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roc 61,0ir.
HUNTINGDON, PA.
A HIGHLY IMPORTANT SPEECH
BY PRESIDENT JOHNSON,
He Reiterates his Views on the Re-
construction of the Union.
.ffis Policy Intended to Restore all Me
States to their Original 'lltelotions.
Thaprineipal Traitors to be punished.
Theft)Hewing is the speech delivered
by the President in Washington, on
the 22d of February, 1866:
FELLOW-CITIZENS:—For I presume
I have a right to address you as such,
I come to tender to you my sincere
thanks for'the approbation expressed
by your committee in their personal
address, and in the resolutions sub
mitted by them, as having been adop
ted by the meeting which has been'
held in this city to day. TheseresOlu
tions, as I understand Gam, are corn.
plimentary to the policy_ which has
been adopted by the Administration,
and Which has been steadily pursued
since it-came into power. lam free
to . say to you on this occasion, that it
is extremely gratifying to mo to know
that so largo a portion of my follow
citizens approve and endorse the poli:
cy which has been adopted, and which
it is my intention shall be carried out.
[Great applause.] That policy is ono
which is intended - to restore all the
States to their original relations to the
Federal Government of the .U. States.
This seems to be a day peculiarly ap.
propriato for such a manifestation.—
It is the day that gave birth to that
man who, more perhaps than other,.
founded this Government. It is the
day that gave birth to the Father of
our Country. 'lt is the day that gave
birth to him who presided over that
body which framed the Constitution
under which all the States entered,
and to this glorious Confederacy such
a day is peculiarly appropriate fbr tho
indorsement of a policy whoSe object
is the restoration of the union of the
States as it was designed by the Fath
er of his Country. (Applause) Wash
ington, whose name this city bears,
is emblemed in the hearts of all who
love free government. Washington,
in the language of his eulogist, was
firStin war, firatift - pe - RY,Ttliaf}i`eE in
the hearts of his countrymen. No-peo
ple can claim him, no 'nation can-ap
propriato him. His reputation is com
mensurate with the civilized world,
and his name is the common property
of all those who love free government.
To day I had the pleasure of a visit
froth these persons who have been de
voting their efforts to the completion
of the monument which is being erect
ed to his name. I was proud to meet
them, and, so far as I could, to give
them my - influence and countenance in
aid of the work they have undertaken.
That monument,. which is being erect
ed to him whom I may say founded
the Government, is almost within a
stone's throw of the spot from which
I address you. Let it be completed
[Applause.] Lot those various blocks
which the States and individuals and
associations and corporations have put
in that monument as pledges of their
love for this Union bo preserved, and
lot the work be.accomplished. In this
connection, let me refer to the block
.from my own State,
God bless her!
which has struggled for the preserva
tion of this Union, in the fields and in
the colleens of the nation, and which
is now struggling to renew her rela
tions with - this Government that were
interrupted by a fiiarfuf rebellion. She
is now struggling to renew those
Lions, and take her stand whore she
had ever steed since 1796 until this re
bellion broke out. [Groat applause.]—
Let me repeat the sentiment that that
State has inscribed upon the stone
which she has deposited in that monu
ment of freedom which is being raised
in commemoration of Washington.—
She is struggling to got back into the
Union, and to stand by the sentiment
which is thereon inscribedrand she is
willing to sustain it. What is it? It
is the sentiment which was enunciated
by her distinguished son, the immortal
the illustrious Jackson, "The Federal
Union—it must be preserved." [Great
applause.] If it were possible for the
old man, whose statue stands before
me and whose portrait is behind me,
in the Executive Mansion, and whose
sentiment is thus preserved in that
monument in your vicinity,to he called
forth from the grave; or if it were pos
sible to communicate with the spirit of
the. iih , - 4 2. - iett9. dead. and 'make him
understand the progress of faction and
r:;lsc3lllen and treason, he would turn I
over in his coffin, and
_shaking off the I
habiliments of the tomb, would again
stand erect, and reiterate that senti
ment
originally expressed by him on a
memorable occasion, "The Federal
Union—it must be preserved." [Great •
applause.] We have witnessed what
has transpireisince hie day. In 1833,
when treason and treachery, and infi
delity to the Government and Conr.ti
talon Of the United States, stalked
tOrth in the land, it was his power and
that crushed the serpent in
its incipiency.' The movement was
then stopped, but only for a time.
