Ely 61,0ic. HUNTINGDON, PA. W. Lewis, Editor and Proprietor Hugh Lindsay, Associate Editor. Wednesday morning, April 4, 1866. FOR OOVERNOR, Maj. Gen. John W. Geary, OF CUMBERLAND COUNTY. County Convention. At the last meeting of the Union County Committee, the following reso• lution was adopted Itasot.vEn, That the Chairman of this Commit tee be and h• is hereby Instructed to call a convention of delegates from tne election districts in this county, to meet in con vention the first week in April court, to take into consid eration and doteimino tho question of the adoption of tho Crawford county system of nominating candidates for of fice, in future; and that the Chairman 'publish to the county papers, With the call for the Convention, the manner of making nominations under that system. In pursuance of this resolution the Union voters - are requested to meet at the usual places and elect delegates the Saturday previous to a county convert:. Lion, to assemble at the Court House in Huntingdon, at two o'clock, p. tn. Tuesday, the 10th day of April next. The Main features of the system above referred to are as follows : At the usual time for holding dele gate meetings the voters assemble and hold au election for candidates for the different offices to be voted for at the ensuing election—voting being confined to those-known to act with the party. The officers of these elections are usu ally chosen - by the voters present, and aro organized in the same manner as at a general election, except that they aro not sworn. The judges of the several districts soon after assemble in Convention at the county seat, and cast up the returns, and the persons having the highest .number of votes for the several 'offices are declared the candidates. These return judges when thus assembled in convention, appoint the County Coiriinittee and district conferees, and transact any other busi ness that would be proper fora coons ty convention. Candidates are usually required to announce their names in the county papers before the primary elections. The Convention to be held in April is simply Co determine whether this system will be adopted, and should it be adopted. the,. convention will no doubt direct :a:further publication of rules and regulations prior to the first election under it in August next. A. H. BAUMAN, Chairman Co. Corn. TO THE SOLDIERS. A SIX MONTHS' CAMPAIGN It is not. a matter 'of surprise that the Copperheads attempt to cast a shadow over the military record of General Geary. We know the history of that party too well to expect any. thing else than enmity and ridicule when dealing with a soldier. True their late platform contains a resolution of "gratitude" to the men of our armies and navy, but they have placed in nom ination a candidate whose whole pont. ical character belies their own words. They are loud in their professions of thankfulness and warm in their prom ises of reward, but when the time comes in which they might show their sincerity by their - acts, they offer place and position to one who, even if ho has not aided the rebellion, has never, at least given:a:moment's service to his country, nor spoken ono word in favor of-the cause of the Republic. And this is not all. That noble soldier General Geary, first in- the field and the last to leave it, is made the victim of their denunciation; and it is not at him alone they direct their attacks, but every man who, has worn the Federal uni— form is equally the object of their de famation. Should Gen. Grant become the candidate of the Union party for the Presidency in 1863, even he would be . subject to their hatred, and they would vent on him their whole vocab ulary of slang and venom as they do now on General Geary. SOLDIERS, you have fought through long campaigns and in many battles. Some of you started from the Rapidan In April '65. You gave almost a year to the accomplishment of your purpo— ses. Others left Chattanooga with Sherman also in May, '6l, and after four months marching and fighting, captured the stronghold of Rebellion in the southwest. Yet none of you thought you were making too great a sacrifice. You . -went to your (btty un certain as to the result, of the length of time that might be required to a chieve it, and regardless of your own fate. Another campaign has just opened. Your services are again required, not in the camp or the intrenchment,.but in the open field of political battle. I am well acquainted with your sympa thies, and know the direction in which your weapons will be aimed. It is not to recommend any other course than that which your own ideas of right and justice will suggest. You aro as much the enemies of treason and copperheadism to-clay as you have been at any time during the war, and you will make as great an effort to an , nihilate them now as you have ever done before. But how can your pow er be most efficiently used Not in deed by separate, individual action, but b - y - in - o - Aiviz-a•rro . :4,by keeping the ranks well closed itp, l and*by standing firmly shoulder to Wo need a Sol diers' Union Campaign League. Shall we have it ? Does not every soldier who reads. the question say "yes" ? Then it is unanimous, and the move ment needs but to be inaugurated to be successful. I therefore request those who approve of it, and are willing to give their co-Operation, to lot them selves be heard. If any desire, they can corresPond with the writer through the Editor of the Globe. Let us pro pare ourselves for the six months' cam• paign. [No. xis.] 