The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, June 06, 1866, Image 1

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'Slaw squares,
The Cabinet on the Situation
Opeeohes of Secretaries McCulloch,
Stanton and Dennison.
The following aro• the addresses of
different members of the President's
Cabinet, in response to a serenade in
front ofitheir residences in Washing
ton on the night of the 25th of May.
Fellow citizens ; You are aware I am
not in the habit of makin g speeches;
and I take it for granted, therefore,,
that, in making the call upon me, you
intend only to pay me a passing com
pliment, and not to elicit from me any
extended remarks. I shall not disap
point you. I shall not bo so ungrate
ful for your kindness as to inflict upon
you a speech. My position, gentle
men, in reference to the issues which
are now engaging the public attention
are not, I apprehend, misunderstood
by you. [Cheers.] I took occasion,
last fall, among my old friends iu Indi
ana, to define my position; and since
that time I have seen no occasion to
cbange,much less to abandon it. I
will say, therefore, as I suppose I must
say 'something on this occasion, that
the general policy of the President in
reference to the southern States, and
the people recently in arms against the
Federal government, has commended
itself to my deliberate judgment. And
although it has been violently and in
some instances vindictively assailed, I
have an abiding conviction that it will
be approved by the peOple when they
shall be allowed to pass judgment upon
it at the ballot hex. [Loud cheers.]
This plan is fairly stated in the plat.
form of the club which many of you
represent. 1 need not say, therefore,
in regard to that platform, any more
..than that I subscribe to,all its doctrines
fully and without reserve. [Cheers.]
I suppose, gentlemen, that none of us
expected that, at the close of this great
war, in which much bad blood had
been excited, and more good blood had
been shed, we should have bright skies
and calm seas. I take it for granted
that most of us expected that at the
close of this war there would be passion
and pique, and perhaps violence, which
it, would take time to bring into proper
subjugation. But, although we antici
pated this, we knew that the people of
the United States would be prepared
for whatever might conic up. We an
ticipated that, at the close of the war,
great questions would come up for set
tlement, the discussion of which would
be likely to agitate this country, to
nhake it, perhaps, from centre to cir
cumference. But we knew also that
the penple liad not been wanting in any
previous emergency, and we had con—
fidence that they would- be prepared
to cope with, and settle satisfactorily,
any questions that might be presented
in the future. That faith is with us
now. It is strong with us to night.—
We have faith in the people, and we
have - faith in that good PrOvidence
iyhich, having led this nation through
the red sea of battle, is not likely to
desert it now that the dreadful passage
has been accomplished. The President
of the United States, gentlemen, stands
before the country in no doubtful atti
tude. His voice gave utterance to no
uncertain language when it denounced
treason, at the outbreak of the rebel
lion, in the Senate of the United States.
[Cheers.] He showed no faltering fi
delity when, counting everything else
.as of no value, as mere dust in the ba
lance, in comparison. with the Union
and the Constitution, he went back to
Tennessee to fight treason and seces
sion in their stronghold, and peril his
life and the lives of his family. (Cheers
His policy is straightforward, ntelligi•
hie, and practical. If a better policy
can be presented, one more
nance with the principles of the gov.
ernment, better calculated to preserve
the supreniacy of Federal authority,
-while it trenches not on the reserved
and legitimate rights of the States—
more just, more humane, better fitted
to bind the people of this great coun
try in r. common brotherhood, at the
-same time that it places just condem
nation on treason and vindicates Oa
majesty of the law—if such a policy
can be presented there is no man in the
United States who will more willingly
embrace it than
. Andrew Johnson.—
[Hearty cheers.] But until that bet
ter policy be presented, he must be
false to himself, false to his record, and
must, in fact, cease to be Andrew John
eon, jibe does not:Where to his policy,
and sink or swim with it. [Cheers.]
It is pretty good evidence, after all,
gentlemen, of the correctness of his
policy, that Congress, after having,
been in session nearly six long, weary
months, has been unable to present
one which they cam• agree upon as a
- ,suhstitute. [Cilt:111-3 mod --kluge tcr.3 .
