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j J. W. 3lrittern and Wm. A. Sipe Moto associated
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Ellice nearly opposite the Court House, Will street, Ten
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ACENCY
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LL who may have any claims a
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W. H. WOODS,
Attorney at Law,
Ifuntingdon, Pa.
August 1863
SAIICEL T. LI:OWN, JOIN M. 1311 LE
MEE!
The name of this firm has been chang
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SCOTT, BROWN & BAILEY,
tinder which name they will hereafter conduct their
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ttettnet the Government, will ha promptly prosecuted.
May 17, IS&,-tf.
I!=1:M3
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aanler which name they 1611 hereafter practice as
ATTORNEYS AT LAW, HUNTING D- - - PA
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Office formerly occupied by J. Sewell Stewart. wljoin
log the Court Muse. feb(1,15136
K. A. LOVELL,
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HUNTINGDON, PA.
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ordere on the rhortest notice.
Alesandria,:lau.l3.l£43s—tf.
1)e ALLISON MILLER,
DENTIST,
Hoe removed to the Brick Boa oppoetto the Court House
April 13,193?.
T E. GRF,ENE,
ti • DENTIST.
Office removed to opposito the Tranklin
;lon, in the old lank building, Mill street, Iluntio,gdon.
At.ril 10, 1006.
- FIR. A. B: BRIDIBAUGII, •
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Ocilie, the came as that lately occupi:d by Dr. Lupien,
on hill
roll. D. P. MILLER,
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TAR. E. C. PRUYN, Medical Elect.ri
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WM. LONG, Dealer in Candies,
Nuts, Family Groceries, &e, liontingtion, Fa.
CUNNINGHAM & CATMON,
Merchante, Iluntingdon, Pa.
WHA.RTON & MAG UIRE, Whole.
sale and retail dealers in foreign and domestic
Hardware, Cutlery, &c., hail rout street, Huntingdon.
AS. 11. ANDERSON, Dealer in
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TAMES A. BROWN,
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FLROMAN,
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IIP. GWIN,
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14 Dealer in Ready Made Clothing. Hats, Caps, Ix.
TOIIN 11. WESTBROOK, Dealer in
tl Boots, Shoes, Hosiery, Confectionery, Huntingdon.
ZYENTER, Dealer in Groceries and
.rrovi.Eions of all kinds, Huntingdon, Pa.
SIMPSON, ARMITAGE & CO.,
Healer, in Hooks and Etationery, Huntingdon, ra.
D ONNELL & KLINE,
PUOTOGRANIERS, Huntingdon, Pn
THOMAS G. STRICKLER & SON,
linnufacturera of Brouglier'e patent Broom Head or
Wrapper, Huntingdon.
T M. GREENE & F. 0. BEAVER,
• Plain and Ornamental Marble Manufacturer.
GUTMAN & CO., Dealers in Ready
JILL .mad, Clothing, Hunting:lon, Pa.
P M. GREENE, Dealer in Musie,inu-
J.Eical Instruments, Sewing Machines, Huntingdon.
SIIOEMAKER, Agent for the Ma
io. gic Star Liniment, Huntingdon, Pa.
WM. 'WILLIAMS,
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STTM. LEWIS,
ii Dealer in Books, Stationery and Musical Instrn
nicnts, Huntingdon, Pa.
BILL POSTER.
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Huntingdon, Aug. 16,1863. JOHN KOPLIN.
PARCHMENT DEED PAPER
ruled, for cab at
LEWIS' BOOK STORE.
COUNTRY DEALERS can
buy CLOTHING from me in Huntingdon at
itieu, to I lizive V aTh L ol L e 6 sl LE etrro l irWl s iill e p y lii 9tn in
the
U. ROMAN.
QEGARS.—Best quality of &gars
cula at CUNNINOIIAM k CAItIION'S.
- DUBE SPICES
at CUNNING lIAM & CARMON'S.
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. 4 t BOXES for wagons cf all niaes, for Salo at Ihr hard.
Eton: of [fvll,l€66l JAS. A. BROWN.
42 co
. oo
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
VOL, XXI.
The Washington Meeting, in Sup
port of President Johnson,
Speech of 'William F. Johnston,
EX GOVERNOR OF PENNSYLVANIA.