'The same spirit of disaffection contin
ued. There were men disaffected to
the Government both in the North and
in the South. There :7 AS in - a portion
of Ilie Union a peculiar institution of
whiA some complained, and to \V hieh
therti were attached. One portion of
oar i;ountymen in the Smith sustained
that insLitutior. while anuthcr portion
in the Nettli opposed it. The result
was the frination of extreme parties,
, ffle especially in the ::,'euth Ivhich
point at whirl: it was pro•
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WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
VOL, XXL
pared to dissolve the union of the
States for the purpose, as was said, of
securing and preserving that peculiar
institution. There was another por
tion of our countrymen who wore op
posed to it, and who wont to such an
extreme that they were willing to
break up the Government in order to
get rid of that institution which was
peculiar to the South. I say these
things because I desire to talk-plainly
and in familiar phraseology. I assume
nothin. b here to-day beyond the posi
tion of a citizen—one who has been
pleading for his country and the pres
ervation of the Constitution. (Immense
cheering.) These two portions were
arrayed against each other, and I
- stand here before you for the" Union
•to,day, as I stood in the Senate of the
United States in 1860 and 1861 for the
Union. I mot there those who were
making war upon the Constitution—
those who wanted to break and de—
stroy the Government—Lend I denoun
ced them in my place, then and there,
and exposed their true character. I
said that these mon who were engaged
in the work of breaking up the v
erment, were traitors. I have never
ceased on all proper occasions to re—
peat that sentiment, and, as fhr as my
efforts could go, I have endeavored to
carry it out. , (Great applause.) I have
just remarked that there were two par
ties, one of which was for destroying
the Government and separating the'
Union in order to preserve slavery and
the other for breaking up the Govern
ment to destroy slavery. True, the
objects which they sought to accom
plish were different, so far as slavery
was concerned. but they agreed in the
desire'to break up the Government,
the thing to which I have always been
opposed, and whether disunionists
come from the south or from the north,
I stand now, as I did then, vindicating
the uniontoi the States and the Con
stitution of my. coon try. (Tremendous
applause.) When the. rebellion and
treason manifested themselves in the
South I stood by the Government. I
said then that I was for the Union
with slavery—or I was for the Union
without slavery. In either alternative
I was for my Government and its con
stitution. The government has stretch
ed forth its strong arm, and with its
physical power it has put down treas
on in the field. The section of the
country which then arrayed itself
against the national Government has
been put down by the strong arm.--
tau
originated? We said "No compro ,
misc." You yourselves in the South
can settle this question in eight and
forty hours. I said again and again,
and I repeat it now—disband your ar
mies in the South, acknowledge the
supremacy of the Constitution of the
United States, acknowledge the duty
of obedience to the laws, and the whole
question is settled. What has been
done since their armies have been dis•
banded, and they come forward now
in a proper spirit and say, "We were
mistaken; we made an effort to carry
out the doctrine of secession and to
dissolve this Uuion,and we have failed.
We have carried this doctrine to its
logical results,and we find that we were
mistaken. We-acknowledge the flag
of our country, and are willing to obey
the Constitution, and to yield to the
supremacy of the laws," Coming in
that spirit, I say to them : "When you
have complied with the requirements
of the Constitution, when you have
yielded to the law, when you have ac
knowledged your allegiance to the
Constitution, I will, so far as I can,
open the door of the Union to those
NO() had erred and strayed from the
fold of their fathers for a time." (Great
applause.)
Who has suffered mOrehy the rebel
lion than I have,? I shall not repeat
the story of the- wrongs and the suffer
ings inflicted upon me; but the spirit
of revenge is not the spirit in which to
deal with a whole people. I know
there has been a great deal said about
the exercise of the pardoning power.