It was once said, I think by John
,Randolph, that of all tinkers the Con
stitution tinkers were the most to be
deprecated. (Cheers) if the old man
could rise from the grave, what would
he say to the present Congress, in
which every third man at 10:114, is a
Constitution tinker? [Laughter and
cheers.] But they are not wise enough
to amend that grand old instrument,
the work of our patriot fathers of the
founders of the republic, the glory of
the United States, and the admiration
of the, world. [Cheers.]
My fellow citizens, there is but one
proposition that hits been presented
that stands even the gliest of a chance
of'acteptatice by tl.e people of the
North; mill tint*, is the proposition 'ea
sing representation on. voters. And
whose fault is it that that is not a port
of the Constitution to day ? Why was
it not subinitted With the amendment
abolishing slavery? Whose tau t was
that? [Voices—The copperheads'.—
,Other voices—Thad Stevens'.]
Mr. McCulloch—Was it the fault of
....$3 CO
.... 1 00
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
Andrew Johnson ? (Shouts of "The
fault of Congress," "Thud Stevens,"
and counter cheers for Mr. Stevens.)—
If the course which the President was
pursuing was obnoxious to the charges
made against it on the recess of Con.
gross, how happened it. that there was
no denunciation of it until the meeting
of Congress? How happened it that
these Jupiter Tonans of Congress were
as silent as though they had been
dumb? Those men, whose duty it was
to stand on the ramparts of the Con•
stitution, and alarm the people of ap.
preaching danger—why.did they not
denounce that policy and demand of
the President of the United States a
convention of Congress? No such de
mand. was made. No such denuncia
tion was then heard. We did hear a
voice from Pennsylvania, I believe,
and perhaps a response from Massachu
setts. But the people were silent.—
The press Was silent, if not approving.
Fellow citizens, I did not intend
speaking so much. I have only this to
say : I have desired and hoped for the
continuation of the great Union party,
with which I have been ever identified.
But if its leaders can present nothing
better than the programme. of the com•
mittee, I am greatly apprehensive that
its days will be numbered.
I trust, fellow citizens; that this will
not be the case; that it will discard its
hostility and its attempt to continue
alienation between the two sections of
the country, and that it will embrace '
those principles which look to harmony
to restoration, and to peace. If it
should do this, it will continue to be
the great and controlling party of the
country, and cover itself with impel:.
ishable glory. If it does not its days
are numbered, and the epitaph that
will be written on it will be, "It knew
how to prosecute the war with vigor,
but it lacked the wisdom to avail it
self of the benefits of victory." (Ap
plause, and three cheers for Secretary
The Secretary of the War was next
called upon—the band playing "Bally
round the flag," "When Johnny comes
marching home," and other airs.
Gentlemen : On the afternoon of
Thursday, the 17th of this month, I
received a note from the secretary of
the National Union Johnson Club, tell
ing me it was the design of the associa
tion to serenade the President and his
Cabinet, and that 1 would he called up
on at my residence - . Immediately on
the receipt of this note reply was sent
to the secretary, expressing my thanks
for the compliment, and declining the
honor of the serenade; a similar com
pliment by the patriotic association of
the Soldiers' and Sailors' League had
previously been declined.
Two reasons induced my action.—
The last time a public speech was
made from this spot in answer to a se
renade was the night of Friday, the
14th day of April, 1865. At that mo
ment,NV hen we were rejoicing over the
downfall of the rebellion, one of its in
struments was murdering Hr. Lincoln.
You will not think it strange that a
complimentary occasion fraught with
such associations should not be coveted.
Besides, as the head of a department,
my public duties have been simply ex
ecutive; and it has always been 'my aim
to avoid trenching upon duties devolv
ed upon others, and to avoid mischief
by premature discussion of matters en
trusted to the legislative branch of the
government and under its considera
tion. But the call of this evening re
lieves me from any imputation of in
truding my opinions upon you. I
shall therefore declare them briefly
and plainly, and to the end that they
may be neither accidentally misunder
stood nor wilfully misrepresented,
What it is my purpose to say on this
occasion has been written.
After four years of war the authori
ty of the Federal government was es—
tablished throughout the whole terri•
tory of the United States, at a sacrifice
of over three hundred thousand lives
of loyal soldiers and a cost 9f more
than three thousand millions of dollars,
Nearly every household in eighteen
loyal States is mourning its loved ones
slain by the rebels; a tut which may
last for generations is laid upon•the
food and raiment and necessities of
every family, and in the price of their
daily bread the twenty million inhabi
tants of the loyal States feel, and will
long continue to. feel, what it cost to
uphold their government against re
The office of President devolved up,
on Mr. Johnson at the death of Mr.