FELLOW•OITIZENS :- I have not the
vanity to believe that I can say any
thing within your hearing to night that
will enlighten your judgment, fire your
purposes, elevate your patriotism, or
make you better eitizens.of the Repub
lic than you are at present. I take
it for granted I am here to night to
address a body of enlightened men
who wish to hear from those that do
presume to address them, plain state.
merits of facts, with plain arguments
to support the positions they may as
sume, and to appeal to those within
whose bosoms are deeply implanted
the love of constitutional liberty, the
exercise of the powers that they may
possess co preserve that liberty intact
and secure forever.
Fellow citizens, we aro now,
I may
say. approaching another of those cri•
ses that sometimes occur in the affairs
of our country. I have passed unfor
tunately through several of them my
self. I have very frequently heard it
proclaimed that we were just on the
verge of destruction and death, and
yet I believe I stand before you ,to
night a pretty fair piece of evidence
that I. am a live man at all events.—
[Cries of "Yes, that's so," and laugh
ter.] But that we do occasionally ap•
proach a crisis in our political affairs
there can bo no doubt. When our
Government was in its childhood, a
crisis, if I may be allowed the term,
fell upon it and the people. They
were told what? Why by those who
held high positions of trust—among
them members of your Congress—that
there was a government established
by your consent which held powers
that were beyond your control ; that
there was a government formed by
intelligent men that the same body of
citizens could scarcely alter, or if they
did, it must be through certain instru
mentalities. That party determined
to build up a national government, as
they called it—a power aud force that
would reach to the utmost extremities
of your territory, and control and sub
vol.:. if necessary, all powers lodged in
your local legislation, and in your lo
cal governments. It was called the
Federal party; and I will say hero of
that defunct party—defunct in name—
that it was highly respectable in tho
character of the men who composed it,
from tho fact that they were bold in
avowing the opinions which they did
entertain.
The people, my fellow citizens, un
dertook to say that that was uot'the
kind of Government they intended to
establish. They said, and they main
tamed before their fellow men, that
they had founded a national Govern
ment of limited, ascertained, written
down and well defined powers; and
that all powers that were not so ex
pressly set down in the Constitution
were reserved to the States, belonged
to the people themselves. A majority
of the American people, thank God,
met that crisis, and met it in the spirit
of freemen, overturning the wretched
and miserable dogma that was thus
attempted to be sot up to control the
destinies of this country.
Without detaining you with au exit ,
mivation of the entire history of our '
native land, suffice it, to say that by
thatvictory it was declared that there
were certain rights that belonged to
the States and which the States had
the authority and power to exercise.—
That doctrine prevailed, and your
country was growing great, was ex
tending its boundaries, was extending
its influences, was giving tone and
character to the instutions not only of
this but of other lands; until in an un
fortunate hour some mon undutook to
preach the doctrine that lying within
the limits of those State rights was a
power which was capable of dissolving
the Government itself, if those rights
were infringed upon. This was a most
fatal mistake, and so the result of the
recent rebellion has proved. It would
have been strange, indeed, if those
who framed this great Government
had placed within that Government
the seeds of its own destruction—the
power to murder itself.
As you conquered the original error
that would place power iu the General
Government, over and above your
State institutions, by reason, by argu
ment, by your continued political ae
tion, so when these failed to overcome
the other heresy—that of secession;
you conquered it by the power of the
bayonet, and placed the glorious old
banner• of a united and universal land,
so high above the stccms and waves of
faction that we may well look for it
to over wave in triumph there.
Now, fellow citizens, we are told by
the man who, above all others, ought
to best know—the President of the
United States—that the war, is at an
end. [Applause.] And let me ask
you, is it not so? Is there a single
hostile gun pointed against the flag of
our common country to clay? Is
there a single drum that beats to mar
shal any armed hosts? Is there any
resistance to the power of the National
Government anywhere to night ? Is
there a flag floating throughout this
wide land anywhere that indicates
hostility against the glorious stars and
stripes, the emblem of our power and
nationality ? [Cries of "No," ar.q. ap
plause.] You aro right. Then why
should not the President of the United
States, whose sworn duty it was to sae
the laws executed, and who to that
end sent armed forces to put down the
rebellion, when that rebellion had boon
subdued, and armed resistance was no
more to be met with, issue his procla.
mation and speak to the people God
Almighty's truth, that there is no re
bellion against this Government to•
night? (Enthusiastic applause.)