So far as your Executive is concerned
there is no ono who has labored with
more earnestness than myself to have
the principal, intelligent and conscious
traitors brought to justice, the law
vindicated,and the groat fact judicious
ly established that treason is a crime.—
(Applause.) But while anxious that
leading and intelligent traitors should
be runished, should whole communi
ties and States and people be made to '
submit to the penalty of death? No,
no. I have perhaps as much asperity
and as much resentment as men ought
to have; but we must reason in great
matters of government about man as
he is. We must conform our actions
and our conduct to the example of
who founded our holy religion. Not
that I would make such a eoniparisen
on this occasion in any personal aFTeet
I came into this place under the Con
stitution of the country and by the up.
probation of the people, and what did
I End? I foUnd eight millions of peo
ple who were in fact condemned under
• the law, and the penalty was death.
Was I to yield to the spirit of revenge
and resentment, and declare that they
should be annihilated and destroyed ?
Now different would this have been
from the example set by the holy foun
der of our religion, the extreme points
of whose divine arch rests upon the
horizon, and whose span embraces the
universe-he who founded this groat
scheme came into the world and found
man condemned under the law, and
his sentence was death. What -was
his example ? Instead of condemning
the world or oven a nation to death,
he died upon the cross, attesting by
his wounds and his blood that he died
that mankind might live. • Let those
who have erred ritent—let them ac
knowledge their allegiance—let 'thorn
become loyal, willing supporters and
defeuders cf nor glorious stripes and
stars. and of the Constitution of our
. _
,
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HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, MARCH 7, 1866.
country. - -let the leaders, the conscious
intelligent traitors, be punished and
subjected to the penalties of the law;
but to tho great mass, who have been
forced into this rebellion, in many in•.
stances, and in others have been mis
led, I say extend leniency, kindness,
trust and confidence. (Great applause:
. A.ly countrymen, when look back
over the history of the rebellion, I
trust I am not vain when I ask you if
I have not given as much evidence of
my devotion to the Union as some who
croak a great deal about it. When I
look back over the battle fields of the
rebellion, I think of the many brave
men in whose company I was. I can
not but recollect that I was sometimes
in placos where the contest was most
difficult and the result most doubtful.
But almost before the smoke has pas
sed away, almost before the blood that
has been shed has sunk into the earth
—before the bodies of the slain have
passed to their native dust—what do
we now find? The rebellion has been
put down by the strong arm of the
Government in .the field, but is that
. the only way in which you can have
rebellion ? One struggle was against
an attempt to dissever the Union; but
almost before the smoke of the battle.
field has passed away—before our
brave men have all returned to their
homes and renewed the tics of affec
tion and love to their wives find their
children, we find almost another rebel.
lion inaugurated. We put down the
fernier rebellion in order to prevent
the separation of the States, to prevent
them from flying off, and thereby
changing the character of our Govern.
meet and weakening its power. But
when that struggle on our part has
been successful, and that attempt has
been put down, we find now an effort
to concentrate all power in the hands
of a few at tho Federal head, and
thereby bring about a consolidation of
the government, which. is equally ob.
jectionable with a separation. (Vocif.
erous applause.) Wo find that pow
ers are assumed and attempted to be
exercised of a most extraordinary cha
racter.. It seems that Governments
may be revolutionized—Governments
at least may be changed without going
through the strife o?battle. I believe
it is a fact attested in history that
sometimes revolutions most disastrous
to a people are effected without the
shedding.of blood. The substance of
your Government may be taken away
while the form and the shadow remain
_
We find that in point of fact nearly all
the powers of the Government are as
sumed by an irresponsible central di
rectory, which does not even consult
the legislative or the executive depart
ments of the Government. By resolu
tions reported from a committee in
whom it. seems that practically the
legislative power is now vested, that
great principle of the Constitution
which authorizes and empowers each
branch of the legislative department,
the Senate and the House of Represen
tatives, to judge for itself of the elec.
tions, returns, and qualifications of its
own members, has been virtually taken
away from the two branches of the le.
gislative department of the Govern.
ment, and conferred upon a joint com
mittee, who must report before either
House can act under the Constitution
as to accepting the members who are
to take their scats as Component' parts
of the respective bodies. By this rule
it is assiimed that'llaere must be laws
passed recognizing a State as being in
the Union, or its practical relations to
i the Union as restored, before tho re
spective Houses under the constitution
can judge of the elections, returns and
qualifications of their own members.