'CONIMONPLAOE. n•ar - The 'Fish bill has beer eivneil br the Governor. THE VETO. THE CIVIL RIGHTS BILL President Johnson's Message WASHINGTON CITY, liaroh 27. To the Senate of the United States: I regret that the bill which has pass. ed both Houses of Congress, entitled an act to protect all persons in the U nited States in their civil rights, and furnish the means of their vindication, contains provisions which I cannot ap prove consistently with my sense of duty to the whole people, and my obli gations to the Constitution of the Uni ted States. I am, therefore, constrain ed to return it to the Senate, the house in which it originated, with my objec tions to its becoming a law. By the first section of the bill, all persons born in the United States, anrl not subject to any foreign pow , ,T,oxclu-- ding - Indians not taxer!, are declared to be citizens of t! le United States. This proy!Sion comprehends the Chinese of the Pacific States, Indians subject to taxation, the people called gipsies, as well as the entire race designated as blacks, people of color, negroes, mulat toes and persons of African blood. E%i ory individual of these races born in the United States is by the bill made a citizen of the United States. It does not propose to confer any other right of citizenship than federal citizenship. It does not propose to give these class es of persons any status of citizens of States, except that which may result from their status as citizens of the Uni ted States. The power to confer the right of State citizenship is just as ex— clusively vested with the States as the • power to confer the right of federal citizenship is with Congress. The right of federal citizenship thus to be con ferred in the several ratios before men tioned, is now, for the first time, pro posed to be given by law. If, as is claimed by many, all persons who are native born already are by virtue of the Constitution, citizens of the United States, the passage of the pending bill cannot be- necessary to make them such. If on the other hand such per. sons are not citizens, as may be as- Sinned from the proposed legislation to make them such, the grave ques tion presents itself, whether, when ele ven of the thirty six States aro unrep resented in Congress at this time, it is sound policy to make our entire color-. ed population and all other excepted classes citizens of the United States.— Vow' million of them have just emerg ed from slavery into freedom. Can it be reasonably supposed they poSsess the requisite qualifications to entitle them to all the privileges and immuni ties of citizenship of the United States? Have the people of the several States expressed such a conviction? It may also be asked whether it is nebessary that they §hould be declared citizens in order that they may be se. cured in the enjoyment of civil rights, proposed to be conferred by the bill ? These rights are by federal as well as by State laws secured to all domiciled aliens and" foreigners, even - Before the completion of the process'of naturaliza tion, and it may be safely assumed that the same enactments aro sufficiAt to give like protection and benefits to those for whom this bill provides spe— cial legislation. Besides, the policy of the Government from its origin to the present time seems to have been that persons who are strangers to and un familiar with our institutions and our laws, should pass through a certain probation, at tho end of which, before allowing the coveted prize, they must give evrclonce.of their fitness to receive and to exercise the rights of citizens as contemplated by the Constitution of the United States. The-bill in effect proposes a discrim ination against large numbers of intel ligent, worthy and patriotic foreigners and in favor of the negro to whom, af ter long years of bondage, the avenues to freedom and intelligence have just now been suddenly opened. He must of necessity from his previous unfortu nate condition of servitude be less in' formed as to the nature and character of our institutions than he who coining from abroad has, to some extent at least, familiarized himself with the principles of a Government to which he voluntarily entrusts life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Yet it is now proposed by a single legislative enactment to confer the rights of citis zons upon all persons of African de scent born within the extended limits of the United States, while persons of foreign birth, who make our land their home, must undergo a probation of five years, and can only then become citizens upon proof that they are of good moral character, attached to the principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of the same. The first seetion of the bill also con tains an enumeration of the rights to be enjoyed by those classes so made citizens in every State and Territory in the United States. These rights are to make and enforce contracts, to sue the parties and give evidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and personal property, and to have equal benefit of all laws and proceed. ings for the security of persons and property as is enjoyed by white eiti. zeus. So, too, they aro made subject to the same punishment, pains and penalties, in common with white citi. zons, and to none others. Thus a per fect equality of the white and colored races is attempted to be fixed by Fed eral law in every state of the Union, dyer the vast field of State jurisdiction I covered by these enumerated rights. In no one of them can any State excl.