Bitt it is said it is not quite time for
that as yet. Now, we used to have in
the West, when I was a younger man
by a groat deal than I am now, a very
efficient mode of settling these matters
When two men disputed they general
ly pulled off their coats and went to
blows, and when oue of them hallooed
"enough," why everybody in the
crowd said: "Oh, now, there's enough;
let's drop this thing at once." (Laugh
ter.) But if the man persisted in
striking his combatant after he had
cried "enough," the crowd rushed in,
and said, "No; let's have fair play;
none of this." [Laughterand applause.]
Now, our brethren down south have
been mistaken; and. they have been
whipped, well whipped, in my judg
ment, and have cried "enough. Is it
manly to go further and say, "Sir, let's
whip them over again, and strike them
now that they aro down, and trample
them in the dust ?" Well, now let's
pass on. The President is not ignore
ant of the various matters passing
through your Congress; and lot me say
just here that I have great respect for
your National Congress. I do not
know your President more than I have
been introduced to him on ono or two
occasions,
and never spoke twenty
words to him in my life. I know ma
ny of your members of Congress, and
I know many of them to be highly es
timable gentlemen. They were sent
to this Congress to perform a particu
lar duty; and I trust they are perform
ing that duty as they understand
And while there in the performance of
that duty, I am willing to sustain
them as a branch of the Government;
but whenever they step beyond the
lino of that duty for the purpose of
making unjust attacks upon a co-ordi.
nate branch of the Government, I am
opposed to sustaining them. [Applause
What do they do ? They pass an
act, and the President of the United
States, in the exercise of a constitu
tional power, refuses his assent to it.
I voted for Andrew Johnson. I voted
for him on the platform that was made
at Chicago; because I thought it was
a very good platform; and I voted for
Awn the platform that was made at
atlrrlnore for the same reason. Wo
thought wo were not bad off for plat
forms; there was enough in them any•
how. [Laughter.]
Now, my fellow citizens, I say here
to night, fearlessly, t hat Andrew John
son, your President, stands precisely on
the platform that was made by the
party that nominated him at Baltimore
(Enthusiastic applause.ls. Ile stands
on precisely the same platform that
Congress made for you and mo by
their resolution, that this war, as they
call it, was prosecuted for the purpose
of putting down the rebellion against
the laws, and restoring this Union.—
Let those Congressmen, many of whom
voted for that resolution, go to their
own records and they ll find they
are either by their actions to day lying
to their constituents or they were then.
("That's so," and applause.) So, fel
low citizens, I say they Were stating
to the people what they wanted the
people then to believe. What was it?
Why that this war was undertaken to
put down the rebellion, to restore the
supremacy of the laws, and to main
tain inviolate this Union and to pre
serve the nationality of this people.—
There is their resolution. You can
read it for yourselves. Now, then,
fellow citizens, you find these resolu
tions and you find this platform.—
Where has your President darted
from either? He has not don'T so in
any particular ?
Fellow citizens, permit mo to say
that I am here to night standinr , before
an audience of strangers, and 1 hesi•
tate not to say that no man ever ad
dressed you who was more conscien
tiously an opponent of slavery than
the humble individual who addresses
you. I stood in my State the oppo
nent of the institution of slavery when
probably there were not twenty poli
ticians in the State who stood along
side of me. What, then, did I stand
the advocate of? That the State of
Pennsylvania would interfere with the
institution of slavery, as it existed in
the State of Maryland or Virginia ?
No, fellow citizens, so help me God, I
never urged such a measure,. because
I had taken an oath to support our
Constitution. I stood there and said:
"Let slavery go no further than it is.
When your now territories are thrown
into the market I want the lands to be
cultivated by freemen. I want free
institutions to overshadow your terri
tories as they come into the Union,
and not what I believe to be an insti
tution that is calculated to retard the
prosperity of the people—that of sins',
cry." To that extent I went, and no
further. To that extent I am hero to
night to go, and no further.
