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PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S POLICY.
(treat Meeting in Philadelphia,
Inauguration of the First National Union
Johnson Club
The National Union Johnson Club
celebrated its organization by a public
meeting at the Academy of Music. on
Saturday evening the 19th. Several
thousand people where in attendance,
and several speeches by distinguished
Union U. S. Senators-were made. The
following resolutions were adopted as
a platform of the organization:
THE PLANFOICI
The aim and purpose of this associ
ation shall be to preserve and maintain
the Union and the Constitution, and to
support the President of the United
States and his Cabinet in the measures
And policy adopted in contradistinc
tion to the revolutionary course pursu
ed by the pr.esent Congress.
. i. Resolved„That we are now, as
heretofore, ardently attached to the
Union of the States under the Consti
tution of the United States• ' that we
deny the right of any State to secede,
and hold that all attempts at secession
are null and void; that all the States
are now States of this Union, as before
the rebellion, and we deny the power
of the general government, under the
Constitution, to exClude'a State from
the Union or to govern it as a Terri
tory.
2. Resolved, That our confidence in
,the ability, integrity, patriotism, and
statesmanship of President Johnson is
undiminished, and we cordially ap.
prove the general policy of his admin—
istration.
3. Resolved, Th . at we endorse the
resolution of Congress of July, 1861,
.declaring the object of the war on our
Tart to be the defense and mainten
ance of the supremacy of the Constitu•
tion and the preservation of the Union,
With the dignity, equality, and rights,
of the several States unimpaired.
4. Resolved, That, in the language
.of the Chicago platform of 1860, and as
quoted by the late President Lincoln
in his first inaugural address, "The
.maintenance inviolate of the rights of
States, and especially of the rights of
each State to order and control its own
domestic institutions according to its
own judgment exclusively, subject only
to the Constitution of the United States,
is essential to the balance of power on
which the perfection and endurance of
our political fabric depends."
5. Resolved. That under the Consti
tution of the United States is reserved
to the several States the right to pre
scribe the qualifications of electors
therein; and that it would be subver
sive of the principles of our govern
anent for Congress to force universal
-suffrage upon any portion of the- coun
try in opposition to the known wishes
of the citizens thereof.
6. Resolved, "That this Union must
be and remain one and inseparable for
sever;" that the war for its preserva—
tion boring been brought to a triton.
pbant close, and the supremacy of the
;Constitution vindicated, the rights of
the States under the Constitution are
to be maintained inviolate,'and that
loyal citizens within the States and
.districts lately overrun by rebellion
are entitled to all the rights gitaran•
teed to them by the Constitution.
7. Resolved, That all the States of
the Union are entitled by the Consti
tution of the United States to repres
soutation in the councils of the nation,
and that all loyal members duly elec
ted and returned, having the requisite
qualifications as prescribed by law,
should be admitted to their seats iii
Congress without unnecessary delay
by the respective houses, each house
being the judge of the election, returns
and qualifications of its own members.
8. Resolved, That treason is a crime
which should be punished, and that
we arejpposed to compromising with
traitors'• by bartering; "universal am
nesty" for "universal - suffrage."
9. Resolved, That the payment of
;the national debt is a sacred obligation
never to be repudiated; and that no
; debt or obligation incurred in any
-manner whatever in aid of treason or
rebellion should ever he assumed or
raid.
• 10. Resolved, That we cordially en
,dorse the restoration policy of Presi
dent Johnson as wise, patriotic, consti
,tutional, And in harmony with the loy
ri nl sentiment and purpose of the pep- •
pie in the suppression of the rebellion,
with the platform upon which he was
ileCted with the declared policy of the
)ate President Lincoln, the action of
,Congress, and the pledges given dur
i;mg the war.
1.1. Resolved, that the nation owes
‘ a lasting debt of gratitude to the sol—
diers And .sailors of the late war for
the suppression of th-e reimpen, and
: that the families of the fallen li - ewes
‘ who died that the country might live
Are the wards of the people, and should
be cared for by the government.
12. Resolved, That the National
Union men of the city who aro in fa
vor of the principles herein enunciated,.
and who aro willing to give thorn the'
;benefit of their practical support, and
thus aid in the restoration of our coun
try to permanent peace and happiness,'
are hereby requested to form ward as
'atociatiOns throughout the city for the
purpose of giving vitality and energy
to the combined action of the people
this regard,-and to report such or.
ganization to this club.
SPEECII OF SENATOR DOOLITTLE
The chairman introduced ion. Jas.