- eise any power of discrimination be tween different races in the exercise of State policy over matters exclusively affecting the reople of each State. It has frequently been thought expedi. ent to discriminate between the two races by the statutes of some of the States North as well as South. It is enacted, for instance; that no white person shall intermarry with a negro or mulatto. Chancellor Kent says, speaking of the blacks, that "mar. riages between them and the whites are forbidden in some of the States where slavery does not exist, and they are prohibited in all the slaveholding States by law, rnd when not absolute ly contrary to law, they are revolting, and regarded as an offense against public decorum." I do not say that this bill repeals State laws on the ikub. jeet of marriage between the two ra ces, for as the "ivhites are forbidden to intermarry with the blacks,'the blacks can only make such contract ac the whites themselves are allowed to make and therefore cannot, under this bill, enter into the marriage contract with the whites. I cite this discrimination, however, as an instance of the State policy as to discriminations, and to in quire whether, if •Congress can abro gate all State laws of discrimination between the tw2 races in the matter of real estate, of suits and of contracts generally, Congress! may not also re• peal the State laws as to the contract of marriage between the two races. Hitherto, every subject embraced in the enumeration of rights contained in the bill has been considered as exclu sively belonging to the States. They all relate to the internal policy and economy of the respective States.— They are matters which in each State concern the domestic condition of its people, varying in each according to its OWn peculiar circumstances, and the safety and well being of its own citizens. Ido not mean to say that upon all these subjects, there are• not federal restraints, as for instance in the State power of the Legislature over contracts, there is a Federal lim itation that no State shall pass a law impairing the obligations of contracts, and as to crimes. that no State shall pass au ex post liwto law, and as to money, that no State shall make any thing but gold and silver a legal ten. der. But where can we find a tbderal prohibition against the power of any Stale to discriminate, as do most, of them, between aliens and citizens, be tween artificial persons called corpor ations, - naturalized persons, in the right to hold real estate ? If it, be granted that Congress can repeal all State laws discriminating between whites and blacks in the subjects cov ered by this bill, why, it may be asked, may not Congress repeal in the same way all State laws discriminating be tween the two races on the subject of suffrage and office? If Congress can declare by law who shall hold lands, who shall testify, who shall have capa city to make a contract in a State, then Congress can also declare who, without regard to race or color, shall have the right to sit as a juror, as a judge, to hold any office, arid finally to vote in every State and Territory of the United States. As respects the Territories, they come within the pow er of Congress, for as to them the law tanking power is the Federal power. But as to the States no similar provis ion exists vesting in Congress the pow er to make rules and regulations for them. The object of the second section of the bill is to afford discriminating pro tection to colored persons in the full enjoyment of all the rights secured to them by the preceding section. IL de clares that any person who under col or of any law, statute, ordinance, reg ulation or custom shall subject,or cause to be subjected, any inhabitant of any State or Territory to the deprivation of any right secured or protected by this act or to different punishment, pains or penalties, on account of such person having at any time been held in a condition of slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, or by reason of color or race, than is prescribed for the punishment of white persons, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and on conviction shall be punished by a fine not exceeding one thousanddoflars, or imprisonment not exceeding one year, or both, in the discretion of the court. This section seems to be de' signed to apply to some existing or u ture law of a State or Territory which may conflict with the provisions of the bill now under consideration. It pro vides fer.counteracting such forbidden legislation by imposing fine and im prisonment upon the legislator who may pass such conflicting laws, or up on the officer or agents who shall put or attempt to put them into execution. It means an official offense, not a com mon crime committed against law up on the person or property of the black race. Such an act may deprive the black min of his property, but