What a position is that ! You strug
gled for four years to put down a re
bellion. You denied iu the beginning
of the struggle that any State could go
out of the Union. You said that it had
neither the right nor the power to do
so. The issue was made and it has
been settled that the States had neith
er the right nor thg power ,to go
out of the Union. With what con
sistency,, after it has been' settled by
the military arm of the Government
and by the public judgment that the
States had no right to go out of the
Union, can any one now turn round
and assume that they are out, and that
they shall not come to ? lam free to
say to you as your Executive. that I
am not prepared to take any such
position. [Great applause.]
I said in the Senate in the very ineep•
Lion of this rebellion that the States
had no right to go out. I asserted, too,
that they had no power 'to go out.
That question has been settled, and it
being settled, I cannot turn around
now and give the lie direct to all that
I have professed, and all I have done
for the last five yes.r. ..[A I . l , lensi
When these who rebelled comply will
the Constitution, when they give suf
ficient evidence of loyalty, when they
can be trusted, when they yield obedi•
once to the law that you and I ac
knowledge, I say extend to them the
right hand of fellowship, and let peace
and union be restored. [Tremendous
applause]. I fought traitors and trea
son in the South ; I opposed the Da
vises, the Toombes, the Slidells, and a
long list of others, which you can read
ily fill Without my repeating the
mums. Now, when I turn round and
at the other end of the line find men—
I care not by what name you call
them—who will stand opposed to the
restoration of the Union of these States,
I am free to say to yea that I am still
in the field. [Great applause l. lam
still for the preservation of the Union.
•I am still in fitvor of this great Gov
eminent of ours going on and filling
out its destiny. [Great applause.]
Voices—Give IN three of these names
at the other end.
Tho Preoident —I. am called upon to
nano threo at the other end of the lino.
lam talking to my fricuda and . . • ...
-PERSEVERE.-
citizens who aro interested with mo
in this Government, and I presume
1 am free to mention to you Ihe names
of those whom I look upon as being
opposed to the fundamental principles
of this Government, and who are la•
boring to destroy it.
Voices—" Name them who are
they ?"
The President—You ask me who
they are? I say Thaddeus Stevens,
of Pennsylvania ' is one; I say Mr.
Sumner, of the Senate, is another, and
Wendell Phillips is another. [Long
continued applause].
Voices—" Give it to Forney."
The President—ln reply to thatd
will simply say I do not waste my am
munition upon dead ducks. [Great
laughter and applause]. I stand for my
country: I stand for the Constitution.
There I havo always placed myself
from my advent in public life, They
may traduce, they may. slander me,
they may vituperate me, but let me
say to you all this has no influence up
on me. [Great applause]. Let me say
further, that I do not intend to be
overawed by real or pretended friends,
nor do I mean to be bullied by my
enemies. .[Tremendous applause].
Honest-conviction is my courage. The
Constitution is my guide. I know,my
countrymen, that it has been insinuas
ted, it has been said directly in high
places, that if such a usurpation of
power as I am charged with'had been
exercised some 200 years ago, in a par
ticular reign, it would have cost an in,
diVidual his head. [Great laughter].
Of what usurpation has Andrew John
son been guilty? None; none. Is it a
usurpation to qtrind. between the peo
ple and the encroachments of power T
Because, in a conversation with a' fel,
low citizen who happened to be a Sen
ator, I said that, I thought amendments
to the Constitution ought not be so
frequent ; that if it was continually
tampered With, it.would lose its press
tige and dignity, and the old instru
ment would be lost sight of altogether
in a short time, and because in the
Same conversation I happened to say
that if it were amended at all, such
and such an amondment ought to be
adopted, it was charged that I was
guilty of an assumption of power that
would have cost a king his head in a
certain period of English history.
[Great laughter]. From the same
source the exclamation has gone forth
that they were in the midst of earth
quakes, that they were trembling and
qtrffik - c --
coming; there is a grand swelling of
popular judgment and indignation.
[Great applause]. The American peo
ple will speak, and by their instinct, if
not otherwise, they will know who are
their friends and who aro their cue
mies. I have endeavored to be true to
to the people in all the positions which
I have occupied, and there is hardly
a position in this Government which
I have not at some time filled. I
suppose it will be said that this is
vanity [laughter]; but I may say that
I have been in all of them, and I have
been' in both branches of the State
Legislature. -
A Voice—You commenced "a tailor.