Lincoln, on the 15th day of April, '65.
Thirteen days before that time, Rich
mond, the seat of the rebel govern.
Merit, bad been captured, and six days
later the rebel commander in chief, R.
E. Lee, routed and vanquished, sur'
rendered his army, as prisoners Of war
to general Orapt, and the forces under
his command. By these rapidly sac
seeding events . the rebel government
was overthrown, its strength and hope
exhausted, and in every State its arm.
od forces and official authorities gave
themselves tip as prisoners of war.—
The President's annual message to the
present Congress thus clearly states
the condition of the country and the
question thereby imposed upon him.
"I found the States suffering from
the effects of a civil war. • Resistance
to the general government appeared to
1111V0 exhausted itself. The United
States had recovered possession of
their forts and arsenals. and their ar.
tides \ !TM) in the occupation of every
State which Mid attempted to secede.
Whether the territory within the lims
its of those States chould be held as
conquered territory, under military
authority emanatidg from the' Presi
dent as the head of the army, was the
firt,t, question that presented itself for
After fitating the objections to the
continuance 2f merely militery rule,
the alternative course chosen by him
and supported by his Cabinet is thus
clearly set forth:
"Provisional, governors have been
appointed for the States, conventions
called, governors elected, legislatures
assembled, and representatives chosen
to the Congress of the United States.
At the same time, the courts of the
United States, as far as could be done,
have been reopened, so that the laws
of the United States may be enforced
through their agency. The blockade
has been removed and the custom
houses re-established in ports of entry,
so that the revenue of the United
States may be collected. The Post
Office Department renews its ceaseless
activity, and the general government
is thereby enabled to communicate
promptly with its officers and agents.
The courts bring security to persons
and property; the opening of the ports
invite the restoration of industry and
commerce; the post office renews the
facilities of social intercourse and of
business!" '
No one better than Mr. Johnson un
derstood the solemn duty imposed upon
the national executive to maintain the
national authority, vindicated at so
great a sacrifice, and the obligation
not to suffer the just fruits of so fierce
a struggle, and of so many battles and
victories, to slip away or turn to ashes.
In many speeches to delegations from
loyal States, in despatches to provis
ional governors acting under his au%
thority, and in declarations made to
the public for their information, there
was no disguise of- his purpose to se
cure the peace and tranquility of the
country on just and surd foundations.
These measures received the cordial
support of every member of the Cab
inet, and were approved by the sonti•
ments declared by conventions in near
ly all of the States. One point of dif
ference presented itself, namely : the
basis of representation. By some it
was thought just and expedient that
the right of suffrage in the rebel States
should be secured in some form to the
colored inhabitants of those States,
either as a universal rule or to those
qualified by education or actual service
as soldiers who ventured life for their
government. My own mind inclined
to this view, but after calm and full
discussion my judgment yielded to the
adverse arguments resting upon the'
practical difficulties to be encountered
in such a measure, and to the Presi
dent's - wrviatior. •LaiL .
rules of suffrage was not within the
legitimate scope of his power.
The plan of organization embodied
in the proclamation to the people of
North Carolina, and the instructions
to the Provisional Governor of that
State, exhibit the system and princi.
pies prescribed by the President for
the substitution of civil authority in
the place of universal, military rule in
the insurrectionary States. In thiS
plan two things presented by the proc
lamation and the President's instruc
tions are worthy of special notice :
First. That the exercise of the or
ganizing power is specifically and ab
solutely restricted to the people "who
are loyal to the United States, and no
others." This is in accordance with
the viewe often declared by Kr. Johns
son from the commencement of the
rebellion, and under the most impres—
sive circumstances.
Secondly. The choice of delegates
was not only limited to loyal people
and no others, but constitutional guar
unties were required in respect to the
emancipation of slaves and the repudi
ation of the rebel debt. A sound rea•
son for such guaranties in respect to
slavery is stated by the President in
his message—namely, the necessity of
"the evidence of sincerity in the future
maintenance of the Union."
These views, expressed by the Pres
ident in hid message, received, and
continue to receive, my cordial acqui
eseence and support. Who aro loyal
people is a question that ought not to
be difficult to decide.