not of his right to hold property. It means a deprivation of the right itself, either by the State judiciary' or the State Legislature. It is, therefore, assumed that under this section members of a State Legis lature, who should vote for laws con flicting with the provisions of the bill; that Judges of the State Courts Who should render judgments in antagonism with its terms, and that marshals and sheriffs who should, as ministerial offi cers, execute a process sanctioned by State laws, and issued by State judges in execution of their judgments, could be brought before our tribunals, and there subjected to fine and imprison ment for the performance of the duties which such State laws might impose. The legislation thus proposed invades the judicial power of the State. It says to every State court or judge, "if you decide this act is unconstitutional; if you refuse under the prohibition of a State law to allow a negro to testify; if you hold that, over such a subject matter, the said law is paramount, and under color of any State law,refuse the I exercise of the right to the negro,your error of judgment, however eonscien tious, shall subject you to fine and itm prisonment." I do not apprehend that conflicting legislation, which the bill seems to contemplate, is so likely to occur as to render it necessary at this time to adopt a measure of such doubt ful constitutionality. In the next place this provision of the bill seems to be unnecessary as adequate judi cial remedies could be adopted to se cure the desired end, without invading the immunities of Legislatures, always important to be preserved in the inter est of public liberty, without assailing the independence of the judiciary, al ways essential to the preservation of Ip,dividual rights, and without impair ing the efficiency of ministerial officers, always necessary for &the maintenance of public peace and order. The reme• dy proposed by this section seems to be in this respect, not only anomalous but unconstitutional, for the constitu tion guarantees nothing with certain ty, if it does not insure to the several States the right of making index ruling laws in regard to all matters arising within their jurisdiction, subject only to the restrictions in cases of conflict with the constitution and constitution al laws of the United States, the latter to be held as the supreme law of the land. The third section gives the District Courts of the - United States exclusive cognizance of all crimes and offenses committed against the provisions .of this act, and concurrent jurisdiction with the Circuit Courts 'of the United States of all civil and criminal cases affecting perso n s who are denied, or cannot enforce in the courts or judicial tribunal of the State, or locality where they may be, any of the rights secured to them by the first section. The con struction which I have, given to the second section makes clear what kind of denial or deprivation of rights so cured by the 'first section Was in con templation. It is a denial or depriva tion of such rights•in, the courts or ju dicial tribunals of the State. It stands, therefore, clear of' doubt that the oe fensa and the penalties provided in the second section arc intended for the State Judge, who in the clear exercise of his functions, as a Judge, not acting ministerially but judicially, shall de cide contrary to this federal law. In other words, when a Stato Judge ac ting upon a question involving a con flict between a State law and a Feder al law is involved, he must not follow the dictates of his own judgment, at the peril of fine and imprisonment. The legislative department of the Gov ernment of the United States thus takes from the judicial department of States, the sacred and exclusive duty of a ju dicial decision, and converts the - State Judge into a mere ministerial officer, bound to decide according to the will of Congress. - It is clear• that if, we deny to per. sons rights which aro secured by the first section of the bill, any one of those rights, all and civil eases affect ing them, will, by the provisions of the third section, conic under the exe cutive ognizance of the Federal tri bunals.' It follows, that if any State denies to a colored person any one of all those rights, and that person should commit a crime against the laws of a State—murder or any other crime— all protection and punishment through the courts of the State aro taken away, and be can only be tried and punished in the Federal courts. How is the criminal to be tried if the offense is provided for and punished by the Federal law, and that law and not the State law is to govern ? It is only when the offense does not happen with in the province of Federal law, that the State courts are to try and punish him. Under any other law, then, re sort is to be had to the common law, as modified and changed by state legis lation, so far as the same is not incon sistent. Over this vast domain crim inal jurisprudence is provided by each State for protection of its own citizens, and for the punishment of all persons who violated its criminal laws. Feder al law, wherever it can be made to ap• ply, displaces State law. The question here naturally Itrises,from what source does Congress derive the power to transfer to federal tribunals certain classes of cases