Tlio President—A. gentleman behind
me says that 1 began a tailor. Yes, I
did begin a tailor that[applause], and at
suggestion does not disturb me in the
least, for when I was a tailor I had the
reputation of being a good one; and of
making close fits: [Laughter]. And I
was always punctual to my customers
and did good work. [Applause].
Yokes—We will patch up the Union
yet.
The ,President—No ! Ldo not want
any patchwork - of it. I want the orig.
inal article restored. [Great applause].
But enough of this raillery. I knovil it
may be said, Yon aro President, and
you must not talk about these things;
but, my follow-citizens, I intend to
talk the truth, and when principle is
involved, when the existence of my
country is in peril, I hold it to be my
duty to speak what I think and what
I feel, as f have always done on for
mer occasions. (Great applause). I
have said it has been declared else
where that I was guilty of usurpa+ion
which would have cost a king his head,
and in another place I have been de
nounced for "whitewashing." When
and where did I over whitewash any
thing or anybody ? I have been an
Alderman of a town; I have boon in
both branchesof tho Legislature of my 1 ,
State; I have been in both Houses of
the National Congress; I have been at
the head of the Executive Department
of my State; I have been Vice Presi
dent of the United States; and I am
now in the position which I occupy
before you, and during all this time
where is the Than and where is any
~.•fortiOn of the people who can say that
ANDREW Tonssofsz cver made a pledge
which he did not redeem, or thrall°
ever made a promise which he violated.
None ! none ! Point me to the man who
can say that ANDREW JOUNSON over
acted with infidelity tc the groat mass
of the people. (Great applause). lon
may talk about beheading and about.
usurpation, but when am beheaded I
want the American people to be the
witness. I do not want it done by in.
itendoes and indirect remarks, in high
places to be suggested to men who have
assassination brooding in their bosoms
Others have exclaimed that the presk
dentist ob-taele must be gotten out of
the way. Wf.at is that but (I inalre
use of a strong word) inciting to assass
ination Am the Opponents , of tho
GoVernment not yet satisfied ? Are
those who want to destiny our institu•
tions, and to change the character. of
the Government, not yet satisfied with
the quantity of blood that has heeii
shed ? Aro they not satisfied with ono
martyr in this place? Does not the
blood of I,lNcoi.r4 appease their ven—
geance and their wrath ? Is 'their fliir6t
still unsatiated ? Do they still want
more blood? Have they not honor and
courage enough to seek to obtain the
end otherwise than by the hand of an
assassin 7- I am 'not afraid of an assas
sin attacking me where alone brave
and courageous men will attack
.an•
other. .1 only dread him when in dis
gUise, and where his footstep is.. noise;
less. If they. want blood,let them have
the courage to strike like men. I know
they aro "willing to wound, yet afraid
to strike." If my blood is to be shed
because I vindicate the Union and in
sist on the preservation of this Gov
ernment in its original purity, legit be
shed out; let an altar to the Union' be
first erected, and then, if necessary;
take me and lay me upon it, and the
blood that now warms and animates
my existence shall be poured out as
the last libation as a tribute to the un
ion of the States: (Great applause).
But let the opponents of this Govern
ment remember when it is found .out
that the blood of the martyrs is the
seed of the Church. This Union will
grow and it will continue to increase
in strength and power though it may
bd cemented and cleansed in blood. • I
have already spoken to you longer
than I intended when I came out. ("Go
on"). I merely intended to make my
acknowledgements for the honor you
have done me, but before.l close allow
me to say a word in regard to the
question of amendings to the Consti
tution of the United States. Shortly
after I reached Washington for the
purpose of being inaugurated as Vico ,
President of the United States, I had
a conversation with Mr. LINCOLN in
regard to the condition of tiffairg ; we
talked particularly in reference to mat
ters in my. own State. I told him 'that
we called a' conVention ; that wo had
amended the Constitution; that we had
abolished slavery in that State, which
was not included in his Emancipation
Proclamation. All these things met
his approbation,
.and ho gave mo words
of encouragement; we talked _then
about affairs generally, and- upon the
stubject of amendments to tho Consti—
tution of the United States; he said to
me "When the amendment of the Con
stitution now proposed is adopted by
three-fourths of the States, I Am pretty
near thine, or, indeed, -quite done, in
favor of amendirig the Constitfitlon, if
there' was ono other adopted." I asked
him—" What is that; Mr. President?"