B. Doolittle, United States Senator
:from Wisconsin.
Senator Doolittle stepped to the
front of the stage. As ho came for—
ward the enthusiasm burst forth afresh.
The applause apparently embarrassed
the statesman whose name is a houses
...42 CO
1 00
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
VOL. XXI.
hold word of patriotism and honor,and
ho simply bowed his acknowledgment
of the deafening plaudits that rose to
the very roof-trees of the academy.
The lower circle of the house presented
a scene of singular animation. Men
stood in the seats and in the aisles wa
ving hats and describing irregular
ovals in the air with their arms, while
five hundred ladies waved the speaker
welcome. The applause finally ended
with three stirring cheers for Senator
Doolittle, when with clear voice and
excellent emphasis he delivered the fol-
lowing address:
Fellow citizens, ladies and gentle—
men : A little. more than three years
ago to night, I stood before the people
of Philadelphia; it was on the evening
of thollth day of March, HO. It was
a gloomy period in the history of the
great war through which we have just
passed. It was after the failure of Mc-
Clellan before Richmond; it was before
the capture of Vicksburg by Grant.
We were depressed,despondent. Those
men who with flippant tongue could
easily cry "on to Richmond"—men of
small calibre—had given way; and in
the Senate and out of the Senate, mon
of' other calibre and other characters
were called upon to come to the res•
cue. It was then that the solid men,
first and foremost in that groat work,
entered upon the organization of that
loyal Union association which, spreads
in; its branches throughout the land,
accomplished so much in the great
work of strengthening the heart and
nerving the arm of the administration.
It was on that night that I stood be
fore you, to mo under a load of respon•
sibility, growing out of my relations
to the government, and especially to
President Lincoln,upon whom its great
responsibilities were devolved. And
more than that, fellow citizens, at that
time and on that occasion, wounds
deeper, more affecting even than these,
were upon me. But a few months be.
ford that time had I stood over the
new made grave of my oldest son, who
had thllen a sacrifice in this struggle,
and I felt on that occasion not only
the responsibilities which position put
upon me, but I felt those deeper emo—
tions which every father• and scary
mother can well understand who has
been called upon to wake the same
sacrifices.
By my side on that occasion stood
Governor Johnson, of Tennessee [im—
mense applause], now the President of
the United States. [Renewed ap.
plause.] It was on that occasion that
I came here with him to help the lead
ing men of Philadelphia to lay broad
and deep the foundation of that assn,
elation which should enable us to go
safely through the terrible trial until
victory had been accomplished. On
that evening a resolution, among oth
ers, was passed, to which I shall call
your attention now—a resolution
which spoke to the hearts of the peo•
ple of Philadelphia then, which spoke
to mine, and to which my soul respon•
ded. That resolution speaks to my
heart still, and I respond to it still—
to every word and every line and
every sentence it contains. This was
the foundation stone on which we
reared that edifice which has been so
instrumental in saving the country.
"Resolved, That the government of
the United States is founded on the
Union of the States, ['great applause],
which constitutes us ono people [re
newed applause], and is the main pil
lar in the edifice of our independence,
the only support of our tranquility at
home and of our peace abroad, of our
safety, prosperity,and liberty." [Great
applause.]
By that resolution on that occasion
we pledged ourselves by word, by re
solve, and by our subsequent action:
To its support we invited all our fel•
low citizens, without distinction of
party. We greeted all American citi
zens of every tongue, kindred,and per
suasion, as our friends and brethren in
a righteous cause. Yes, fellow citizens,
"the union of the States" was the grand
central ilea of the whole. [Applause.]
It was "the union of the States" which
was threatened by the rebellion. It
was "the union of the States" for which
we were contending. It was "the union
of the States" for which we sent our
sons to the conflict. It was fur "the
union of the States" that we were wills
ing to pledge the last man and tho last
dollar. [Applause.]
If, on that occasion when we assem
bled here, any man or woman had
stood Op to denounce "the union of the
States,' what reception would have
been given ? Perhaps to woman we
might have said "You aro mistaken!"
But if any man had spoken ono word
against "the union of the States," he
would have been driven from the as•
sembly as a disunionist, fApplauso.]
I say now that the union Of the States
under the Constitution is the corner
stone of the edifice of American gov
ernment; and he who denies the union
of the States under the Constitution,
let him come from the South or from
the East, from the North or from the•
West, is a disunionist. [Protracted
•
applause.]
""he Union of the States" "consti
tutes sus one people." Yes, the fellow
citizens of ono grand republic The
Union of the States is "the main pillar
,in the edifice or our independence."
