TERMS OF THE GLQSE
Por anuem in advance
Piz months
Mars months
=EI
1 time. 2do 3do 1 month
One Inch, or We $75 $1 25 $1 50 $1 75
Two them , ' 1 50 2 25 2 75 3 26
Three inches,— 225 ' 325 400 475
3 months. 6 month.. 1 Year
One Inch, or less Si 00 $6 00 $lO 00
Two inches, 9 00 16 00
Three Inches 8 60 12 00 20 00
Pour inch a _ 10 76 16 00 25 00
Quarter column, 13 00.... 18 00 .30 00
lialf col ttttt o, 24 00 30 00 ...... ....45 00
One colarun, 30 00 45 00.... 80 00
Professional and EiteitaeSS Cards not exceeding six lines,
One year,..... $5 00
Administrators' and Executors' Notices, 6 times, $2 60
Auditors' Notice., 4 time, 2 00
Estray, or other short. Notices 1 60
. . .. ._
Advertisements not marked with the number of loser.
Clone desired, will be continued tilt forbid and charged at ,
Aordyng to these terms.
Local or Special Notices, ]0 cents a lino for single in•
aertiou. By the year at a roduc,d late.
Our prices for the printing of Blanks, Handbills, etc.
are reasonably low.
roftssional& Nusiness Q.La6s
cDE BURKHA.RT, M. D , Physi
clan and Surgeon. bee located In Huntingdon, and
Anders hie senh no to thin and neighboring community
Office on Railroad street, near the Depot. fe24-sma
DR. A. B: BRUMBAUGH,
Having permanently located at Huntingdon, offers
his profess ional services to the community.
Office, the mime mi tliat booty occupied by Dr. Luden
on Hill street. 5p10,1166
PR.JOHN MeCULLOCH, offers his
iirotissional services to the citizens of Huntingdon
vicinity. Office on Hill street, one door east of Reed's
Drug Store. Aug. '.lB, '55.
vp ALLISON MILLER,
AV,
DE WTIST,
Ms rearmed to the Erick Row opposite the Court Rouse.
April 13,1859.
J. GREENE,
• • ' DENTIST. 18111 111•••
018ce removed to Leister's New Building,
Rill street. Huntingdon.
July 31,1847.
T A. POLLOCK,
4 ; URTEYOR &REAL ESTATE AGENT,
HUNTINGDON, PA
Will attend to Sur eying In all Its branches, and Is 111
buy and anti Real Estate to any part of the United States.
Bend for circular. , dec29-tf
A C. CLARICE, Aiiir,Nr,
e Wholexalo and Retail Dealer In all kinds of
.%Cs t .ag - t vommoi),
HUNTINGDON, PA
Opposite the Franklin House, in the Diamond. •
auntry trade supplied. ap17.68
TJ. P.. MAI'MAN,
PROFESSOR eF MUSIC.
Has located in Huntingdon and will givo lewiona in
Music upon the Plano. Melodeon, Cabinet Organ and VI.
Bolin; also, Lessons in Vocal Music.
The Professor has received a diploma from tho Institu
tion for the Blind in Philadelphia, and feels himself fully
competent to impart instruction in Vocal or Instrument
al Music. Ile expects to meet altL liberal patronage.
Ils e Ile is also prepared to tune Pinnues. mitl7
3.12. 0111P5ON, 0. B. ARMITAGX.
SIMPSON & ARMITAGE,
ATTORNEYS AT LA IV,
HUNTINGDON, PENNA.
OFFICE IN BRICK ROW moan Tem COURT MUSK
Jan. 27, 184.8681.
-AGE ENCY FOR COLLECTING
OLIMERS' CLAIMS, BOUNTY, BACK PAY AND
•
AU who may have nuy claims against the Government
for lionoty, Pack Pay and Pensions,can have their claims
promptly collected by applying either in person or by let
ter to
W. 11. WOODS,
.ATTORIVEY AT LAW,
ibINTOGIDON. PA
axelt,lB63
lox scam. ,___341.11101.1. T. MOWN, JOl/11M. BULLY
The name of this firm has been chang
ed from acorn a filtoWN, to
SCOTT, BROWN & BAILEY,
ander which name they will hereafter conduct their
practice as
ATTORNEYS AT LA Tr, MINTIMIDON, PA.
PENSIONS, and all claim. °reuniter. and soldiers' helrs
against the Government, will be promptly prosecuted.
May 17, 188:—tr.
COLLECTION
41PAD
Opp'
0
1 6. 1%
Or
K. ALLEN LOVELL,
District Attorney of Huntingdon County,
MUNTINGDON, rA.
OFFICE—In the room lately occupied by R. M. Speer.
jan.1.181,7
P. M. Lytle & Milton S. Lytle,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
lIIINTINGDON, PA.,
Here formed a partnership under the name and Ann
of
P. M. & M. S LYTLE.
And have removed to the office on the south aide of
11111 street. fourth door teed of Smith.