Now, follow citizens, one of the in
cidents and events of this war was ne
cessarily the destruction of slavery.—
It was the cause, the main and power
ful motive that produced the war, hnd
each party tells you so, from the north
us well as from the south. Your sou•
them men will tell you that it was
abolitionism in the north. Abolition•
ism of what ? Slavery. That produ•
cod the war. While the men from the
north will tell you that it was the
power of the slave institution. Let
whoever may be right in this matter
—and, of course, I believe that those
in the North arc right—none can deny
the fact that slavery was the cause of
the war, and, being the cause of the
war, when the war for its maintenance
failed, then slavery fell, and all within
the boundS of this gree.tUniOn beeathe
free, without regard to color or race.
It was a glorious consummation when
the banner of freedom hung over this
entire land, although it was the inch
dent of a war.
Now ) has the distinguishod patriot
at the other owl of the avenue,
drew Johnson, in a dingle instance, or
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, APRIL 18, 1866.
-PERSEVERE.-
in any manner attempted to arrest its
great progress of human liberty.—
(Cries of "No," "No.") I have failed
to see it if lie has. I have failed to see
in his entire action anything but a full
and entire concurrence in the events
that have happened, and which are
hurrying us on to be a united, I trust,
as we inevitably must be, a great and
powerful nation. (Loud applause.)
Now, fellow citizens, the President
vetoes another bill; and here .I know
you will pardon me for the egotism
that may be connected with the rola.
tion. 1 ant asked as a party man to
vote against the President's veto. I
am called upon to vote in favor of all
the principles of the fugitive slave law,
when lo; I went through the entire
State of Pennsylvania, from county to
county, pleading and bogging the peo•
pie never to unite or agree to lt law
which,in my judgment robbed the State
of Pennsylvania of all authority over
her judicial, over her oxecntivo, and
all other officers, and which gave to a
paid commissioner the liberty of put
ting a man, who happened to be dark
er in color than I was, into the public
prisons, and no judge dare issue a writ
of habeas corpus for the purpose of ta
king him out, fur the solo purpose of
inquiring whether ho was a slave or
not. Against that iniquitous law I
raised my voice as I now raise my
voice, if I understand it, against the
Civil Rights bill, which is now being
debated in the Senate of the United
States to day, and for which nel man
who feels that his State ought to be
independent will ever cast a vote.
I have no doubt that this same pow
er would drive your President away;
but where would they drive him?
They cannot drive him off the Balti
more platform, because they can't
stand on it themselves. [Laughter and
applause.] They cannot drive him
into the support of any measure, be
cause they cannot agree among them
selves on any ono subject; [Laughter.]
Why they have thirty or forty propo
sitions to amend your organic law—
the Constitution of your country, un-
der which you have lived some eighty
or ninety years. This immaculate Con
gress has been so long in session ; so
long away from their constituents,
that they have lost their integrity to a
great extent and their strightforwards
ness, and become well versed in the
tricks of the trade—hence tho numer.
ous propositions for amendment.
Suppose all aro accepted, why wo
will then have to resolve those who
are in Congress into some kind of a
court—l do not know what you might
call it—to expand the Constitution and
to do nothing else. It will take a life
time—and, more than a lifetime, it will
take half the lifetime of the nation be
fore they can get tho various clauses
of the Constitution expounded to their
own satisfaction, if they make no more
progress than they have been making
in settling these questions for the last
five months. [Laughter and applause]
• Is it fair, is it just ; is it manly for
these gentlemen to pour in their speo•
ches, day after day, and hour after
hour, at the expense of the people for
the purpose of prostrating ono solitary
man, whose patriotism is undoubted,
whose fidelity to your Union has stood
shocks that probably would shake off
many of them from the platform ? A
man who has never faltered in the per
formanco of any duty whatever, and
who is to-day a better advocate ofi the
rights of all men, without regard to
color, than those who aro finding most
fault with him. [Applause.] And yet
the great industrial institutions and
interests of thd country are made to
suffer; and your local legislation is all
forgotten.