How can wo hope to maintain the
dependence of the American republic
if the States fltro disunited ? The union
of the State is "the only support of our
tranquility at home.' How can we
hope for peace among ourselves if the
States are dissevered, disunited? The
union of the States is pe support "of
Oar peace abroadfr AqW,car. we hope
to maintain a peace N9o7i &tier nations
if we ourselVed'itiAlbstaritially 'af; 'war
With Cacti- other, if instead of speaking
the voice of the United Stateg wb
speak the voice of thOdissanitedStates?
Who that has taken the time to reflect,
does not know that if on the first day
of the present session of Congress
every one of these States bad been rep.
resented in both houses by loyal rep
resentatives who had taken no part in
the rebellion, and they had joined with
us in speaking the voice of the United
States to France, Maximilian and the
monarchists of Mexico would have left
for Europe in sixty days? [Great en
thusiasm.] Hero is Louis Napoleon
watching us with an eagle's eye while
this controversy, this unnatural lvar—
fare is still going on—this warfare to
keep the States disunited, dissevered,
not represented—out of Congress where
they have no voice to speak for them.
selves, although we are taxing them
by millions. (Sensation.) Hero I say,
is Louis Napoleon watching with an
eagle's eye these disunited States,
keeping Maximilian on a throne in
Mexico while England is seizing the
opportunity to gather together on the
North a new confederation so as to
flank the republic both on the North
and the South.
It was not my purpose to dwell at
length upon the resolution which was
adopted three years ago, when in this
city we laid the foundation of that or.
ganization which helped so much to
carry the administration of Mr. Lin—
coln safely through to a successful is
sue; but there aro one or two other
topics to which I desire to speak briefly
this evening. The organized newspa
per press of the country joined in the
circulation of various rumors and char
ges in relation to President Johnson
which have produced . a kind of alarm
in the public mind in relation to Mr.
Johnson. I shall speak to you briefly,
but very pointedly and familiarly, of
some of these charges which have giv
en rise to some alarm in the public
mind of the North, and first of Mr.
Johnson personally. It has been char
ged over and . over again in the
newspaper Tress that Mr. Johnson in
his personal habits ;s intemperate, even
given to drunkenness. Now, I under
take to say to you that this charge is
utterly false. ("Good," and cheers.)
During the present session of Congress,'
my relations to him have been such
that I have seen him frequently in the
early morning hours,atinidday, and in
the evening. I have had frequent con
versations with several of the mem
bees of his cabinet, with his private
secretaries, and I tell you as a fact that
ought to be published to the world as
an answer to the most infamous char
ges that have been circulated against
him, that there is not one word of truth
in the charge that Mr. Johnson is in
temperate. (Great applause.) This
story has been circulated for the pur
pose of undermining the confidence of
the American people in Mr. Johnson
as the President of the United States.
They have circulated other things
which aro equally false and malicious,
but I need not•mention them, 1 aver
to you that there is no man living who
labors more assiduously and more in
dustriously from the early morning
hours till late at night in the discharge
of his high and responsible duty than
Andrew Johnson. (Immense applause.)
But there aro other charges made,
that Mr. Johnson is not true to the
principles of that great party that elec.
ted Mr. Lincoln and bimSelf to office..
The charge is repeated through the
press and through the whole country,
and so organized has been the attempt
to spread this charge from Washington
through the whole region of the North
that I feel called upon to answer it.
I undertake to say that Mr. Johnson
stands, and that. all his messages, all
his speeches and public documents
stand precisely upon the ground which
was laid down by the great party that
elected him in 1861.
Bat wherein is it alleged that ho
abandons the policy of Mr. Lincoln,
his predecessor r What Mr. Johnson
did in Tennessso he did as an officer
acting under Mr. Lincoln. Tennessee
was reorganized by Mr. Lincoln thro'
the agencies which ho employed, Mr
Johnson being one of those agencies.
Mr. Johnson as President has had noth•
ing to do with the reorganization of
Tennessee, The policy of Mr. Lincoln,
and the policy of Dlr. Ljneoln alone
was carried out in Tennessee. So too
in Louisiana. Mr. Johnson had noth•
ing to do with the organization of the
State government of Louisiana. It
was organized by General Banlp un
der the direction of jr. Lincoln, and
in carrying out the policy of Mr. Lin
coln. How can you charge Mr. John
son with abandoning Mr. Lincoln's po•
licy in relation to Louisiana, when. ho
had nothing to do with the orfmniza
don of the State government of Louis.
iana or with its State constitution ?-;•••••
It was organized under Mr. Lincoln
before Mr. Johnson came into power.