They will attend promptly to all kind. of legal bust
nem entrusted to their care. api-tf
MUMS s7oat
3EII. a - . 4 0rS3M3EilkliEl,
Faccessor to B. M. GREENE,
DEALEIRIN
STEINWAY & SON'S PIANOS,
And other makes,
MASON & HAMLIN CABINET ORGANS,
Sieledeons, Guitars,Vlolhas, Flies, Flutes, Accordeons,
ta.. La.
Aar Nano., Organs, and Melodeons Warranted for five
years. t
Circulars sent on application
Address
K. J. GREENE,
Tlanitngd p,
24 !leer Leisfeee New Building
MEI
MI-1= 0-TXD - 18 - E
JOB PRINTING OFFICE.
(11HE "GLOBE JOB OFFICE"
• the most complete of any In the country, and pos.
Fsee the most ample facilities for promptly executing to
. best etylo, every variety of Job Printing, such es
RAND BILLS,
CIRCULARS,
BILL HEADS,
POSTERS,
BALL TICKETS,
pARDS,
PROGRAMMES,
LABELS, &C., &C., &C
DILL AND EXAMINE 11111CYRNEI Or }PORE,
LEWIS' BOOK, STATIONERY k `IUSIC STORE
7000 DARE, W. 11. WOODS, R. R. LEM
FLOES NORM, R. MILTON SPEER,
JOHN BARE & CO.,
1;1 el, ma zs
HUNTINGDON, PA.
CAPITAL - - - $50,000.
Solicit accounts from Banks. Bankers and others. A
Interest allowed on time Deposits. All kinds of
Securities. bought and sold for the usual commission.—
Cal4ns mode on all points. Drafts on all parts of
Europe e Plilied at the usual rates.
persons depositing cold and Silver will receive the
In Otte return With - interest. Toe partners are Individ•
ally liabliPfor all Depoots. JottS,lBo.tf
COUNTRY DEALERS can
), nay CLOTAING from mo in Efuntingdon at
wuoi.r.sALE'as cheap as they can in the
Fee, au I have a wholerale More in Philadelphia.
U. ROMAN.
.$2 00
. 1 00
WM. LEWIS, HUGH LINDSAY, Publishers.
VOL, XXIV.
ROOFLAND'S GERMAN BITTERS
Hoofland's German Tonic.
The Great Remedies for all Diseases of the
LIVER, STOMACH, OR DIGESTIVE
HOOFLAND'S GERMAN BITTERS
Ie corapoood of the purejalces (or, as thoy aro medic'
nally termed, Extracts,) of It oot s, Herbs, and
Barks, making a prepara tins, highly concentra
ted, and entirely free from alcohol:a admisturs
of any kind.
HOOFLAND'S GERMAN TONIC,
Is a combination of all tho Ingredients of the Bitters,
with the pureei quality of Santis Cr= Ruin, Orange, &c.,
making one of the moat pleasant and agreeable remedies
over offered to the public.
Those preferring a Medicine free from Alehohollo ad
mixture, will use
HOOFLAND'S GERMAN BITTERS
Those who have no objection to the combination of
thu bitten, as stated, will use
IIOOFLAND'S GERMAN TONIC.
They are both equally good. and contain the same
medicinal virtues, the clinics between the two beings
mere matter of taste, the Tonic being the moat palatable.
The stomach, from a variety of causes, each as Indiges
tion,° D 3 simpsia, Nervous Debility, etc, la very apt
to have its functions d. ranged. The Liver, sym
pathising as closely ali it dora with the stomath,
then becomes affected,the result of which la that the
patient Illniall from several or more of the following die.
Met:
Constipation, Flatulence, Inward Piles, Ful
ness of Blood to the Head, Acidity of the
Stomach, Nausea, Heartburn, Disgust
for Food, Ilitness or Weight in the
Stomach, Sour Eructations, Sink
ing or Fluttering at the Pit of the
Stomach, t ! Swimming of the
Head, Hurried or Difficult
Breathing, Fluttering at
the Heart. Choking or
Suffocating Sensations
when in a lying posture,
Dim 11ESS of Vision, Dots
or Webs before the Sight,
Dull Pain in the Head, Defi
ciency of „Perspiration, Yellow
ness of the Skin and Eyes, Pain in
the Side. Back, Chest, Limbs, etc.,
Sudden Flushes of Heat, Burning in
the Flesh. Constant Imaginings of Evil,
and Great Depression of Spirits.
The sufferer from these diseases should exercise the
grontest ca
caution in the se tection of a milady fur
his rasa , purchasing m i l) th o
ict which ho is assu red from his investigation.. and inquiries powessee
true merit, is ektltully compounded is tree from
injurious ingredients, and Iwo wield hilted for itself a rep
utation for the cure of these diseases. in this counectlou
we would submit those well known remedies—
11.00FLAND'S GERMAN BITTERS
HOO.F . IJANA7S GERMAN TONIC,
Prepared by Da. C. M. JACKSON,
Twenty-two years since they were first introduced into
this country from Gurninny.olut jag which time they base
ustlatibtedly pal formed more emelt, tmd tenefited suffer
ing humanity to a grater extent, than any other reme
dies huou rt to the public.