After full explanation of the steps
taken by him to restore the constitu
tional relations of the States, the
President, in his annual message, pro•
ceeds to state, with equal distinctness,
what remains to bei dope, and to whom
the authority and duty of doing it be
longs, in the following words:
"The amendment to the Constitution
being adopted, it would remain for the
States whose powers have been so long
in abeyance to resume their places in
the two branches of the national legs
islature, and thereby complete the
work of restoration. Here it is for
you, fellow citizens, of the. Senate, and
for you fellow citizens of the House of
Representatives, to judge, each of you
foryourselves, of the elections, returns,
And qualifications ofour own members."
Whoever doubts that the authority
and duty of judging for itself the elec.
Lions, returns, and qualifications of its
ineintiere belong to each house of
Congress may have his doubt removed
by the Federal Constitution, which
declares in the fifth section of the first
article that "each house.shall bb the
judge of the elections, returns, and
qualifications of its own members." In
thus distinctly recognizing the consti.
tutienal right of each house of Congrqss
to judge of the elections, returns, and
qualifications of its own members, the
President has conformed to the plain
letter of the Constitution. It being
the function of each house to judge of
the elections, returns,and qualifications
of its own members, the obligation is
implied of taking testimony, weighing
evidence, and deciding the question of
membership. What testimony lies
been taken, or what evidence has been
presentiid on the question to either
branch of Congress, or what judgment
will be given, is -net knOwri to me, nor
have I the right, of inquiring, for neith
er the right nO the citlty oldeciding is
devolved upon me. But the toerse
of the President in thus referring Pie
question of its own members to the
judgment of each house of Congress
received and continues to receive my
cordial support. •
Besides the steps taken by the exe
cutive to restore the constitutional re
lations of the States, his annual mes
sage called the attended of Congress
to the necessity of insuring the securi
ty of the freedmen; reminding Con
gress that while he had no doubt that
the general government could extend
the elective franchise, "it is equally
clear that good faith requires, the se
curity of the freedmen in their liberty
and their property, their right to la
bor, and their right to claim the just
return of their labor," and observing
further that "the country is in need of
labor and the freedmen are in need of
employment, culture, and protection."
In connection with this subject the
President further remarks:.
"Slavery was essentially a monopoly
of labor, and as such, locked the States
where it prevailed against the incom
ing of free industry. Where labor was
the property of the capitalist the white
man was excluded from employment,
or had but the second best chance of
finding it, and the foreign emigrant
turned away from- the region where
his condition would-be so precarious.
With the destruction of the monopoly,
free labor will hasten from all parts of
the civilized world to assist in devel
oping various and immeasurable re
sources which have hitherto lain dor
mant. The eight or nine States near ,
est the Gulf of Mexico have a soil of
exuberant fertility, a climate friendly
to long life, and can sustain a denser
population than is found as yet in any
part of our country. And the future
influx of population to them will be
mainly from the North, or from the
most cultivated nations in Europe."
These views of the President in rela
tion to the freed Men received, and con
tinue to receive, my hearty concur
rence. They have guided the action
of the War Department, and were sub
stantially advocated in its annual re•
port. In what 1 believed an honest
desire to • conform to them, a bill was
passed by Congress regulating the
Freedmen's Bureau; but the provisions
of the bill did not meet the President's
approval, because he believed the pow
ers conferred upon him and upon the
agents to be appointed by him to be
unwise and unconstitutional. Concur
ring in the object of the bill,and regard
inv. the prsurn•• 4 , 0 ,. . - .pnrary_ and safe
in his bands, I advised its approval.
But having been returned to Congress
with the President's objections, and
having failed the needful support, it is
no longer a living measure, nor the
subject of debate or difference of opim
Another congressional measure,eall
ed the civil rights bill, has been the
subject of conflict. That bill, now a
law, has for its object the security of
civil rights in the insurrectionary States.