It was indeed organized before Mr.
Lincoln was renominated for the Pres
idency in 1864. The policy of Mr.
Lincoln in the organization of Louisia
na Was approved and adopted 'by the
great National Union party when they
renominated him for the Presidency.
So in 4rkarisas. Mr. Johnson had no
thing to do with the organization of
the State Government of Arkansas.—
It was organized under Mr. Lincoln's
policy, and no other policy but the po
licy of Mr. Lincoln.
How, then, can any man or woman
stand up and charge Mr. Johnson with
abandoning the policy of Mr. LincOln
in regard to these three States? (Groat
cheering.) Lindialn did not change
his policy in respect to Louisiana. Wo
know that, because but three days be•
fore his assassination he made a speech
in the - city of Washington on this sub
ject, and in that speech Mr. Lincoln
'went on to defend, explain, and urge
upon the country tho,adoption of Ms
policy in relation to that State. Mr.
Lincoln said in substance, "It' we 10
not recognikelhe State Govisirlitnen,t.4
Louisiana, wo do all in'oUr power to
disperse,' demoralize, and disorganize.
our friends; if onthe other band wO'tic•
HUNTINGDON, PA„ WEDNESDAY; MAY 80, 1866.
- • "
.4;4
-PERSEVERE.-
knowledge the State government of
Louisiana, we do all in our power to
strengthen the hands of our friends, to
nerve their arms and strengthen their
hearts to do battle for the cause of Uni
on and of the country." [lntense em
thusiasm.] We know also that Mr.
Lincoln stated to the Senators elect
from the State of Louisiana that if
they would persevere they would be
admitted by the next (present) Con,
gross, in his opinion.
Yon know very well, fellow citizens,
that in relation to the State of Louisi
aim the question came up in the Sen
ate of tho United States ono year ago
last March; and Mr. Cutler, ono of the
Senators elect; writing on the subject,
states what we all know to be the fact,
that there was a large majority of the
Senate of the United States among the
Republican members of the Senate in
favor of recognizing the State Govern
meat of Louisiana. There was a ma
jority of nine in the Senate at that
time in favor of the recognition, some
of those who acted with the Democrat.
ic party being opposed to the bill.—
There were a few of the Senators con
nected with the Republican party who
opposed the recognition of the State
government of Louisiana. They were
Mr. Wade, of Ohio [hissing,] Sumner,
of Massachusetts, [loud hissing,] Chan
dler and Howard, of Michigan, Wilkin
son, of Minnesota, Brown, of Missouri,
and some two or three others. These
Republican Senators were opposed to
the recognition of the State govern
ment ofLouisiana, while on the Demo
cratic side, as it was called, there were
Powell and Davis, of Kentucky, (more
hissing,) who were opposed to the
State government of Louisiana. Those
of you who read the debates at that
time will remember that in a moment
of excitement, during one of those long
and protracted struggles at night when
there was an effort to bring the Sen
ate to a vote, and men like Sumner on
the Republican side of the house, from
factious purposes, were trying to pre
vent .a vote. I denounced Wade and
Powell—Wade the representative of
the extremists of the North, Powell the
representative of the copperheads of
the South. I denounced them as join
ing hands together like Pilate and lie
rod to crucify the free State of Louisi
ana. (Cries of "Good," and cheers.)
I told them to their faces that Wade
would not recognize the State of Lou
isiana because the negroes did not vote,
and that Powell would not recognize
the State because the rebels wore not
permitted to vote. (Great applause.)
This was but one year ago last
March, whoa an overwhelming major
ity of the Union party in the Senate of
the United States were in favor of re
cognizing the State of Louisiana, in
favor of the policy of reconstruction
which Mr. Lincoln had adopted, for
Mr. Johr,on had nothing to do with it
whatever; and yet men have the effron
tery to stand up and say that Mr.
Johnson is abandoning the policy of
the Republican party on the subject of
reconstruction of these States. The
charge is utterly groundless. The
truth is, the charge should be made
against the other side. They are
abandoning the party; they are botray.
lug its principles and its trusts. They
aro denouncing the platform on which
Mr. Lincoln and Mr. John Son were
elected to power. They are proving
false to the very grounds upon which
wo won the victory of 1804.