Es
These remedies wit off ectually cure Liver Com.
piniut...Thundice, D3.epep sia, Chronic or Nei smug
Debility, Chronic Ilia. rhcea. Disease of the Kid
nej s. mid all Diseases an sing from a disordered Li
ver, Stomach, or intestines.
Rotating from any Cause whattrer ; PROSTRATION
OF THE SY"TEM, induced by Severe Labor,
Hardships, 6aposure, lows, de.
There is no medicine extant equal to these remedies in
sects cases. A tone cud vigor 13 imparted to the whole
system. the appelito is strengthened, food is enjoyed, the
stomach digests promptly, the blood is purified, Macon'.
plattior. beet's°m mined awl healthy, the yellow tinge is
eradicated from the eyes, a bloom is peen to the cheeks,
and the Weak and nervous inralid becomes a strong and
healthy being.
And feeling the hand of time we , ghing heavily upon them,
v. WI all Its attendant ills. wiii find in the urn of this D IT
TEtts, or the TONIC, on elixir that will instil bow life
into their veins, restore in a immure the energy and ar
dor of more youthful dive, build up their shrunken forms,
and give health and happizt.s to their ransoming years.
It is a well established fact; that fully one half of the
L
female portion of our pop ulatlon are seldom In the
erp - .3 ment of good Maith or, to use their own ex,
pression,•never feel n ell . 't hey are languid, devoid
of oil energy, extremely nervous, and have no ap
petite.
To this class of persons the BITTERS, or the TONIC,
is especially recommended.
WEAK AND DELICATE CLIILDYIEN,
Are made strong by the use of either of these remedies
They Mill cure ON rry case of MA It A rAIUS, 'without
Thousands of on t;fiented hove accumulatedin the heeds
of the proprietor. but apace will allow of the publication
of but 11 few. Thole, it will be observed, are wen of note
and of suck alluding that :bey mutt be believed.
'I'S'I'MILCON_T.A.Me.
IION. GEORGE W. B'OODWARD,
Chief Justice of ihr Supreme Court of Pa, writes:
O Philadelphia, March 18.1767.
A
„, nd 'llootiand's Gee men Bitters' is a good
tonic, useful in dlstases of the digestive organs,
sod of great benefit in cases of debility, and
want of nervous action iti the system.
Yours, truly,
GEO. W. WOODWARD."
HON. JAMES THOMPSON,
iudfa of the Suprmie anr.lof Penn's/hank.
Philadelphia, April 28, 1665.
"I consider gitootiand's German Bitten` a valuable med
idne in race of attacks of Indigestion or llyapprsi,,.
can cattily this from my experience of it. Yours. with
respect, JAblb.S TiIOIIP3ON."
FROM REV. JOSEPH. /I. KENNARD, D. D.,
Pastor elate Tenth Baptist Church, Philadelphia
Dr.Jackson—Door Sir: I have been itequently reques
ted to connect my name with recommendations of differ
ent kinds i f medicines, but regarding the practice an out
N
of my .ppropr.„,e,..p.,re. I have in all COS. de
clined; but with a clear proof in venous instan
ces and particularly in my nun tinily, of the
usefulness of In . . Hoof land's German Bitters. I
deport for once hoot my maid course, to express my full
conviction that, for general debility of the system, and
especially for Liver Complaint, it is a safe and valuable
preparation In some cases it may fail ; but usually, I
doubt not, it will be Tory beneficial to these who suffer
from the above causes.
Assidani Miler Chrithan Chronicle, Phi/cdephia
I have derived decided benefit from the nse of floor
land's German Bitters. and feel it my privilege to recent
mend them as a most valuable topic, to all who are suf
fering !flint general debility or frorn dkieases arising from
derangement of the liver.
Years truly,
E. D. rENDALL.
BLANKS,
goolland's German Remedies are counterfeited. See
that the eigueiture of C.' JACKSON is on the
unipper of each bottle. All others are counter
feit.
Principal Office and 31amifactory at the Ger
man bledicine Store, ho. KA 41104 e tr eet, Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania.
Charles M. Evans, Proprietor,
Formerly C. M. JACKSON St CO.
lloolla n d's German Bitter., per bottle, p. 00
Half dozen,. , •6 00
llooiland's german Tonic, put up in quart hotline $0 60
per pottle', bra half dkzen for $7 60.
4s-Da not forget to examine woll the article you buy,
in order to get the genuine.
For sale by all Dealers in Medicine
April 2,12.40-Irpril.rm.
ORGANS
PHILADELPHIA, PA
DEBILITY,
PERSONS ADVANCED IN LIVE,
NOTICE_
Yours, very respectfully,J. KI:NNARD,
Eighth, below Coates St
FROM REV. E. D. FENDALL.
CAUTION_
PRICES
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, APRIL 14. 1869.
-- (pc (globe.
HUNTINGDON, PA
STAND LIKE AN ANVIL.