embraced in this sec tion. • The constitution expressly declares that the judicial power of the 'CALM States shall extend to all cases in law and equity arising under the constitm tion and the laws of the United States and treaties made, or which shall be made under their authority; to cases affecting embassadors of other• public ministers and consuls; to all cases of admiralty and marine jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party; to controver sies between two or more States ; lie• tweon a State and citizen of another State; between citizens of different States; between citizens of the same State; claims of land under grants of different States, and between a State or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens or subjects. Here the judiciary power of the United States is expressly set forth and defined, and the act of September• 2,f, UV, estab lishing the judicial courts of the United States, and conferring upon the Feder. al, courts, jurisdiction over eases origi nating in State tribunals, is careful to confine to the classes enumerated in the above recited clause of the Consti tution. This section of. the bill undoubtedly comprehends cases and authorizes the exercise of powers that are not by the Constitution within the jurisdiction of the Courts of the United, States. To transfer them to those Courts would be an exercise of authority well calcu lated to excite distrust and alarm on the part of all the States, for the bill applies alike to all of them, as wdll to those that have as to those that have not been enßaged ia the rebellion. It may be assumed that this-authority is incident to the power granted to Con. gross by the Constitution as recently amended, to enforce by appropriate legislation 'the article declaring that neither slavery nor involuntary servi tude, except as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States or any place subject to th Arjur isdiction. It cannot, however, he just ly claimed that with a view to the ens forcemeat of this article of the Consti tution, there is at present any necessi ty for the exercise of all. the powers which this bill provides, Ibr slavery has been abolished, and at present nowhere exists within, the jurisdiction of the United States, nor has there been nor is it likely there will be any attempts to revive it by the people of the States. However, if any such at tempt shall be made, it will then be come the duty . of the General Govern ment to exercise any and all inciden tal powers necessary and protect and maintain inviolate this Government law of the freedmen. The fourth section of this bill pro— vides that officers and agents of the ' Freedmen's BllrCall, shall be empow crud to make arrests, and also that other officers may be specially commis sioned for that purpose by the Presi— dent of the United States. It also au thorizes thd Circuit Courts of the Uni ted States, and the Superior Courts of the Territories to appoint, without limitation, Commissioners who are to be charged with the performance of quasi-judicial ditties. The fifth section empowers the corn missionera be : selected by the court, to appoint, in writing, one or more sui• table persons froth time to time to exe cute warrants and other processes, de sirable by the bill. These, numerous officers and agents are made to consti tute a sort of police in addition to the military, and aro authorized to suhi mon a comitatus, and even to call to their aid such portion of the land and naval forces of the United States, or of the militia, as may bo necessary to the performance of the duty with which they are charged. This extra ordinary power is to be irresponsible to the Government, to the people, to whose number the thiseription of the Commissioners is the only limit, and in whose hands such authority might be made a terrible engine of wrong, _op pression and fraud. The general stat utes regulating the land and naval for ces of the United States,the militia,and the execution of the laws, aro believed to be adequate for any emergency which can occur in time-ofpeace. It it should prove otherwise, congress can at any time amend those laws in such manner as while subserving the pub lic wenre,not to jeopardize the rights, interests and liberties of the people. The seventh section provides that a fee of ten dollars shall be paid to each cominissioncr:in every case brought hp fore him,and a fee of five dollars to ids deputy or deputies for each person ho or they arrest and take before any such commissioner, with such other fees as may be deemed reasonable by such commissioner in general for per• forming such other duties as may be required in the premises. All these fees are to be paid out of the Treasury of the United States whether there is a conviction or not, but in case of con viction they are to be recoverable from the defendant. It seems to me that under the influence of such temptations bad men might convert any law, how ever beneficial, into an instrument of prosecution and fiend. By the eighth section of the bill,the United States Courts, which set only ono place for white citizens, must mi grate with marshals, district attornies and necessarily with the clerk, al though he is not mentioned in any part of the bill, upon the order of the President, and there hold a court for