Now in relation to the question of
suffrage; all that Mr. Johnson contends,
all that I contend, is that the question
of suffrage belongs to the States. If
the people of the State of Massachu
setts desire that suffrage shall be ex
ercised equally by all persons, whites,
blacks, Indians, nogroos, within their
limits, that is then right; Massachu'
setts 1111-S a right to say so. Or if Mas
sachusetts chooses to say, as I believe
she does say in her constitution, that
any man twenty ono years of age who
can read the Constitution of the Uni
ted States in the English language,
and is a citizen of the United States,
shall be permitted to vote, Massachu
setts has the right to say so. So, too,
the State of New York, if she chooses
to say all white male citizens twenty
one years of ago and-upwards shall
exercise the right of suffrage, and that
all colored men who are of sufficient
capacity to acquire two hundred and
fifty dollars' worth of property upon
which to pay taxes, may vote, New
York has the right to say it. So here
in Pennsylvania, if you choose to do
the same thing, you have the right to
do it, or you have the right not to do
it, and the Government of the United
States, the Federal Government, has
no right to force that thing. upon you
because under the Constitution of the
United States, that is a right which
belongs to the people ofa State in their
capacity as the people of aState. So
if you go south If Tennessee or-any
State in the south chooses to extend
the right of suffrage to certain classes
of the colored men, the superior' class
es among them, those who have edu
cation, and those who have property
liable to taxation, Tennessee has the
right to do it, hut wo have no right to
force Tennessee to do that. (Applause.
That is the difference. It is a State
affair, and not, a Federal affair; it be
longs to the State, and not to the gov
ernment of the United States.
And hero allow me to say that in
my judgment, those who take issue
with the President and - hie policy OVdr
look this great distinction between
What the Federal government ought
to do and what the State governments
ought to do. The truth is tho State
koyerathents, so far as our individual
rights aro'conoerned,..'are of infinitely
greater importanbe than the Federal
government. The Federal government
is mainly valualildto'sdenre us against
ff)rsi•ga aggression, to- seem . .9 us- the
benefits pf free trade ono withanother
among 'the different States, and to so.
/ 4 ',J./
'Z . /2 //
• '7/"."
/
OM
,; IM,
cure to each citizen of ono State when
he goes into another State the same
right which its citizens possess. Were
it not for these three great purposes:
to secure us in ourrelations with for
eign powers, to secure ns in domestic
tranquility at home from war with one
another, to keep the States from fight
ing with each other, and to secure to
the citizens of each State equal rights
when in other States; but for- these
three great, essential, paramount ob
jects of the Federal government wo
would not care to have any Federal
Government at all, because the State
governments are those governments
which secure and best secure the great
mass of human rights. Take my own
case, for instance: It is the State of
Wisconsin that secures to me my rep•
utation. If my reputation is falsely
assailed, I can seek no redress at the
hands of the Federal government. I
cannot go into a Federal court to re•
cover in an action of libel or of slander.
So in the person of my wife and in my
relations to my family, those dearest
rights of human nature, it is Wiscon
sin as a State that defends me in the
enjoyment of them all, and not the
Federal goVernment. [Applause.] So
that, after all, in the great mass of hu
man rights, those things which most
nearly concern us, our individual lib
erties, we are defended, protected, and
maintained by the governments of the
States, and not by the Federal govern
ment. It, is because, in my opinion,
these persons lose sight of this great
distinction between the powers and
the purposes of the Federal govern
ment and the powers and purposes of
the State governments, that they seem
to desire that the Federal government
shall mingle in everything.
Mr. Johnson has said, in some of his
speeches or letters—J. believe I have
seen it more than once—that as a eiti•
zen of Tennessee, acting upon the
question at home, ho would advise, and
he believes that it would be best, that
the right of suffrage should be extend
ed to the superior classes of the colored
men of Tennessee—those who have su
perior education or have property—
because ho believes it might have a
tendency to elevate the whole colored
race if the superior ones could have the
boon of suffrage extended to them.—
Ile has said that if ho were in Tennes
see, acting on that. question simply as
a citizen of Tennessee, he would vote
for it, but as President of the United
States, administering the powers and
duties of the Chief Executive of the
nation, he has no power to endeavor
to force suffrage upon the States of the
South or upon any of the States of the
Union. [Great applause.]
But it has been charged, sometimes,
that Mr. Johnson has been inconsistent,
with his former speeches and declara
tions, because be has granted pardons
from time to time to those who have
been engaged in this rebellion against
the government of the United States.
Now, felloW citizens, let me call your
attention to the fact that the great
mass of the pardons granted by Mr.