He said—"l have labored to preserve
this Union. I have toiled during the
four years I have been subjected to
.
91+1Xtr'Ittorm-o-•
_ .
servo these States - intact under -the
Constitution as they wore before. I
asked him again, Mr. President, what
amendment is that which you would
propose? Why, said he; it is that
there should be an amendMent added
to the Constitution which would com
pel the States to send their Senators
and Representatives to the Congress
Of the United states. (Great applauSe).
The idea Was in his mind that as a part
of the doCtrine of secession, ono of thO
means to break up this Government
was that the States, if they saw fit,
might withdraw their Senators and
Representatives, or refuse to elect
them. He wanted even to remove that
difficulty by a constitutional amend
ment compelling the States to send
Senators and Representatives to Con.
grass. But what do we now find ? The
Constitution of the country, oven that
portion of it which allows amendment
to the organic law; expressly provides
that no State,
without its consent,shall
be deprived of its suffrage and it also
provides that each State shalt have at
least one. Representative in the House
of Representatives ; .but yet the posi
tion is taken that certain States can
not be represented. Wo impose taxes
I upon them; wo send our tax•gatberers
into every region and portion of the
States. Tho People aro fit subjects of
Government for the collection of taxes,
but they ask to participatO in She tog,
islation of the country they are met at
the door and told, No, yOtt must pay
taxes; you ;mist boar the hardens of
the Government, but not participate in
its legislation, that legislation which is
to affect you through all time to come.
Is this just? Is it fair? No! no !!I
repeat, I am for the Union ; I am'for
preserving all the States: I ant for
admitting into the counsels of the na
tion all their Representatives who are
unmistakably and unquestionably loyal.
'A man who acknowledges allegiance
to the Government and who swears to
support the Constitution must neces
sarily be loyal. A man cannot take
that oath in good faith unless he is
loyal. A mere amplification of the
oath makes no difference as to the.prin
ciplo. Iti hatever test is thought prop
er as evidence and as proof of loyalty
is a more matter of detail, about which
I care nothing• ' hut let a man be un
miztakokly anct unrestionably loyal,
let him acknowledge allegiance to - the
Constitution of the United States, and
be willing to support the Government
in its hour of peril and its hour of
need,. and I. am willing to trust him.
(Applalisej - : I knOW that some do not
attach as mach importance to this
point as 'I do, but I regard it as funda
mental.
One principle thatearried us through
the P.evoletien was that there should
be uo taxation Without representation.
hold to - that' principle, which was
laid down as funditiMental by our fa—
thers. If it'wes good than it is good
now. Ii it was worth standing by then
it is worth standing by now. Ids funda
mental, and shold be observed as long
as free government lasts. I am aware
that in the midst of the rebellion it
was said by some that; the Constitution
had been rolled up as a piece of parch
ment and laid • away ; that in time of
War alid‘robellion there was no consti•
tution. We know that sometimes in
great necessities, under emergencies,
unconstitutional things must neeessa ri•
bo done • in order to preserve the
TERNS, $2,00 a year in advanep.
Constitution itself:, But if, while - the
rebellion was going on, the Constitu—
tion was roiled up and laid . away; if it
was violated in some, particulars in or
der to save the Government, and all
may be excused and justified, because
in saving the Government you really
saved the Constitution; now that peace
has come, now that the war is over,
wo want again the benefit of a Written
Constitution, and I say the time has
corne to take the Constitution down,
to unroll it—to rcu-read it to underitand,
its provisions thoroughlY. And now,
in order to save the Goverment, we
must preserve . the Constitution. Our
only safety is in a strict, adherence to
And proservatio%of the Constitution
of our fathers. It is now unfolded.
It mustnow he road—it must now be
digested and understood by the Ameri
can people. I . am hero today, thOn,
in making these remarks, to vindicate
the Constitution and to save it, as I
believe, for-it does seem as if encroach
ment after encroachment is proposed
upon it. As far as I can, I have ever
resisted encroachments upon the Con
stitution, and I stand prepared to re—
sist .them to day, and thereby to pre
serve tiM . Constitution and Govern
ment of the United States. [Applause].