"Stand like an anvil I" when the stroke
Of stalwart men falls fierce and fast ;
Storms but more deeply root the oak,
Whose brawny arms embrace the blast
"Stand like the anvil 1" when the sparks
Fly far and wide, a fiery shower ;
Virtue and truth must still be marks
Where malice proves its want of power
"Stand like at anvil I" when the bar
Lies red and glowing on its breast;
Duty shall be life's leading star,
And conscious innocence its rest.
"Stand like an anvil!" when the sound
Of ponderous hammers pains the ear;
Thine but the still and storn rebound
Of the great heart that cannot fear.
"Stand like an anvil I" Noise and heat
Are barn of earth and die with time;
The soul, like God, its source and seat,
Is solemn, still, serene, sublime.
VII A Ma.
Da...
OF TUE
HON. SAMUEL T. BROWN,
Member of the House of Representatives
of Pennsylvania, from Huntingdon
County, on the Fifteenth Amendment
to the National Constitution, delivered
Tuesday Evening, March 23d, 1869.
Mr. Speaker, I come before you to
night with no carefully prepared man
uscript. I have noted down a few to
pics, but I am not prepared with any
flowery exordium or eloquent perora
tion. I presume, sir, it is not the ex
pectation of any ono who has spoken
or will speak upon this resolution, that
he will be able to change a single vote
I do not design to enter into a discus
sion of the merits of this proposition.
I have considered the question only
with the view to determine for myself
how 1 should act and to place upon re
cord the reasons which impel me to
support this measure, leaving others to
judge of the sufficiency of these rea
sons. In doing this, I shall not in
dulge in any harsh epithets toward
any gentleman on this floor , or the
party which he represents. I believe
it is customary and pr.per among gen
tlemen when discussing any measure,
to spotlit of other gentlemen and their
parties by the names which they call
themselves. I believe this rule has not
been departed from by any gentleman
on this side of the Rouse; and speak
ing of gentlemen, perhaps it hue not
been departed from on the other side;
for you know, sir, it is possible, espe
cially in strong Democratic districts in
the northern part of Pennsylvania, for
individuals to be elected to the Legis
lature who are only politicians or edi
tors, or such like, and not gentlemen ;
so that this rule, which I have laid
down, has perhaps not been infringed
by either side of the House. 1 am
sure, if I say what I intend to, I shall
not infringe it. It might, perhaps, be
a 'York of charity for me to gather up
what was left of the distinguished gen
tleman from Clarion [Mr. Brown], of
ter my friend from Lancaster [Mr.
Gatchell] got through with him. I
am afraid, however, it would be "Love's
labor lost." I shall pass to the con
sideration of weightier subjects.
1 do not want it understood that I
take any particular exception to the
term "Radical." If by "Radical" is
meant an out-and-out, thorough Re
publican, lam one of that kind. I be
lieve that is the true signification of
the word—something that goes down
to the roots. That is jest what I claim
to be. Ido not know that I object to
what has been said here about "scala
wags" and "carpet-baggers." I do
not reckon that, applies to me—per
haps to no gentlemen on this floor. I
reckon it was intended to apply to
those enterprising gentlemen who go
down South to try to beat something
into the heads of the natives—black
and white. Therefore, it is very ob
i jeetionable in some quarters, somewhat
I suppose for the same reason that the
Sandwich Islanders boil missipperies,
and roast them before slow fires. They
do not know anything, and what is
more, they do not want to know any
thing. That is the reason there is
such a prejudice against those "carpet
baggers." I guess they are about as
intelligent and enterprising a class of
people as they find when they get
there, and 1 commend them for their
enterprise. I went down into Vir
ginia and spent a month or so last
summer, and I concluded that I had
not quite enough of the missionary
spirit to take up my lodgings there.
Now, I want to be candid in the dis
cession ot' this proposition. There is,
no doubt, some diversity of opinion in
the party to which 1 belong, with re
gard to negro suffrage ; and I confess
that I have no particular hankering
for it myself. I have no particular
desire to see the Constitution of Penn
sylvania changed, annulled or abroga
ted, so as to allow negroes to vole.—
But the question is before us, and it
must be met. We intend to meet it I
like men, in the spirit of justice.
The arguments against the measure
come down, after all, to two points.—
The first is, the interiority of the ne
gro, his ignorance, his black skin, his
len& heels, his thick lips, his flat nose,
and that. That argument is basjd
upon prejudice—not that 1 contend
that he is' equal to dm Caucasian, or
of any gentleman on this Weer. I dp
riot contend that as a elites or race, he
has an equal degree of intelligence--
The second pinni is that the Republi
can platform and the Republican
Speeches during the last campaign
edinrpitted the party against negro
suffrage.