Johnson were granted before the adop
tion of the constitutional amendment
abolishing slavery. They were gran
Led at a time when it was not certain
that we could obtain the ratification of
three quarters of all the States; and,
these pardons were g ranted with eon.
ditions annexed, and were the most
powerful instrumentality that could be
conceived in order to create that pub
lic sentiment at the South on the sub
ject of slavery which would lead those
States to adopt the constitutional am.
endment abolishing it forever. The
pardons all contain an express condi
tion that the man to whom a pardon is
granted shall take an oath to support
the emancipation proclamation of Mr.
Lincoln, and ho shall also—it is axon.
dition of the pardon—never engage in
the slave trade, and that he shall not
purchase, own, or use any slave labor.
You cannot conceive of any instru
mentality in the world more powerful
than these very pardons that were
granted to those men at the South to
bring that people up to the point of
being willing not only to abandon sla
very as havingdied under the blows in•
fluted by the war, but so far to aban
don it as to vote (mr an amendment to
the Constitution of the United Sates
which should elmlish it forever and
put it out of the power of any State to
reestablish it. (Great applause.)
Bat some say that he has issued so
many pardons that we cannot punish
the leading rebels in this rebellion.
Dow many do you suppose remain un
pardoned ? How many is it:necessary
to try ? I ask the person who is the
most earnest in fa.vor of the prosecu'
Lion and punishment of the leading
reltels, how many do you wish to try
and to punish and to execute ? There
aro over one hundred and fifty mem
bers of the rebel 'Co'ngress that ha-12,'
not been pardoned. There are one
hundred and forty generals in the reb
el army that have not been pardoned.
There is the whole Cabinet of Jeff. Da
vis, all the men connected with his gov
ernment,•and Jeff. Davis himself, re—.
maining unpardoned. There ere hun•
dreds, aye, thousands of the leading
rebels of the South still unpardoned.
Are there not enough remaining
on whom the justice or . the vengeance
of the government can be exorcised to
satisfy him who would be the most de
termined in favor of their prosecution
and punishment? I reedllee,t that the
other day, in a discussion in the Senate
with a gentleman who was presqng
this as a charge against the President,
that holvid . nol, tried and executed the
leading rebels, when I pressed him
with the question how many ho thonght,
I it was nceecsary to execute to satiely
•., .
the Idw, Ire was compelled to say that
even if it wereleft to him ho would not
try more *at five or six: (Greatlitugh
ter.) Ilero'ero thousands of them re-
I Mai fling unpardoned, any'nne of whom
can be indicted for treace • if. arrested,
I 6
7\•
TERMS, $2,00 a year in advance.
tried, condemned, and executed or ban
ished. Why then, this charge against
Mr. Johnson ?
But they say ho has not tried them.
Why has he not tried them ? Some
say he ought to have 'tried them by a
court martial. The Supreme Court of
United States has decided in a case
coming before it that civilians, persons
who were not actually in the military
service, cannot be tried and condemn,
od by court martial. (Great applause.)
If these men must be tried in - court it
is necessary that you have judges and
courts and juries in order to try thorn.
Who does not know that Mr. Johnson
from the beginning of this session of
Congress—aye, from before the begin—
ning—,or as urging upon one of the jus
tices of the Supreme Court to bold a
court in his circuit in the State of Vir
ginia, so that some of the loading trai—
tors might bo brought to trial ?
Johnson cannot compel a judge to bold
a court, and Mr. Johnson cannot try
one of these criminals without a court
to try him in. I say, therefore, that
this charge against him is 'groundlosis.
It is unjust, it is false, it is cruel thus
to charge this man, upon who now
rest the responsibilities of tho govern
ment with all its great cares and duties,
as if ho were abandoning his duty and
proving false 'to his pledges and false
to the great position which be occu
pies.
It is true that they may sometimes
say, and they do say, that Mr. John
son, now that the war has closed, does
not use the seine language which he
did in the midst of the war. I can con•
ceivo that ho does not. I the! that
change myself. When we ware in the
midst of war, when it was necessary to
fill up our armies and to urge our sons
to the tattle field, when the very life
of the government was dependent on
the question whether wo should by
arms overcome the rebellion, I used
different language in addressing my
fellow citizens from what I desire to
use now. Then we were in war. I spoke
for war. My voice was all the while
for war, until the war closed. Bet
when the enemy surrendered, when
we had vanquished him, when every
armed rebel soldier had surrendered
at discretion. to the victorious arms of
of the - Union, could I then urge my
sons and my brothers still to strike the
fallen foe Y (Wild enthusiasm.) From
my earliest childhood, when a mere
boy, if engaged in personal conflict
with another, the moment he surren
dered and cried "enough," I could not
strike another blow. (Renewed cheers.)