It was well observed by the President,
in his annual message, that "peaceful
emigration to and front that portion
of the country (the Southern States) is
ono of the best means that can be
thought of for the restoration of bar.
mony." its possible interference with
such emigration was one of the chief
objections to military rule; and by
some it is thought that the influence of
class legislation in favor of the slave
holding monopoly heretofore existing
in the Southern States would still be
strongly exerted to prevent peaceful
emigration into those States, and would
exclude the laboring population of the
North from that soil of exuberant fer
tility and friendly climate,that prodne•
Live region embracing the eight or nine
States nearest the Gulf of i\lexico, and
that hence civil rights in those States
should be vigilantly protected by
Fede,ral laws and Federal tribunals.
Although the measures enacted by
Congress for this purpose failed to re
ceive the executive sanction, yet, hav
ing been adhered to by a two-thirds
vote in. each house, they have now.
passed to the statute book and ceased
to be the subject of debate.
Another measure or series of meas.
ures of prime importance, now pending
before Congress, merits a brief' remark,
viz : The plan of restoration or recon
struction, as it is sometimes called.
To the plan reported by the joint com
mittee I have not been able to give
my assent. IL contemplates an amend
ment to the Federal Constitution, the
third section of the proposed article
being in these terms :
" Section 3. Until the 4th of July
1870, all persons who voluntarily ad—
hered to the late insurrection, giving
it aid and comfort, shall be excluded
from the right to'vote for representa—
tives in Congress, and for electors for
President and Vico President of the
United States." It is urged by the ad
vocates of this plan that this third sec
tion is the vital ono, without
. which
the others are of no vallie. Its ex:eh:—
Aire action will no doubt .commend it
to the feelings of many as a
,wise and
just provision. But I am unable so to
regard it because for four years it
binds Congress to exclude from voting
for representatives for presidential elec
tors "all persons who voluntarily ad
bored to the late insurrection, eiving,
it aid and comfort." No matter what
may be the condition of the countrY,
nor what proofs of present and future
loyalty may be given, an alsolate con
stitutional bar is to he erected for four
years against a large class of persons.
Change of circumstances and condi
tion often work rapid change in party
or political sentiment, and nowhere
with. more marked results than in the
South. It is believed that elements of
change : Aro now at Work there, stimu
lating on one sid4 to .loyalty, 'and on
the other tending to continued hostile
feelings.' In niy judgment every prep
el. incitement to Union should be tim
tered and cherished, and for Congress
to limit its own power, by constitution-
al amendment, for the period of four
years, might be deplorable in its result.
To those who differ I accord the same
honesty, and perhaps greater wisdom
than I can claim for myself. As the
proposed plan now stands I am unable
to perceive the necessity, justice,or NVlS
dom of the measure ; but having no
place nor voice• in the body before
which the measure is pending, I die ,
claim any purpose to interfere beyond
the expression of my own opinion.
Having thus declared my views, as
they have heretofore been declared to
those who had a right to know thorn,
on the material questions
.that have
lately arisen, or are now pending, I
trust that your purpose on this ocoa
sion is answered, and I shall be glad if
their expression may have any benefi
cial influence on questions the right
disposition whereof is a matter of soli•
citude to every patriotic man, and is
important to the peace and tranquili
ty of the Union. Recognizing the con
stitutional power of all the co-ordinate
branches of the govern ment,legislative,
judicial, and executive—and entertain
ing for each the respect which is duo
from every loyal citizen, they are enti
tled to and shall receive, according to
my best judgment, the support which
is required by that Constitution which,
after an unexampled conflict, has been
unheld and sanctified by divine favor,
and through the sacrifice of so much
blood and treasure.
The serenading party next proceed
ed to the residence of Postmaster Gen
eral, Dennison, who, after repeated
calls, appeared, and spoko as follows :
Fellow citizens : lam not the less
grateful to you for this call hedause of
its being made on me in my official ca
pacity and as a s meniber of the Cabi.
net; and yet I am admonished by this
fact, as well as by the lateness of the
hour, not to discuss many topics of
public interest upon whicb,under other
circumstances, I might be glad to ex.
press my views. I may say, however,
that we have much reason to felicitate
ourselves on the general condition of
the country, in view of the perils
through which we have so recently
passed, and to congratulate ourselves
upon the promising, future that awaits
us . .
It is true that the restoration of the
southern States to all their constitu
tional relations to the general govern
ment is not_yet accomplished. So far
as that duty or that consummation has
devolved on the executive branch of
the government it has been fully par--
formed. [Applause.] I cannot now
recall any failure in this regard. With
all these things you are familiar, and
the country knows what has been done
and what, is doing.