Now, with regard to the prejudice
against the negro; hid incapability, his
inferiority and all that, 'T in not at
-PERSEVERE.-
tempt to remove that prejudice. Why,
sir, this is the only distinctive doctrine
left to the Democratic party, and I
could not be cruel enough to take that
away and leave, them to lament With
the idolatrous priest, when a band of
"carpet-baggers and scalawags" came
along and stole his pewter deities, "Ye
have taken our gods, and now what
more have we left?" I could not bo
cruel enough to take away this preju
dice—this foundation and corner-stone
of the Democratic party. For eight
long years they staked their all upon
it one election after another. They
knew that there was an antipathy—if
you please to call it such for the sake
of argument—a well-founded antipa
thy or repugnance, between the races;
and upon that prejudice they risked
their hopes of success. They risked
the chances of election upon it. Tbey
were willing to risk the fate of this
country when it was trembling in the
balance—to risk all upon that preju
dice. They knew that that prejudice
existed, and they thought there were
a sufficient number of voters to carry
the elections on it. Year after year
they staked all and lost, as thank God,
they should lose; and I hope every
party that stakes its fortunes upon
passion and prejudice will, lose until
the end of titne. •
It would not be policy for me, then,
to undertake to remove that prejudice
upon which they have staked all and
lost all, and upon which they will lose
all so long as they cling to it with the
tenacity they have manifested since
the year 1860 down to this present
moment—down to this hour, and here
upon this floor. I admit that virtue
and intelligence are the pillars of re
publican government, but - I deny that
the. color of the skin furnishes any true
criterion either for the one or the oth
er. That is all I have to say upon
that point. Give the darkey a chance,
and some incentive to improvement,
then, if he falls behind in the race, it
is his fault, not outs. I leave the gen
tlemen then to follow out the bent of
their own inclinations to the fullest ex
tent, to curse the darkey, to cull him
ignorant, thick-lipped and all that.
Now. this brings us to the second
point they make against us, the charge
that we, as a party, have committed
ourselves against negro suffrage. They
charge us with inconsistency, and say
that last fall we deluded the people—
that we told the people that negro suf
frage was not at issue in Pehnsylvania.
Now, suppose we did, and lam not
going to deny it ; I would just like to
inquire how many Democrats believed
our report ? low many of them were
converted from the error of their ways,
and voted the republican ticket on that
ground or on any ground? If the
people believed us, the people must
have disbelieved them; because they
insisted most strenuously that this
question was at issue. Every year
for the last eight years, they have said
that this was the issue—that negro
suffrage was just what the Republicans
were after. They ought not to com
plain if the people believed us, and did
not believe them. I suppose it, was
because they had done so much heavy
lying during the last few years that,
the people considered it was another
"fish-story"• and a humbug. I sup
pose if they believed us, it was because
we had established a reputation fo
truth arid veracity. That is the con
struction I put upon it. I am not in
any way hide-bound upon this matter;
I am willing to let other gentlemen
put any construction upon it that suits
their own fancy. Ido not think the
Democrats lost many votes on this
question. It occurs to me that this is
a matter for us to settle among our
solvas; it is a kind of family difference.
If we do not keep our pledges, we will
settle it with our constituents, not
with our Democratic brethren. I know
that we were told before the last else
tion that if we carried the election and
General Grant, that military chieftain,
went into power, the sun of liberty
would set, that the days of the Repub
lic were numbered, that. the star of lib
erty was to go out forever. We were
told the other evening by the gentle
man from Cumberland [Mr. Cornman,]
with wally a toss of his lofty, but level
head, that if we dared to doThis thing,
then, so sure as there was a God in
Heaven—l forget the rest, but some
thing terrible was to happen. But we
still survive. It was to be the end of
the party, and perhaps the end of the
nation; very well, we were told that
every campaign since 1861, and we did
not believe it. We just saw proper to
take the risk. We went on last fall,
notwithstanding the terrible things
that were to happen ; and here we are
to day, as a nation and as a party,
without any visible mark of God's dis
pleasure resting upon us I We intend
to persevere; when wo put our hand
to the plow, we do not intend to look
back; we intend to go right fdrward.
We will pass this amendment in Penn
sylvania Perhaps we shall not get
the requisite number of States iu time
for the next, election, hitt that is a see
ondary consideration—that is only a
matter of time; but the thing will
come. We are not looking to the con
sequences, so far as votes are concern
ed; we intend to adopt this measure,
because wo believe it to be right; it is
not to please the gentlemen on the
other side, or to give them a reason for
our votes, that 1 now doelare tbe'me
tives which influence me. I speak
now for the benefit of those of my own
party (and admit there may be such)
who have some doubts about the pro
priety of this measure. To them 1
would say, the Constitution of the Uni
ted States, whiefi was framed in the
year 1787, and won afterwards ratified
by Pennsylvania, provided for amend-
Merits. •It provided that when an
amendment was propped hy a two
thirds vote of Congress, and OA rati
fied by tbe.Pegislatures of three fourtbe
• ,''''. .
..
... .
..:, ••...,,, .
~. ~....
t,;..1,... 4 . --- ss, .
.. •
~ ,
• :
\----,,:... .. ,
. .
, c
?.., :::!