The whole business of Congress for
the past four months appears to have
been to endeavor to construct out of a
non-construction committee somo kind
of a structure that would bedevil the
President and the people. [Loud ap
plause and laughter.] I did not come
to this city to day, fellow citizens,with
any intention of making a • speech to'
you to-night. During the coming can
vass I purpose making speeches
throughout my State in favor of the
policy of that stern patriot at the other
end of the Avenue, and if lie only ad
heres to the position he is now main
taining, I will guaranty that the peo
ple of Pennsylvania will sustain him.
[Loud and prolonged applause.] We
have no idea of not doing so in my
humble judgment. [renewed applause.]
If I am again to put on my political
harness, which I supposed 1 had taken
off altogether, and again stump my
native State, I will do it with pleas
ure to maintain the true principles of
this Government, to secure the rights
which may justly belong to all the
pe•iple of every race and color, and
above all the constitutional right of the
Executive of my common country.
[Loud applause.]
Let inc say another word in conclu
sion. I heard a learned gentleman
making a speech the other day, and
among other things he said that there
was nothing looked to centralization
of power on the part of Congress, but
there was an effort to establish a one
man power on the part of the Execu
tive. Well, all I have to say is, that
the Executive takes a strange mode of
doing it. I am not very shrewd, but
if I were going to create a power with
in myself to control this Government,
I would never object to sliming the
the Freedman's Bureau which
I would have had the appointment of
some 500,000 agents to assist me in
carryhig out my views. Nor would I
either have refused to sign the Civil
Rights bill, asl would by that bill have
had the appointment of commissioners
to act as official agents to aid me in my
my designs.
No, fellow citizens, that is not the
way a man would proceed to build up
a "one man" power. He deliberately
throws these things, which would ma
MEM
•.
1:4? :
Np• *
terially aid him, away. Ho says : I
do not want your patronage; go away;
you cannot tempt mo to a wrong to
the Constitution by your patronage. I
will stand by the right, appealing to
the people, to whom I have never ap
pealed in vain, to sustain me. If they
desert me now in my old age, in the
exercise of the high duties that I have
been called upon to perform, I shall
lay down my life willingly, as I will all
obligations that they have • placed up
on me, in adherence to what I believe
to be just and right." [Cries of 'Good'
and applause.]
The speaker, after thanking the au
dience for their patient attention, re—
tired amid great applause.
The Railroad Question.
Reply of Gen. Geary to the Business
Men of Pittsburgh.—lfe is Opposed to
Monopoly and in Favor of a General
Railroad Law.
NEW. CUMBERLAND,
PA.,
April 4th, 1866.
GENTLEMEN :—Your communication,
bearing date March 20th, only reach
ed me on the 30th ult., and in compli
ance with your request, I proceed
to answer it with as little delay as pos
sible.
You propound to me three questions,
to which you request an answer, viz:
"1. Will you, if elected chief magis
trate of Pennsylvania, faithfully exert
the power of your administration, so
as to defeat any and every attempt,
made by legislation, or otherwise, for
the monopoly and control by any one
corporation of the railroad policy of the
State ?"
"I Will you oppose and Ivithhold
your sanction from any legislation con
ferring upon the Ponnsylvauialtailroad
Company, or any company it may
control, the authority to build branch
es, unless the said grant should be un
der provisions of general law rogula
ting the construction of railroads 1"
"3. Will you favor, and use the influ
ence of your administration to secure,
the enactment of a general law author=
izing the construction and regulation
of railroads within this Common:
wealth ?"
My views and opinions upon these
measures I am free to give you, and
quite willing to indicate what my offi
cial action would be, so far as it is all
proper to do so.
Pennsylvtinia possesses immense
treasures of mineral wealth, and most
extensive manufactories. To devolope
these, to foster everything which tends
to their development, and to cherish
and promote equally the rights and
interests of all her citizens, I firmly
believe to be the highest duty of her
statesmen. I regard every kind of
public improvement as conducive to
this end; and I am, therefore, in favor
of the most complete and elaborate
system of Internal Works, together
with a proper system of Protection to
llpme industry, as a means of conver
ting our vast mineral resources, agri•
cultural products and manufactured
articles , into values. Whatever shall
so improve our commercial intercourse,
enable our manufactures to send the
proceeds of their industry to market,
and so place our State at the head of
the manufacturing and producing
States of the Union, shall have my cor
dial assistance and cheerful approbation.