And shall a child of ten years teach us
what every heart ought to know in
which magnanimity and honor and
patriotism dwell. [Applause.]
What does ail history teach ? It
teaches us that towards an enemy
when defeated magnanimity, not ven
geance, is the- way to conquer him.
[Great applause.] What does Christi
anity teach us ? Does it teach us to
inspire our own hearts and the hearts
ofothers with a spirit of vengeance to
waeds an enemy ? When the enemy
relents, when he says "enough" when
ho says "I surrender, I give over the
controversy," every principle ofchris•
tianity, every principle of honor and
magnanimity, all history teaches us
that we should be magnanimous to
wards a fallen foe. [Great applause.] - I
can very well concede then that Mr.
Johnson may use now different lan
guage when he speaks of the people of
the South from that which he used when
we were in the conflict of arms,when our
sons were being slaughtered by hun
dreds and thousands day by day. -
know from myself there were occa
sions in the midst of the conflict, and
especially after I was called upon 'to
make the great sacrifice to which
I have alluded, while the War was
still raging, when, as a friend of
the country and as a father who bad
beep wounded, I could have asked
heaven almost in the language of pray
er to curse the leading rebels who had
involved all these sacrifices. There
wore times too when I looked upon
the city of Charleston, that hot,b3d of
secession, where it was hatched and
born, and when I read accounts :of
General Gilmore from behind his bat
teries three or four, miles away from
the city raining upon it day after day
and month after month his storming
shell and Greek fire, I could have al
most wished in my heart that he could
have rained hell fire upon that cit,j , .
But when the struggle was over and I
entered the harbor of Charleston, on
the 20th of March, a year ago, sailing
as the sun was rising from the ocean
past Fort Sumter, then in our posses
sion,passing along the deserted wharves ,
where we were compelled to go a
whole half mile before we could find a
single dock remaining where we could
make a lauding ;' and when I looked
across the slreets at ail the warehouses
and saw them battered dawn, church
es demolished, and the whole city for
a mile and a half or two miles square
a deserted, dead city, every building
injured if not utterly destroyed,when
looked upon all this desolation which
came upon them, almost equal to the
raining of hail and fire and brimstone
upon the cities of
- the plain, I confess
to you, fellow citizens, my fel,),lings
changed ; my vengeance, so to speak,
was satisfied; Charleston had been
punished, terribly, terribly puniphed
far her great crime, and:7l3er people'
had been punished and impoVerished.
I can well conceive, therefore, that
Mr. Johnson now may not always use
the same lcnguage'of denunciation to
wards the people'of the South which
ho used in the midst of the war. I can
conceive Mr. Johnson in two great
crises' 01' hiC life. Ono when he stood in
the Senate of the United States when
Davis, Toombs, Benjamin, mid the oth
er traitors around him were' making
their insulting speeches, withdrawing
from the Senate for the rurpose of ur
ging the Sauth into the rebellion
THE G-1.033M
SOB PRINTING OFFICE
T HE ."GLOBB JOB OFFICE" ie
the mutt complete ,of any in the country, end pOx-
Fleeces the most ample facilities , for . Ir444Optly executing m
the beat style, every. variety of Job Printmg, such
ITAND BILLS,
PROGRAMMES,
BLANKS,
POSTERS;
CARPS,
CIRCULARS,
BALL TICKETS,
LABELS, &C., &C., MI
NO. 48.
CALL ARC EXAMINE NPECImEXEI op WORE,
LEWIS' BOOK. STATIONERY & 1411 SIC STORE
against the United States, when Air.
Johnson turned upon those men with'
that look of burning indignation upon
his face which I can never forget.
There was a moment in the life of Art•
drew Johnson when, if he could have
boon adequately protrayod by the
pencil of high genius and placed upon
canvas, it would have given the world
a picture that would be immortal. It
would live forever. (Applause.) And
there was another moment in his life
which occurred after he had taken
possession of the presidential_ chair,.
when the delegates of ten of the States
that had revolted against the govern
ment of the United States assembled in
the White louse around him, and ask
him, then the President of the United
States, that he would look mercifully
upon the people of the South, Wlie
now were;subjugated:and subdued,who_
had given up their cause and their,
struggle and were ready to resume
their places in the Union.