The close of the war brought with
it the necessity of re-establishing the
Federal authority in the insurgent
States as rapidly as possible, and con
nected with it the duty of encouraging
the reorganization of local governments
in each of these States. To this subject
my fellow citizens, the attention of the
President and the Cabinet was early
directed—with what success I need
not point out to you. I think I ven
ture not too tar in saying that history
furnishes no parallel to such success.
The Federal authority has been estab
lished, recognized, and obeyed in every
State south of Mason and Dixon's line.
[Applause.] The local governments in
those States. have been reformed sub
stantially to meet their changed con
dition, resulting from the abolition of
slavery, and are now being peaceably
administered'. Doubtless there are pro
visions in the constitutions of some of
these States, as there aro in the laws
er.aoted by some of their Legislatures,
that are not in consonance with the
views of the moral and liberty loving
citizens of the nation ; but we cannot
reasonably doubt that these will give.
place to better provisions and better.
laws, ruder the influence of the Feder
al government and their own material
necessities. But ono thing remains,
my fellow-citizens, to complete the
work of restoration, and to clothe the
southern States with all their constitu
tional privileges,and that is their repre
sentation in Congress. [Applause.]
Upon this, with. the loyal millions of
the country, I regret, deeply regret,,
that there is any difference between .
the President and our friends in Con.
grass. But you will ob,servo that this
difference is not as to who shall repro.
sent the southern States. Their loyal
ty is to be tested by the taking of
oaths prescribed by the Constitution
and the laws—required alike by the
President and Congress, and for every
senator and representative from every
State, North and South. The differ
ence, then, is not as to who, bat as to'
when, these States shall be represen
ted. The whole theory of the execu
tive programme for the restoration of
the ernithern States looks to the early
Omission of loyal senators and repre
sentatives from those States [applause],
while the congressional prograinme,as
far as it has been developed, looks to
delay, conditioned on the adoption 'of
certain amendments to the Constitu
Now, my frionds, we must not over
look the fact that if this difference be
not adjusted, it may•lead—and it will
load, in all probability—Ao unfortunate
results; not only to the southern states
but to all the country—and may I not
add, to the Union party, in whose in
terests I learn your assochition has
been organized. I need not tell you,
or those who intimately know mo, that
it; is in the continued ascendancy. of
the Union party that I rely far the
peace and, happiness of the country.--
I. need not tell you it was that party,
in the field and at•thn ballot hoz . , that
saved the nation from the assaults of
aiMcd rebellion. I will only add, it is
to that party, founded on tho princi
ples of the Baltimore platform, f look
. LC;
s•z. •
rt., •
, 412 i e
• F
TERMS, $2,00 a year in advance.
to establish indestructibly, on the basis
of justice apd constitutional equality,
the lights of all the States of our com
mon country. Let me refer one mo
ment to the difference between the
President and Congress. I want to
deal frankly with you whoia I say that
I do not believe these differences are
irreconcilable. -I do not believe there
is any cause of separation bet Ween the
President and the majority in Con
gross. Nay, if I am not greatly at
fault, time and discussion are bringing
the President and Congress rapidly to
gether on the
.basis of a common plat
form of action. Certain it is, they are
not as wide apart as at the opening of
Congress. Then prominent Senators
and Representatives argued that the
insurgent States, by the act of rebellion
had committed suicide, and should be
treated as conquered provinces or ter
ritories; then it was argued by some
distinguished Congressmen that the
public safety imperatively demanded
that this condition should bo imposed
upon them all. But these propositions
are not now argued in Congress, and
I do not think that in the future we
shall hear them debated. I see in this
fact - a steady and encouraging advance
towards practical adjustment, and may
we not reasonably hope their conces—
sions were made to the end of securing
reconciliation, satisfactory and full,
that shall be alike consistent with the
dignity and patriotism both of the Ex
ecutive and Congress? Every consid•
eration of patriotism and wisdom fa
vors such a result. The work of res
toration calls for every concession au•
thorized- by the Constitution. I will
not doubt that.this, concession will be
made, and the results of the war, by
which the nation was preserved, will
be secured and. perpetuated on the ba
sis of peace and concord between the
people of all the sections of the country.
