercise of
the pardoning power. There is scarcely a petition
for pardon made upon which strong conflicting in
terests and opinions are not brought to bear, all
of which must receive close and unprejudiced
scrutiny in order that mercy and justice may
alike be satisfied. This demands much time and
no small amount of patience. The pleadings of
relatives, friends, and humanitarians mot be
heard and duly considered on the one hand, and
on the other the action and decision of the courts,
and in many cases the earnest protests of either
sincere or malicious prosecutors. And after his
decision is fairly given in favor of an unfortunate
convict, the Executive must, in almost every ease,
be prepared to encounter acrimonious criticism
from parties who have never given the subject ono
moment's consideration.
During the past year the applications for par
dons numbered 1028. Of these 60 were granted,
less than six per cent. of the entire number, being
about one to every six thousand inhabitants of the
State, and far below the average in any State, in
proportion to the population, in which commit
tees are appointed to exercise this power.
The act approved May 21, 1860, authorizing
commutations upon the terms of prisoners con
victed of crime, has produced a decidedly salutary
effect. The discipline of the prisons is reportedas
being greatly improved by the voluntary good con
duct of all desirous of availing themselves of fhe
merciful provisions of the law, and reformatory
influences have been manifest in many cases by
the good behavior of those who have been the for
tunate recipitents of its benefits. The improved
habits of prisoners during their confinement have
gone with them into private life, and the wisdom
of the Legislature in passing the law has thus
been signal!). confirmed.
The number of convicts directed to be discharged,
under this act, before their terms of sentence had
expired, from the State Penitentiaries and county
prisons during the past year, amounts to fire hun
dred and fifty three, and it is a gratifying fact that
thus far I have not beard of any of theta return
ing to habits of criine.
In previous messages legislative attention has
been called to eundry subjects upon which no ac
tion has been taken. Among the most important
of these arc the creation of an insurance depart
ment, the protection and multiplication of our fish
cries, and the establishment of a bureau of statis
tics.
The obnoxious doctrine of free trade is again
raising its hydra head with a view to destroy, as
far as possible, some of the most important interests
of the State and nation; but it is hoped and ex
pected that oar Senators and Representatives in
Congress will interpose in solid phalanx between
its advocates and the accomplishment of their de
signs.
— My opinions, heretofore so fully and freely ex
pressed in relation to a tariff productive of our
products end manufactories, and especially upon
salt, coal, iron, and steel, remain not only unchang
ed, but ire greatly strengthened by reflection and
observation. Any attempt to reduce the protec
tion now afforded cannot but be regarded as an
effort to benefit foreign interests at the expense of
our home industries, and to place our toilers on a
par with the illpaid labor of foreign countries,
which most eventuate in the destruction of the
very influence which bare,since the war, made U 3
so prosperous a people, an laid the foundation of
such greatindividdil and national wealth.
Upon all national questions the views then en
tertained and advanced in my last annual message
remain unchanged. On this account, together with
the belief that Congress will soon dispose of the
subjects then discussed, and others that have
since been brought prominently before the public,
I'deem it necessary to occupy your time with any
especial remarks on the affairs of the nation.
I conclude with a sincere and earnest Oesire
that your session may be characterized by uni
versal kindness and generosity, while on my part.
I will be pleased to give a cordial concurrence in
every measure ealculatad to advance the interests
of our common constituents and the general pros
perity of the Commonwealth.
Jonx W. GEARY. ,
Executive Chamber, Harrisburg, Jan. 3, JS72:
Letter from Vicksburg
VicKseuaci, Dec. 31, 1871
Mn. EDITOR :—Since writing you, I have
been passing rapidly from point to point,
through Texas, returning again to New Or
leans, and from there to this city.
Vicksburg has a population of twelve thous
and, about one-half of which are colored. It
is built on very high bluffs. Some of the
streets are cut through these bluffs, so deep
as to leave many houses twenty to forty feet
above the level of the street. It has a fine
Court House, and many large business houses-
While we found the plantations along the
rivers were farmed by the negroes, who either
buy parts of the plantation, paying so much
annually, which amounts to the same as a.
rent, or else farm on the shares. Yet along the
railroads, through the interior of the South,
until we reach Tennessee, we find thousands
of acres, either uncultivated or else so devas
tated by war, without fences and but faint
signs of industry, one feels as though he was
passing through a country which was fifty
years behind the North.
This afternoon Lieut. Jarvis, of this city,
who was under Gen. Grant during its seige,
kindly gave me a drive to the National Ceme
tery, which is located in the bend of the river,
one and a-half miles distant from Vicksburg.