I regard our railroad system as the
best mode of commercial and social in
tercommunication. In addition to the
great main lines, the State is enveloped
in a network of minor railroads,which
pour an increasing stream of coal,iron,
ore,
agricultural
products,
live stock,
the handiwork of skilled
labor, to the distributing points within,
and beyond, our borders.
While these corporations continue to
act their part as public servants, they
should be carefully protected. They
should not be permitted to overstep
their legitimate functions. As crea
tures of the law, they should oboy,and
be, in every respect, subservient to the
law.
I answer to the first interrogatory,
that while I believe it to be improper
'oh ring the influence the of Executive
Department to bear upon the Legisla
taro, in anticipation of its action, ex.
cept in the way of recommendation; I
am heartily opposed to the creation of
any monopoly in the railroad system
of the State, or giving any artificial
body created by the law,powers which
would place it above and beyond the
reach of the Legislature.
To the second interrogatory, I say,
that while a general railroad system
would best comport with a sound pub.
lie policy, it must originate with the
legislature, and until it shall be estab
lished by law, grants of power may be
properly made to railroads to con
struct branches when they aro desired
by the people who aro immediately
interested in the matter, and would
promote the development of their prop
erty, and afford thorn avenues to' mar
ket. Such r*rants being so restricted
as not to violate l individual rights or
public interests.
In reply to your third question,which
to my mind includes both the others, I
say, again, that I believe a general law
regulating the construction of railroads
and grants of power for that purpose
to be most consistent with public poll.
cy and the interests of the Common.
wealth ; and entertaining these views,
I would certainly use the legitimate
and constitutional power of the Execu
tive to secure so desirable a result.
The spirit of monopoly in this and
other matters, should be discoura,geo
in a Republican tiov2 . nment, and 1.
have no sympathy with any policy
which may be designed for its encour
agement.
.I. am, gentlemen : with high respect,
your obedient servant.
JOAN W. GEARY,
To Messrs. Lyon, Shorb& Co., Spang,
Chalfant & Co., and others.
TERMS, $2,00 a year in advance.
The President and the Copperheads.
Thero has been considerable said in
the copperhead papers in regard to the
position of the President in regard to
the Connecticut election. Ingersoll,
with a number of others of that State,
who recently had an interview with
the President, have made speeches
grossly misrepresenting the language
and spirit of the President on the oc
casion. In regard to this interview,
we find a report in the New York
"Times" of Saturday, which we can
not help but believe is correct, in as
much as the "Times" is the particular
friend of tho President. Tho "Times"
says :
The interview with the President,
as reported by Messrs. Ingersoll and
Burr, may be of interest to those who
prefer to believe the insinuations of
such men as Cleveland rather than be
guided by the beacon light record of
the President him Self. fore we have
his own ideas and preferences in his
own words :
Ilr. Burr-•-We have come, Mr. Pres
ident, as loyal citizens of the State of
Connecticut to have a talk with you
concerning the pending election in oar
State.
The President—That is a matter,
gentlemen, which I do not propose to
interfere with. Your local politics
should be decided among yourselves.
Mr. Burr—But we sustain your res
toration policy, your veto message,&e.,
and our candidate, Mr. English, in
dorses your position unequivocally,
while General Hawley and those who
support him aro opposed to your poll
_
The President—Opinions of candi
dates will make little difference. The
platform of both parties express clear,
ly political positions, and I understand
that my political friends—those who
sustain my policy—in the Union par,
ty, aro satisfied with their party plat•
form. Indeed I believe the resolutions
of the Union Convention were repot. ,
tod by a personal friend of mine—Mr.
Babcock. But as I have said to you,
it is a local election,and I do not desire
to interfere one way or another.
Mr. Ingersoll—But the issue in the
State is between the friends of your
policy and its opponents. Party lines
have been drawn on that issue.
The President—l don't so under
stand it. But if it were true, that
would not affect my conduct. I can't
conceive how such an issue might be
forced by designing politicians for the
purpose of securing political advantage;
and if it has been so forced, it has been
done on the solo responsibility of your
men, without any sanction from my
administration.
Mr. Burr—Mr. Cleveland, postmastL
er at Hartford, has openly avowed his
intention to support Mr. English.