I have said much more than 1 expec
ted, and return my thanks again for
the friendly call, and now bid you a
very good night. •
Pennsylvania U. S. Senator.
The Harrisburg correspondent of the
Chambersburg Repository, in his last
letter to that newspaper, says :
The pending political contest will
be inlivened and its interest be in•
tensified by the struggle for United S.
Senator to succeed Cowan. There are
a number of names mentioned—Curtin
Forney, Kelly, Cameron, Grow, Cesna,
Willlams 2 - 3choScld, Thorna3, and oth
ers, but from recent movements I pre ,
slime the contest will in a little time
assume the shape of Curtin against
the field. He has taken no steps to
make himself a candidate, nor w ill he
do so, I learn. He has been tendered
a first class mission by the President,
the proffered honor dating back to No
vember last, before his departure for
Cuba and before Washington politic.
al complications had commenced ; but
I hazard little in saying that he will
not leave his position until his time
expires, and if so, he will find himself
in the Senatorial contest nolens vole:4s.
From every part of the State the do
sire is manifested to crown his bril
liant administrative career; in which
none bat himself has been his parallel,
by calling him to the highest legisla.
two tribunal of the Republic. The
Union men feel that the times demand
men whose history is interwoven with
the bright chaplets of our thrilling his
tory—who cannot afford to be faith..
less and blot the Atm() won by match
less fidelity and enlightened patriotism.
They feel that the Keystone State
must cease to be the ill starred one of
the sisterhood, whose fame has been
mocked and libeled by imbecility and
treachery. The State cannot add to
the honots won by Andrew G. Curtin.
He has been in the great trials of our
liberties, and not less so the countless
duties demanded by the sad bereave
of treason. Wherever there id
a Soldier of the Republic there is in
perpetual freshness, affection for his
Executive, and wherever there has
been mourning the offices of sympa
thy have been fulfilled to the utter
most. The shattered ranks of our he
roic armies were filled by his tireless
efforts, and they were nerved to confi•
donee and valor by his inspiring pres
ence in every camp. The sick wore
ministered to by his hourly care, the
dead found sepulchre to "sleep with
their kindred, and the sorro wing were
solaced by his tireless efforts •for the
living and the honor maintained for
our martyred dead. The true men with
their sacrifices still shadowing' them,
should point to him to redeem the re.
cord of Or State in the Senate, is but
the natural dictate of mingled justice
and affection, and his ifaruo will be
pressed with a concentration of power
and energy that cannot fail of success.
What ever may bo his own wishes or
views on the subject, I am convinced
that I am correctly foreshadowing
the struggle. His friends will make no
war upon any ono of the many dis
tinguished names mentioned in con.
nection with the office to be filled, nor
.they distract the Union ranks to I
subserve personal ends. They aro for
the Union organization and its cendi•
date . s first of all, and regand effort for
its success as the paramount duty of
every true patriot.
The War Department reports that
of its employees six hundred and eigh
ty five were in the Union army, and
but one iu the robot army. The latter
was appointed to a place by Mr. Lin—
coln because be was a deserter, and
was othged to have some occupation
that woula'not subject, him to recap.
If wo were always as particular not
to bretithe foul air as we aro not to
drink dirty water, we should have a
diiTerent taco of beings, physically,
front what we now have.
gidial3E JOB OFFICE" iA
'the most complete of any in the country, and pos.
emcee the most ample facilities for promptly executing in
the but style, every variety of Job Printing, such
LABELS, &C., &C., &C
NO, 49,
Dickens' Notion of Grandfathers,
I often wish that Shakspeere had
not put that speech picture of life
into the mouth of Jacques. Jacques
has a melancholy view of things. If he
had not been a misanthrope, a baby
might have presented itself to his .
mind as chucklin g and crowing in the
nurse's arms, and not as muling and
puking. In like manner he might haVe
drawn a pleasant picture of - a green
and happy old age, instead of insisting,
so much on leanness and slippers and
shrunken. shanks. The seven ages, ati
Jacques depicts them, may be in accor
dance with a certain rule of life; but,
for my part,, I have met with very
many beautiful exceptions, Aral lav6
to dwell upon them. It-hasbeen my
good fortune to know many old men,
who, after the toil and strife of life, re
tained all the original innocence and
simplicity of their earliest childhood,
I have seen them—and can see them
now, sitting in their easy chairs, their.