-it'',
~,,,.„
), ~.t. /is Ah
NI..
of the States, such amendments should
become a part of the Constitution it
self. Now, this has been done in a
constitutional way ; because we must
proceed in a strictly constitutional
manner if we expect to meet the ap
probation of our friends on the other
side. That has all bean done. We
have not got three-fourths of the States
yet, but we expect to get them in time.
The amendment has been proposed
and adopted by Congress, and it is
here; but they say we have no right to
vote upon it. Why, the question, ac
cording to that sacredlinstrument, was
not to be submitted to aAirect vote of
the people, but to the Legislatures of
the States, yet they say wo ought to
refer it to a vote of the people. They
would have us to dodge it. We intend
to meet this question. I have not been
out of my seat fifteen minutes while
this House has been in session, and I
have voted upon every question before
the House, except, perhaps, when I
would not hear the question, or some
thing of that kind. I intend to vote
upon this question when my name is
called. This Legislature expects to
act upon it, and not to dodge it, or to
refer it back to the - people.
But they tell us wo were not elected
with a view to action upon this ques
tion. Perhaps not, and perhaps we
were. In'the sense contemplated by
the Constitution, I think we were.—
Now, to illustrate. We shall act dur
ing this session on perhaps three thou.
sand bills and resolutions—heaven only
knows, it may be ten thousand before
we get through, if they come pouring
in as they have been. Now, how ma
ny of these bills and resolutions enter
ed into the calculations of our consti
tuents when they voted for us? Per
haps not a single one. What is the
difference between this resolution and
others? I contend, sir, that if there is
a difference, it is in favor of this prop
osition; because it is provided for in
the Constitution of the United States.
It would bo an insult to the intelli
gence oven of a Democrat to suppose
he did not know that his repreeenta
live here might be called upon. under
the provisions of that Constitution,
which every Democrat is supposed to
have by heart, to vote upon any am
endment which might be proposed by
Congress. I say we were eleeted with
tbia view.
It is to be presumed that the people
know what the Constitution of their
country contains. It is an axiom that
every man is presumed to know the
laws, and no Democrat could plead
guilty if you tell him he did not un-
derstand the Constitution of the Uni
ted States. They swear by the Con
stitution—they prate about the Con
stitution day and night—now when
we propose to act upon this amend
ment, according to the provisions of
that sacred instrument, they toll us
we have no right to do so—that we
ought to shirk the responsibility, and
throw it back upon the people. We
are not depriving the people of an ex
pression on this momentous question;
we are the representatives of the peo
ple, and elected in view of this con
tingency. It is a contingency that is
ever present, and ever staring the peo
ple of this Commonwealth in the face.
It cannot bo said that the people could
not tell what amendment was to be
offered; the same urgnment would ap
ply to every amendment; there is no
restriction upon the kind of amend
ments to be offered—the only safe
guard is, that it must have a two
thirds vote in Congress and three.
fourths of the State Legislature. I
think that is safeguard enough; wheth
er it is or not, it is all the Constitution
provides. I think I have successfully
refuted that we do not represent, and
have no right to represent, the peo.
ple on this question. Suppose, for in
stance, that I should get tired of the
plain name of Brown, and introduce a
bill to change it to Smith, or some
other romantic cognomen, and the
gentleman from Philadelphia, [Mr.
Rogers,] who has made such an elo
quent oration, should rise and say, "I
odject to the consideration of that bill;
we were not elected to act upon this
questidn, and I move, therefore, that
it be referred back to the people."—
New, this House might not be able to
see the point, and might proceed to
act upon the bill ; but, novertholese,
Mr. Speaker, the point would be just
as well taken, and there would be just
as much point in it as in any other
point made by the gentleman in his
hour's oration,
Now, there are two modes by which
negro suffrage might be introduced in
to Pennsylvania. One would be by
striking .out the word "white" from
the State constitution; thut is not pro
posed here and is not now heforp us
for discussion. If that was proposed I
might perhaps arrive ata different con
clusion ; I might not be able to see any
necessity for making that change. The
other mode of introducing negro suf
frage is by amending the Constitution
of the United States in the manner
now proposed; and here is where.they
think they have got us. They say
that the Chicago platform declared
that this question was to be left to the
people of the loyal States. I have
that plank in our platform hero; whore
do you think I find it ? Why, right in
the middle pf a Democratic epeeoh in
the Patriot and Union. It is in very
bad company,. bin a man has to get
used to bad company when be comes
to the Legislature. 110 as it is before
me, I will read it:
"The guaranty by the Congress of
equal suffrage to all )40 men at the
South was demanded by every consid
eration of public safety, of gratitude
and of justipp, and must be maintained;
while the question of suffrage in all
the loyal States properly belongs to
the people of those States."
Now,' they say we are bound by that
—tbst it means that the party ig t r k p •
TERMS, $2,00 a year in advance.
posed to negro suffrage. Now, let us
see for one moment how that ie. You
will remember that the reconstruction
measures had been before Congress
some before this Chicago convention
met; they had adopted some of the re
construction measures; they had de
manded of the people of the South a
guarantee that they should not de
prive the loyal black - man of the right
to vote. Democrats all over.the North
said that that was tyrannical, oppres
sive and unconstitutional; I suppose
they added, revolutionary and void.