The President—l know ho has, but
ho does it on his own responsibility. I
tell you it is not my purpose to inter,
fere ono way or the other. I refused
to interfere with the . blection in Now
York State last fall, and also with the
reee ',New Hampshire election. lam
Pre _lent of the United states;whatever
policy I maintain is of a-national char
acter, and it would poorly become me
to take sides in the local elections of
the country. My political position is
understood. I stand hero to defend the
Constitution, as I took an oath to do,
and when great public measures,which
arc under my control, requiro my
sanction or disapproval, it is my duty
and privilege to act ; but to step down
into the local contests of a state is no
part of my business.
Mr. Burr—You have not accepted
Mr. Cleveland's resignation.
The President—No, I have not. I
approve of his political 'action in up
holding my measures and policy, as I
approve of other men, who may enter
tain different views as to their duty to
party. I would not remove him be
cause be supports ono man for Gover
nor, any more than I would remove
another man for supporting a differ
ont eannidate. Let me make this
plan. Taking the ground, first, that I
will not meddle with local elections, I
follow it up consistently by making no
tests in the political conduct of any
man who receives his appointment
from me. I prefer mon, of course, to
sustain my policy ; but if they do not
sustain it I shall not ostraciso them.
Mr. Burr—Gon. HaWley and the
gentlemen who were here the other
day roport that you declared - yourself
in favor of "the success of the Union
party," intimating that you desired
Gen. Hawley to succeed.
The President—l did toll• them so,
and I frankly stated that while I pre
ferred men to adopt my policy, there
was no necessity of going outside of
our party organization, in eases of dif
ference of opinions,to fight our battles.
I told him that stood upon the plat.
form of principles adopted by the last
Union National Convention.
Burr—(insinuatingly.) Thon
you didn't mean the last Union Na
tional Convention, the Democratic
Convention ?
The President—Hardly. ICI remora.
her correctly that Convention pronpuß
cod the war a failure, Itmd cried for
peace when armed treason stood defi
ant and sought the life of the nation.
Mr. Burr—But, Mr. Presideet, you
seem to forget that your restoration
policy is the one great issuo in our
State:
• The President—No,l do not. I hard
already told you nay vimys on the sub
ject. I take party ilatforms, not the
individual opinions' of men,
Mr. Burr—We sustain your policy
unequivocally.
Mr. Ingersoll—Yes, that's this point.
The President—Perhaps you do;
but do you mean to tell me that this
is not done as I have alrelidy inttpi
THE G-1..1023
JOB (PRINTING orpicg,
T""GLOBE JOB 0F.V.1.0E" IR
the most complete of any in the country, and pos
sesses the most ample facilities for premptly executing in
the bat style,.every variety of Jgb Printing, such
lIAND BILLS,
PROGRAMMES,
• BLANKS,
POSTERS,.
OARDS, •
CIRCULARS,
BALL TICKETS,
. LABELS, &C., &C., &C
NO. 42.
CALL AND =ADM EIPXCOLLIB OP ITOttiL,
AT LEWIS' BOOK, STATIONERY & MiJ IO STOBB.
ted, for partisan effect—to deceive the
people, in order that you may hereby
obtain power?_l cannot yet forget
the record of the Democratic party. It
°Nosed the war ; it placed obstacles
in the way of the Government, while
we wore grappling with the enemies of
the Union ; it denounced my laniented
predecessor as a usurper, and classed
me as an enemy of my country, be.
cause I gave up all to crush Ow wicked
rebellion ; and it hardly seen al pdsaiblo
to me that such a party could beconie
converted so suddenly into, lovers of
the Union, professing to lic‘ its best
friends.
Mr. Ingersoll—lt is about tittle to
The President—Hold on, gentle=
men; don't be in a hurry. 1 wish to
have you understand this matter, I
was speaking about the saddeft coriVer
sion of the DeMocratie party. I have
been in public life too long to be de,
cloyed, •by having men \VW) violently
opposed and denounced me during the
war, how come forward and profess to
be my special champions 1 I was elccm
ted by the Union party of the coon
try—the party which sustained the
war, and crushed out the rebellion, in
spite of the opposition Of Northern cop,
perheads !