the purpose of the more speedy arrest and trial of persons charged with a violation of this act, and there the judge and officers of the court must re main upon the order of the President for the time therein designated. The ninth section authorizes the President and such persons as ho may empower for that purpose, to employ such part of the land or naval forces of the United States, or the militia as shall be necessary to prevent the exe cution of this act. This language seems to imply a permanent military force, that is to be always at hand, and whose only business is to be the en forcement of this measure over the vast region where it is intended to ope rate. I do not propose to consider the policy of this bill. To me the details of the bill are fraught with evil.. The white race and black race of the South have hitherto lived together under the relations of master and slave—capital owning labor. Now that relation is changed, and its to ownership, capital and labor are divorced. They stand now each master of itself. In this new relation, one being treasurer to the other, thorn will be a new - adjustment, which both are 'deeply interested in making harmonious. Each has equal power in settling terms, and if left to the laws that regulate capital and la bor, it is eonfident.y b6lieved that they . will satisfactorily work out the prob lem. Capital, it is true, has more in telligence, but labor is never so igno rant as not to understand its own in• Wrests, not to know its own value,ancr not to see that capital must pay that value. This bill frustrates this adjust ment. It intravenes between capital and labor, and attempts to settle ques• tions of political economy through the agency of numerous officers, whose in terest it will be to create discord be tween the two races, for as the breach widens, their employment will cons thine, and when it is closed, their oc cupation will terminate. In all our history, in nil our experience as a peo ple, living ender Federal and State laws, no such system as that contem• plated by the details ot. this bill, has ever before been proposed or adopted. They establish for the chloral race safeguards which go infinitely beyond any that the General Government has ever provided for the white race. In fact the distinction of race and color is by the bill made to operate in favor of the colored and against the white race. They interfere with the municipal legistation of the States with the rela tions existing exclusively between a State and its citizens, and between in habitants of some of the States, and allow an absorption and assumption of power by the General Government which, if acquiesced in, must stop and destroy our federal system of limited powers, and break down the barriers which preserwos the rights of the States. It is another step, or rather stride, towards the concentration of all legis ; lative powers in the National Govern. meat. The tendency of the bill must be to resuscitate the spirit of rebellion and to arrest the progress of those in fluences which are more closely draw ing around the States tho bonds of Union and peace. My lamented predecessor, in his proclamation of the Ist of January,lB6t3; ordered and declared that all persons held as slaves within certain States and parts of States herein designated were and thenceforth shauld be free, and further, that the Executive Gov vernment of the United States, inclu• ding the military and naval authori ties thereof, would recognize and main tain the freedom of such persons. This guaranty has been rendered especially obligatory and sacred by the amend ment of the Constitution abolishing slavery throughout the United States. It therefore fully recognizes the obliga tion to protect and defend that class of our people whenever and wherever it shall become necessary, and to the full extent compatible with the Constitu tion of the United States. Entertaining these sentiments, it only remains for me to say, that I will cheerfully cooperate with Congress in any measure that may be necessary for the preservation of the civil rights of freedmen, as well as those of all other classes of persons throughout the United States by judicial process, under equal and impartial laws, or conformably with the provisions of the Federal Constitution. I now return the bill to the Senate, and regret that in considering the bill and point resolutions, forty two in num. ber, which have been thus far submit ted for my approval, I am compelled to withhold my assent from a second measure that has received the sanction of both Houses of Congress._ _ _ (Signori,) ANDREW JOHNSON WASIIINOToN, March 27, 18G6, The President's Veto, We publish to day the President's vato of thq Civil Rights Bill—also a synopsis of the bill. We ask a careful and candid perusal of both. NEW ADVERTISEMENTS AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY. A regular meeting of the Huntingdon c)unty Ag ricultural Society will he hold in the Court House, ou Tuesday evening of the first week of the coming Apra Court (10th lust.) By order of the Society. [ap3.l It. 3I'DIVITT, Sec. i k . D.NIINISTIIAMORS' NOTICE. [Estate of Charlf, W. Hardy, deed.] Letters of administration upon the aitate of Charles W. hardy, late or Jackseo twp., deceased, having bean granted to the under , dgned, all persons indebted' to the estate still make payment, and these having claims will present theta for settlement. rtp3 Ot "AGENTS WANTED!" $17.5 PE It MONTH. SOMETIII NU ENTIRELY NEW. The Photograph Case and Family Record. This is a great opportunity for enterprising persona 'of energy to make money. It is an article of which the Public have felt the mitt. It ret..ila at a low price, nod its beady and utility Is universally acknowledged. The success Witten non attended its sates warrants the :MIR' once that one can he sold to almost every family. We ore prepared to show that we have agents who are clearing Slio every month. Address for circulars and Torino. RAYMOND S CO., Manufacturers,. apt-ins 614 Chestnut st., Philada. 