Mr. Johnson, in the midst of that
crowd, occupied another place, playing
another high role, that of President of
the United States,iepTesenting a great
government in the lour of its victory
and in the hour of its magnanimity,
extending pardon to some of thesd
rebels. A picture drawn
.from such
an occasion, though it would present;
Mr. Johnson in a different attitudd
and under different - cirotinaStandes:
would he equally striking and endur
ing. The question arises, now that
peace has come, now that blood has:
ceased to flow, now that no more sons
are to be sacrificed, shall we use the
same language of denunciation, Of vi;
tuperation, of war and of vengeance to-
wards the people of the South that we
did while the struggle was going on ?
Is there any human heart that would
desire that wo should now engage in
this denunciation and warlike spirit to:
wards the people of the South [Cries
of No I no I and cheers.]
Fellow-citiens, when Latium rebel-
led against Rome and was subdued by
her arms, the question came, "What
shall be done with Latium ?" In the
Roman Senate there were some who
cried en t," "confiscation," "disfrancliio
them." "No," said the groat Cantifft4
"make them our fellow citizens, and
thus add' to the power and the glory
of Rome." [Deafening applause.]
CHINAMEN AND THEM`PAYS.-21k.
Ca:World:l letter has thefollowing
Queer chaps these Chinamen are,
and queer customs they have. In ono
corner of the room sits my Chinese
boy,.reading a book upside down, and
after the manner of his country, grin
ning like a champan4eo over hierogfY z .
pines that look like bunches of black.
radishes. Ho understands it all i thoUgli,
and probably finds that style, of ljter
ature very funny. I attended the Clii
nose dinner which was given to Col
fax, ate with chopsticks, swallowed a
little oreacb of the quo hundred qn4
eighty nine courses that constituted
the repast. We sat down at six sharp,
and got through at one prompt. Te§,
I ate broiled bamboo, and. steWed
whafebono—which perhaps may be
styled the spring vegetables of the
Chinese-sharks' fins,, birds' nests, and
oth‘er delicacies Xec• recuperative to
mention,
ed cucumber and melon seeds, and all
manner of sweet things. Taken as a,
whole, however; I don't think I should
like a steady course of Chinese diet;
though the tea which they gave 14
was of most wonderful flavor. It was
served up without sugar or milk,' and
cost fifty dollars a pound, which is per
haps, the reason why they did not ask
us to take second cup. You would have
been amused could you have seen each
guest making frantic attempts to get
something into his mouth with the
chopsticks. Try to eatwith a knit
ting needles, and you will have sonic.
idea of the difficulty of the feat. If I
W 9 VD a bearding house keeper I thinly
lid ring them in upon my borders tO
use instead of knives and tbrks. A little
hash would go a Weuderful great ;Ay
with them. I flanked the difficulty by
taking hold of anything with them by
sharpening mine at the end and ha. :
punning the meat and vegetablkis. "
A. young Englishman, while at
Naples, was introduced at an assembly
of one of the first ladies by a Neapoli
tan gentleman. While ho was there
his snuff box was stolen from him. The
next day, being at another . bouse,.hs
saw a pei•sOn taking snuff out of
box. Ire ran to his friend. ."There,'.'
said he, "that man in . blue, with gold
embroidery, it talOug out ortbe
box. hat Viis stolen troM ine y . estoi.day.
Do you know him ? Is ho not a shar
per ?" "Take care," said the other,
"that man is of the first quality." "I do
not ca'ro for his quality," said the Eng' :
lishmum "I must have 14' s:tila 'box.
again; I'll go and ask him for it." L
- said his friend, "be quiet; and
leave it to me to get hn.ek yOnetmx."
Upon this assurance the Englishman
went away, affei• invitiag his friend to
dine with him thO•next *.y. Ho ay.
cgrdiuglY *came, and as he e4erCif,
'.There," said he, "1 havo brought
your snuff box." "Well, how did you
obtain it ?" "Why/'said the Neapoli
tan nobleman, ‘!.I did not. like'io Make
any noise about it, therefore I picked
his pocket of it."
tom-A young man was undergoing
an examination at the College of Sur ,
goons, when the questions Put were of
a - very searching character:' Aftet''ati 7 ,
swering a number of questions, be was
asked what ho would prescribe
. to
throw a pa,tieqt into 'a profuSe perspy,
ration. "Why," exclaimed the youth.
ful Galen, "I would send him here to
be examined; and, if that did not give
him ';'l, sweat, I do not IcrioW what
would."
LE7=:,-lieep Fr reams run silently
0
BILL TIEADS,