gums as innocent of teeth, and their,
heads ... as innocent of hair, as when they
lay on their mother's laps--:sitting.
there biding the Lord's good time EA.:.
tiently and cheerfully, while sons and
daughters and grandsons and grand
daughters hovered about them, and
patted them, and smoothed their pil
lows,•arid spoke to them in those slya-,
ple words which seem as well adapted to
the old man as to the child. There is a
purifying influence .in old age which
we all recognize. We may know that
the old man has led -a wicked life, but
when old age comes upon him, wrink
ling his brow, blanching his hair, and
bowing him to the earth, it seems as
if he had been redeemed and purified
by time. I can understand why the
patriarchs prayed so frequently and so
earnestly for length of days; prayed
for life until the passions and the van
ities of , human nature should have
passed over like a cloud. leaving the
heart to beat its last throb on . the,
peaceful shore of eternity. It always
seems to me that at fourscore. a man is .
neither in this world nor in the next,
but that he is in &position between the
two, and can look calmly upon both.
I think it must be pleasant to sit,
upon the last shore thus and wait for
the boat, not
. impatient for, neither
dreading its coming, pleasant to helm
the plash of the oars and the distant
song of the rowels as they come to
bear you- away to that golden land
where youth is eternal. I should find
it diffieult-to- talk of old grandfathers
otherwise than in this strain, forl have:
never knOwn an old grandfather, who
whatever his previous life,did not weaT
an aspect of innocence. -Age is not,
altogether unkind. While it withers
the beauty it also expunges the traces
of the evil passidns. The film that
comes over the eye is a veil to hide
the glare of anger; the wrinkles that
score the brow are strokes of time's .
pen designed to obliterate the frown
and the scowl that passion has written:
there so boldly.
I can recall many grandfathers who
were a practical testimony to the,
soundness of the theory which I have
just broached with regard to the purl-.
fying influence of ago. I remeinber
ono, a little, feeble, cheery, merry hear :
ted old fellow, who had been a terrib4,
Turk in his young days. He had been
passionate, imperious, violent, a con-:
stunt source of trouble to his wife, and
a terror to his children... When he
came an old grandfather he was trans
formed into the most docile creature
imaginable. His own little grandchil
dren could rule him and make him do i
just as they liked.
"Do you remember, grandfather,".
one of them would say, "When yon
esed to give it to your boys all around
with the horsewhip ?"
"No, no, my dear," he would answer,
"I hope I never did. that."
"Oh, but you did; grandfather, and
grardmothor Says you used tq get
drunk and break the chimney Oria&; .
"Oh, fie, fie, no, my dear," says the
old man, "it opuldn't linve been' ine,it;
must have 'been'somebody else," And
granny strikes in and affirms that he,
did the deed, completelY mashing tWO
china shepherdesses that had been in
the family fora century. Which rela
tion sends t4le, old man into a fit
laughter so hearty arid' good hnnibOol
that you cannot conceive he coahtevek
have been capable of the violent con
duct imputed to him. I dare say lie
can scarcely believe it himself now,
when age has cast the devil out of
him.—All the Year Round.
to sleep is to many persons a matter of
great imPortanee. Nervous persona;
who are traubled with wakefalness
and excitability, usually' have a strong
tendtuoy to blood on the brain, witti.
- cold extremities. The pressure of blood
on the brain keepS it in a etimnlated'ot
wakeful state, and the palpitations of
the heart are often painful. Let suel
rise and chafe the body and extremi
ties with a brush or towel; or rill;
smartly with tbe hands, to promote
circulation, and withdraw the excess-
ive amount of blood from the brain,
and they will fall asleep in a few mo !
meats. A cold bath, or a sponge bath
and rubbing, or a good run, or a rapid
wa.l4 in the open airoir going up flo
down stairs a few times just before re.
tiring, will aid in promoting circula
tion and promoting sleep. These rules
are simple, and oast' ofapplication' in
castle or cabin, mansion or cottage,
and may minister to the comfort of
thousands, who •would freely expend
Money for an anodyne to promote
"Nature's bweetrestorer, balmy slee'
"Pa, how long does the Congress
set?" "Six be bight months, my son."
"Why, what a sat of geese they must
be; • our geese imly'set 4ve weeks." •