The surroundings are very wild. Bluffs and
ravines of the most rugged kind, form a pic
turesque back-ground on the south and east,
while to the north lies the low stretch ofland,
known as "Chickasaw Flats," where Sherman
was repulsed, when he attempted to take the
city from this direction.
On the west, at the foot of the Cemetery,
flows the mighty river of the west.
The grounds include forty acres, inclosed by
a neat white-washed picket fence, which will
be supplanted, in time, by a natural hedge,
now growing.
The working and breaking, which render
the soil in this vieinity, so untenable, has
been prevented by a system of terracing and
under-drainage, which make the grounds very
beautiful and attractive. The drives through
the cemetery are graveled, and of good width.
The grounds are beautifully ornamented, with
trees and shrubbery, which even at this season
of the year, were looking green and fresh.
The records and plot are so arranged, that
friends can ascertain readily, whether their
lost ones are here, and where buried unless.
they should be of that large company, marked .
"unknown," which numbers about two-thirds.
of the whole.
The expense thus far has cost the Govern
ment not much less, it is estimated, than a.
half million.
This expense and care for our departed sol
diers is a noble work on the part of the Gov
ernment, and will form an important chapter
in the history of our late war.
JAMES FISK, JR
He is Assailed and Shot—Edward S.
Stokes the Murderer—Died Sunday
Morning at 10.45.
NEW YORK, JAN. 6.—Jim Fisk was shot
twice in the breast by Edward S. Stokes,
at the Grand Central Hotel, this after
noon at 4. 20. The affair took place in
the hotel vestibule. Fisk was assisted to
a chair, and it ia thought that he is mor
tally wounded. Stokes has been arrested
and taken to the Fifteeth precinct station
house. Fisk had just alighted from his
carriage and entered the hotel, when he
was shot. The following are the circum
stances attending the Fisk shooting case.
At 4. 30 p. m. a carriage stopped at the
entrance of the Grand Central Hotel, con
taining Fisk and a companion. The for
mer alighted and entered the hotel for the
purpose of proceeding to his rooms, and
as he assended the first step Stokes came
out of an adjoining passage way, and un
perceived by Fisk, unbuttoned his coat,
drew a revolver, and rapidly discharged
three shots at Fisk. The first shot lodged.
in Fisk's shoulder, the second whistled by
his head, and the third with more fatal
&sections, struck him in the abdomen iu
inflicting a mortal wound. Fisk at once
staggered and fell. while Stokes casting a
look of hatred at his prostrate form said in
a savage tone "I have done fur the s—of
a b—this time."
Fisk evidently recognized his assailant
before falling, but made no remark. Fisk
was quickly conveyed to his room, where
the surgeon of the hotel was soon in at
tendance upon him. Meanwhile telegraph
ic messages were sent for further surgical
aid and for the' friends of Fisk. The
scene at the hotel after the shooting was
one of extraordinary excitement. The
crowds coming from the various theatri
cal madness, hearing of the affair, throng
ed the corridors of the hotel, eagerly dis
cussing the event, and making inquiries
about the particulars of the outrage. The
officers who arrested Stoke took him to the
Fifteenth precinct station house, where he
is now lodged in a cell. It is said that the
order of Judge Brady restraining Stokes
and Miss Mansfield from publishing the
letters in Miss Mansfield's possession, af
fecting Fisk, Peter B. Sweeney, andothers,
has had an exasperating effect upon Stokes,
and it is believed that he was aroused to
desperation, partly in consequence of ru
mors which are generally believed as well
founded, that the rand jury have found
an indictment against himself and Miss.
Mansfield, for attempts to black mail Fish..
The wound in Fisk's abdomen, is similar
to that which caused the death of the
late Vallindigham. At Bp. in., the doc—
tors were probing fur the bullet, but have
not yet succeeded in finding it.
Stokes onbeing taken to the staion house,
was interrogated on the subject of the
shooting, but on advice of counsel refused
to make any statement, 'Wood and White
are in attendance on Fisk. There is con
siderabl enervous prostration but neither
hemorrhages no inflamation have as yet
set in.
[LATER]
Jan. 7-1.30 a. m.—Fisk is.in a pro
found slumber, and as yet there arc no
signs of hemorrhage or inflamation. The
ball has been found but not extracted.
[TUE LAT,ST]
Mew York, - Jan. 7.-James Fisk, Jr.,
died this morning at 10:45.
Ser Accidents on the ice, breaking
through and drowning while skating, are
items of news in the local department or
many of our cotemporarics.