7E3. ar. wi - mixorAatas;, No 16, Nth, 6111 st., I=l VENETIAN BLINDS and WINDOW SHADES The largest and fines ( elsorlnlcat In the city at the low est cash prices. ap-1.2m ria,6ture shaded mado and lettered. • VTANTED, AGENTS.—S7S fo $206 it mouth for 0. ntlemen, and $35 to $75 for La dies, everywhere, to introduce the Common Sense Family Siring Machine, improved and perfected. It will hem, fell, stitch, quilt, bind, braid and embroider beautifully. Price only $2O, making the elastic Ice e stitch, and fully warranted for three years. Wn pay the above wages, or a commission, from which. twice that ainalint eau he made. Address or call on C. DOWERS & CO. Moo, No 221 South Filth street, Philadelphia, Pa. letters answered promptly, with circulars and terms. ap3-lm CIANVASSERS WANTED at $2OO kjper month. We want reliable agents (none other,) male and &nude, to take the exclusive agency in every county and township in mho United States to sell the Pilo. tograph Family peanut, a work which every family will buy, It is bound like an album but has a printed blank page opposite each photograph: for a complete record of the husband, wife, and each child of a family; also con taining marriage certificate, and pages for military histo ry of any member of a family. Nothing like it ever pub lished and no work that agents Call sell so readily. Old canvassers aril others should send fur circulars and terms. It is necessary to have copies of the Work to canvass with; Price by express $2 50, $3 50 and $7 00 (3 style s); money may be sent by nmil. Name the townships wanted. Address BA ItIIbIISON & CO., 611 Chestnut st., Phila. E. REMINGTON & SONS, =I nr•lflesse. MUSKETS AND CARBINES,. For tbel.Taltsa States servico. A'so, POCKET AND BELT REVOLVERS, REPEATING PISTOLS, RIFLE CANES REVOLVING' RIFLES, 'Rifle and Shot Gun Barrels, and Gun Materials sold by Can llealats and tho trade wnierally. In these days of housebreaking nod robbery, every house, stose,lnink, and Wilco, should have ono of Remingtons' Revolvers. • Parties &siring to avail themselves Of the late im provements in pistols, and superior workmanship and. form, will find all combined in the new Remington Re volvers. Circulars containing cuts and description of our arms will be furnished on application. E. REMINGTON & SONS, Ilion, N. Y. Moons & ?simnel., Agents, N 0.40 Courtlandt at, New York. 4 "Etu.t114::)131.. T.T. persons - are hereby cautioned 2 - ngaimt harboring or trusting my 'trite, SUSAN JAN I.; DAVID. on my account, as I will not pay any bill contracted by her. March 21, 186011 0 • JACOB DAVID. - BRIDGE TO BUILD. Tile Masonry of tho Dridgo nt l;Tonnt Union will he let at the Ooniniissionors' office on WEDNESDAY, the 25th any of A L'lt The work will be let by the perch. Bidders aro roquo,toil to examine the place before handing in their proposals. There will ho two piers to build and to ho ranged work. .1011 N nousEIIOI4DER, JACOB NIILLER, }Coturs IV I. ADAM AIiFE, 340 RENVA RD.—Was stolen out Pof my store in llopewoll township, finial ng• thou county, on Sabbath night tho 4th of March. 1966, sun• dry articles of merchandise, consisting of part of ono piece of brown Morino with small ilowor, ono picco plaid eassimere, also dais:, Watches, 011015 detached lever with hunting:case, twit Cs I Wer e,capetnent, ono rifle gun. one extra violin, a let Of suspenders, n lot of silk handkers chief:, sitic robot braid, a lot of fancy trimming:, hotter, a lot of pen halves. one red photograph album, rhw, Iced pencils, and a variety of other articles of fancy goods. $l3 will be paid for the recovery of fhb goods, and $2O for the apprehension of the thief or thieves, or $lO for both. DAVID WEAVER. FRESH FLOWER and GARDEN SEEDS FOR SALE AT LEWIS' BOOK STORE IVIILNWOOD ACADEMY. A SCHOOL FOR YOUNG LADIES and GENTLEMEN The next s.ssion of this Institution will open on TUE 3. GAY, the 10th of APRIL, and continue a term of eleven weeks. The lo,v'tt villa ou which students will he accom, thodatell, together with the healthy location of the insti tution, the few induConents to vice and e . xtravagance, and the strict literal character of the surFound g Impaln tioe—all conspire to give it a Welded advantage over similar Institutions and make it a desirable place for the training of youth. • • TERMS. Boarding, Tuition and Room Rent, por session of eleven weeps 545,00 Latin, Greek, Music, Ac., extra. - For lot ther parlicalars, address, W. A. HUNTER, Principal, mlll.l-1t Shade Gap, Iluntingdon co., Pa. ALLEGIIEN'r MALE AND FEMALE SEMINARY, RAINSBURG, Buovolto CouNTy, PA Reanes.l Principals a2