This convention, in adopting this plat
form, as this was a question which ag
itated the public mind, just endorsed
what Congress had done. Why did
they do that? Because the Democrats
had said, that "it negro suffrage is right
at the South, it is right at the North,
and why don't you black Republicans
give them suffrage up here?" That
convention just endorsed what Con
gress bad done to let the loyal men
vote; they did not exclude disloyal
men ; they did not say that the blacks
should vote; but they said they should
not discriminate against loyal men,
even if they were black. The conven
tion answered the Democrats by say
ing that the question of suffrage prop
erly belonged to the people of the loy
al States. Now, I would like to see
how we are about to .infringe that
principle—how we are violating that
plank of our platform? I say that we
are simply carrying out the system of
reconstruction measures, begun soon
after the war ended. Congress had
undertaken to demand this from the
people of the South. Will any sane
man suppose that by adopting that
plank in the Republican platform, we
pledged ourselves 'not to ratify any
amendment to the Constitution of the
United States? Such a thing was
never thought of. Any man who un
derstands the political history of his
country, and who will take up the
platform itself, will see that it never
could be wrested to any such meaning.
The fact is, sir, that during the whole
war we were learning something; we
were coming, stop by step, to the
grand crowning act of freeing the
blacks; and now we are about to take
another. At the beginning of the
Revolutionary war, our forefathers did
nut contemplate a separation from the
mother country; they did not intend
to throw off the yoke of Great Britain;
they propose to themselves simply a
redress of grievances; but they were
led. on by Divirre• Providence; 'as I be
lieve, to see that they could accom
plish what they wished only by the
absolute independence of the colonies.
At the beginning of the war of the re
bellion, we did not propose, either as a
nation or as a party, to abolish slavery.
Both parties repudiated that as the ob
ject of the war. I believe that no par
ty sincerely set out with that Men.
tion ; but we wore hedged in and led
on, step by step, until we were brought
to it. We were led to see that we
could only overthrow this rebellion by
taking away its foundation and cor
ner-stone. So, Mr. Speaker, during
the four years which hay . ° succeeded
the overthrow of this rebellion, we
have been seeking in vain for some
solution of the groat question of recon
struction, and we have been-laboring
in vain; reconstruction is not yet an
accomplished fact. We have been led
on, I say, as I• believe by Divine Prov
idence, to this last great crowning act,
oven the enfranchisement of a race.
I cannot see why our Democratic
friends should complain; they told us
all along that if negro suffrage was
good at the South it was good at the
North, and they thought they were
pretty smart when they told us that.
They thought they were taunting us
pretty considerably—that it waSsome
thing to which we could not find wsat
islactory answer. Perhaps they were
right; but we are just going to gratify
them and bestow equal rights on all
parties. I think results have shown
that negro suffrage was the only thing
that could ever accomplish reconstruc
tiou—that could ever secure the fruits
of the war; and now We are going to
give negroes equal rights with their
Southern brethren, We are going to
give our Democratic brethren the
right to march up, side by side and
arrp in' arm, if they are - so disposed,
with those loyal' gentlemen 'down
South, and cast their votes 'into the
same ballot-box. We do, not oblige
them to go arm in arm or side by side.
They may take their own time, or stay
at home, if they are sulky about it.
We were told, before the 4th of
Mt;rch, that General Grant was a Dem
ocrat, and that ho would administer
this government on Democratic princi
ples—that a man who had ever been'a
Democrat could never forget his first
love. I suppose he-will; but the De ;
mocracy of General Grant is just the
kind of Democraby I admire—it is
the Democracy of Thomas ! Jefferson,
and that is the Itepublipanim of to
day. If they think that General Grant
is going to be such a Democrat as
some of them, T. know, fondly hoped—
why his little speech from the east,
portico of the capitol, on the 4th day
of March, must have been like a cold
bath to the gentlemen. I kiwi' that
my friend from Northumberland [Mr.
Lase] had a kind of idea that a politi
cal millennium was about to dawn; he
had high hopes--I think he had an
idea tffat in the political millennium
about to dawn upen , this land, North
umberland county might perhaps fur
nish a governor for this great Com
monwealth. I would like to know
how he feels on this subject now. That
little speech on the 4th of March was
a very good speech—one of which the
Republican party of this nation has a
right to be proud. It was the key
note Which assured us we were not
going to have Andy Johnson oi s ar
again—that we were to bp delivered
from the years, of - misrule which had
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office. Terms moderato.
NO. 39.
characterized the last administration :
Yea, it was a true saying that so long
as one class .of citizens were deprived
of privileges enjoyed by others, it,
would be a disturbing element in the
body politic. It was a true , saying
that the .sooner. this, distinction Was
abolished the better. When he - Claed
the argument by saying, "I• entertain'
the hope and express the -- desire that
this amendment, may bo ratified," 'he
made the soundest argument in favor
of its expediency and its policy that
has been made on the subject. Of
Roderick Dhu, the old Scottish chief,
it wasisaid,"one blast of his bugle horn
t'were worth ten thousand men ,", and
so is it of 'this—it assures the _party
that he is right at heart—it assures the
nation that it is safe.