TUE ENGLISLI JUDGES ON STRONG
DRINK AND CRlME.—There is scarcely
a crime comes before me that is not
directly or indirectly caused by strong
drink.—Judge Coleridge.
If it were not for this drinking, you
(the jury) and I would have nothing
to do—Judge Patterson.
Experience has proved that almost
all crime into which juries have bad to
inquire may be traced in ono way or
another to drunkenness.--Williams,.
I find in every calendar that comes
before me, one unfailing source, di
rectly, or indirectly, of most of the
crimes that are committed, Intempert
ance.—Judge Wightman.
If all men could be dissuaded from
the use of intoxicating liquors, the of ,
flee of a judge would be a sinecure:,
Judge Anderson.
PERMANENCE OS MATTER. - What
can surpass in grandeur those bold yet
simple inductions of the invariable
permanence of matter and of force.—
No natural agency, no created being
can alter the amount of matter in the
universe to the extent of an atom; or
h wage—tho -auna- of 4:woo-to exten.4
of the feeblest impulse. They can add
nothing to it; they can .take -nothing
from it. They may burn, pnlverip,
scatter to the winds, strew Upon • the
sea, convert into invisible vapor, -but
they Cannot. annihilate a partice, on
destroy one of its essential properties.
Every atom of oxygen that the world
contained at its formation, is in it now,
and will so continue to the end of time,
with all its properties precisely as they .
were at the beginning. It may have
been breathed in air, and drunk in
water, and eaten in food, it may have
waved in the forest and roamed in thq
animal, it may have been hewn out iri
the rock and smelted in the ore,—it
.may haVe entered successively into
thousands upon thousands of combinetions:—and yet through all these shif
ting forms, arid after all these various
uses, it remains unwanted, - undimin•
jailed, and unaltered, Without the
slightest modification in any of its
properties,—the same unvarying atom,
changeless in the midst of limitless f in
cessant change.
LAUGHING.—HOW amusing to listen
to the countless varieties in vogue.—
No'two persons laugh alike. Every
person has one of his own. Laughing
is not a science. You can no more
teach a loud coarse laugh to become §
clear, sweet Quo, than you Opal ehungq
a tough beefsteak to a luxuriant oys :
ter flitter. Laughing is a blessing. .L
is the sweet oil that smoothes the
rough machinery of life. It is a true
sign of happiness. Misery may laugh,
but its attempts sit ironically upon the
countenance. We like a clear, ringing,
jolly, whole soul laugh. Some peoplq
are always laughing; the furrdws of
care don't disfigure them. Other's in
dulge in it so little, that tbqy becutue
old before their time. You cant laugh,
according to rule. The peculiar laugh
that is born in you must be the kind
to come out on every obeasion; but it,
is not bard to learn to make a decop
tive, forced, or disagreeable laugh,
You have seen a large assembly where
something very amusing compelled
everybody, as the saying runs, tq
"burst right out.'? You have noticed
the lean, fat, screeching and roaring,
laugh, the still, small, silvery, upside
down• laugh; the gruff Vase,' the'clear
soprano, and the high tenor laugiq the
up-and-down-the-whole.scale laugh ;
the terrible laugh; the half famished .
bull dog laugh; the short, snapping *
cracked laugh; the fiendish; blood curt,
dling laugh; the straight up and &Wu
laugh; the funny, cheery and free and
easy laugh; the quick and be dm
with it laugh; the wholesome, earrmq
laugh; the careless laugh t i ,pa !augl?,
of care; the rectangular, Iriarighlitr,
octagonal and double action laugh;
the laugh in your sleeve, and the laugh
IT is stated as a reason why Texas
is loft out in the cold in the President's
late Peace Proclamation, was on the
strength of pen. Sheridan's utteraaeoi
that if ho owned 11-74 and Texaa, jig
would rent Texas and. Itt,re . in the fpF,
mar placp.
non. Solomon Foote, United States
Senator from the State of Yernipot i
died at Washington on the 28th int.—
He had served longer is the Senate
than any other merahpr. 4:e w4B 04
years of ago.
Two London tolegraphars claim tq
have contrived a printing telegraph,
by which, with one wire, 300 words a
minnte can be printed,
BIJI, 11E4D84