We have been told that remonstran,
ces have been pouring in :against the
ratification of this amendment; and
that not a solitary'petition in favor of
it has found its way here. Now I have
received one remonstrance, and,l, have
endorsed it in this way : "The retion t
atrance of nineteen citizens, mostly
Democrats, of Huntingdon county,
against ratifying the suffrage amend
ment." I acknowledge, and :freely
confess, sir, that I have another; Sign
ed by about the same number of. , per
sons; and that about three or four ori
each of these' retrionetrances , aie:lte
publicans.l The district Ima,
about twelve thousand„ voters; these
are not, therefore, very heavy remon
strances. If the people at borne pail
stand it, I can stand it. I - Was`fold by
one individUal in_My county, a Repub
lican of the highest respeCtabilitSiovho,
ie Worth, perhaps, one hundred and
fifty thousand dollar's, that ifioted .
for this amendment, he would never
vote for me as long as I lived; „that
was very appalling—nevertheless, .1 .
intend to vote for it. Ijast 'consier.,
ed .that if this gentleman does- not
vote for me, I know at least.one 00,„
lame darkey in Huntingdon who, will,
take his place '; and I know Seine pray:,
ing negroes, who prayed for the sue-
cess of the Union army, and whri
shouted "Hallelujah" when tho,Dnion,
armies gained a victory; they will sup 7.
ply the place of the other half-doieri,.
whose names aro on these papers, so
that I am not going to be alarmed at
these heavy remonstrances. have,
not concluded what I will- do with
these remonstrances; they have:tha
names of a few very •respectable
publicans, and out of respect for them
I will keep them - until I confer.with
them at home. I have respeetfor MY.
friends and constituents at home, and
before I present these remonstrances, I
want to see whether they were cajoled"
into signing them, before I place them,
on the Record ;.I acknowledge, how,
ever, the receipt of them in this priblie
way; I hope that will suffice.
I have occupied a little more tinia
than I intended; I have only to say,
sir, that we expect to vote for this
amendment, not because we hope to,
gain anything by it; -I have all - along
candidly admitted that there , isaome
diversity of opinion in the Aepubli . Ran
party on this question. We may,,peV r .
haps,. be Charged with selfishness in
abolishing slavery; I do not know that
we can claim any credit for it as a,
party ; I claim none whatever; : the
party was opposed Ao it; we abolished
slavery because we were brotight to it
step by step., we adopted the Meseilia
at last only as a military , necessity.
But this question is' free from`anysel z
fish considerations. Ido not' think we
shall gain a single vote by it in Penn
sylvania. I believe we shall lose as
many votes as we shall gain. , I put it
upon the ground of eternal justice and
right; 'and the party that does this
will triumph in the end: It is because
the Democratic party has laid this con
sideration aside, and has addressed
itself to the basest prejudices and past
sinus of the people,'that they have
failed time after time. , Mr. Speaker,
we-must do justice, arid we will dci
tice, though the heavens fall.
_A BEAUTIFUL Cuszom.7,—ln the mann ;
tains of,TYrol, it is
n the custom of the
women and children to cordeotit'Wh'en
it is bed-time and sing their-national
songs • until their husbands, fathers,
and brothers anewer them;frons the
hill, or on their return home. Dp.the
shores of the Adriatic each a custom
prevails. There the wives of the fisher
mon come down alloßt r snoset and sing
melody..a After ' singing the "first
stanza, they listen awhile 'for'
swering strajn from off the water,' aiid
continue to sing and listen till the
knewn voices come borne on the-tide,
telling that the loved ones are alMeet
home. ITow sweet to the 'weitin'fish
erma'n, as the shadows gather around
him, must be the songs-of:the loved
.ones at home, who sing to cheer,hi,m,
how - they hothey strengthen and - tighteß
the bonds that bind together :these
humble dwellers by : the,sea. -,.Truly . it
is among • the lowly iu, this world that
- we .find some of the 'Most boan'tifil
onetime in practice. -
•.
tit-The following beautifully -ap
propriato and touching lines are . gaig
to have been written by Lord pyron i
on the fly-leaf of hie
' '.'Within this awful volume lies •
The mystery of mysteries.
Oh I happiest they of race :
To whom our acid has givedtnce t
To boar, to read; to fear, tp pre',
To lift the latch and feroe the way
But better had they fiSen. born,
Who read to doubt or read to scorn...
ser The young' teolf.:,the
gentleman'sfpncyhasrptprned it 7itil
thanks. • • •
Stir When a man wears a „wig !my!.
holhe said to he putting on (h)airs
Judy knows a man so hard •up
Oat be oven sleeps on tick.
AApther successful breeder of short.
"herns.' s Tbiskey tar.
TO SUBSCRIBERS.