It is now a time of peace, and lot us
have peace; let us enforce the Consti
tution; let us live under and according
to its provisions.—Let it be published
in blazing characters, as though it
wore in the heavens and punctuated
by the stars, so that all can understand
it. Lot is consult that: instrument
and guided by its provisions. Lot us
understand them, and understanding
them abide by them.
I tell opposors of this government,
I care not from what quarter they
come, East or West, North or South,
"You that aro engaged in the work of
breaking up the Government aro mis
taken. The Constitution of the United
States. and the principles of free Gov
erninent aro deeply rooted in the
Anierican heart, - and all thopowers
combined cannot,destroy that great in
strument—that great chart of free
doin. Their attempts, though they
may scam to succeel, for a time, will
be futile. They might as well under
take to look up the winds or chain the
waves of the ocean and confine them
within limits; they might as well un—
dertake to repeal tho Constitutiomand,
indeed, it seems now to bo supposed
that it can be repealed by a concurrent
resolution [laughter]; bat when. the
these mon will find that they might
just us well iutrodnce a resolution to
repeal the law of gravitation; tlio at
tempt to keep this I.Tnion froth being
restored is just about as feasible as
would be resistance to the great law
of gravitationovidela hinds all to a com
mon centre. Thi3 groat law of politic
al gravitation will bring back these
States, and replace them in all their
relations to the Federal Government.
Cliques and cabals and conspira
cies and machinations, North or Smith,
cannot prevent this great consumma
tion. :[Tremendous applause]. • All
that is wanted is time. Let tho Ameri
can people got to understand what is
going on, and they will soon ,manifest
their determination. By way of eieln
mation, Jet me say that I would to God
the whole American periple.could be
assembled here to day as you are. T .
wish there was a vast amphitheatre
hero capacious enough to sustain the
whole thirty millions, and they could
witness the great struggle going on to
preserve the Constitution of their fa
thers. They would soon settle the
question if they could once see how
things are ; if they could see the kind
of spirit that is manifested in the ef
fort to break up the real principles of
free government. When they come t,o
understand who was for them and who
against them ; w 1142 was for aineliora•
ting their condition and who for ele%
witting them by preserving their Gov
ernment, if the combatants could stand
before them, and there could be reg
ular set to between the respective gla.
diatoms, in the first tilt that might be
made you would find that the enemies
of the countafy would be crushed, and
tho people would sustain its friends
and the friends-of constitutional liber
ty. [Great-cheering]. My fellow citi
zens, I have detained you much longer
than I intended.—["Go on,go on"]. But
we aro in
. a groat struggle, and I am
your instrument, and I bailie thought
it best to express myself frankly.
When, 1 ask you, have I usurped au
thority ? Who id there in this coun
try I have not toiled and labored for ?
Where is the man or the woman, eith•
or in private life or public life, that has
not always received my attention and
my time ? Sometimes it has been said
—pardon me for being a little egotisti
cal. but we are . engsged in a friendly
and aonvergation;---that SOUN.
SON is a lucky man. [Laughter]. They
can never defeat him. [Laughter.]
Now I will tell you what constitutes
ivod luck. It is n (Ming riht and
being fin; the people. i [Great App g lause].
The people somehow or other, al--
though their sagacity and good judg
ment arc very frequently underrated
and underestimated, generally get to
find out and understand who is.for
them and who in against them. They
do it by instinct, if in no other way.
They know who is the friend; they
know in whom they can confide. So
far, thank God- L can lay my hand up.
on my bosom, and state with heartfelt
satisfaction that in all the positions in
which I hate been placed—and I have
been placed in many that were as try
ing as any in which mortal man has
ever been placed- 1 have never deser
ted them, nor do I belieVe they will
desert me. [NO, no, and applause].
Whom have f betrayed, what princi
ple have I violated, what- sentiment
have I swerved from ; can those who
assail me - their fingcr upon apy
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• VO.STETt9,
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BALL TICKETS.
LABELS, &C., &C., &p,
NO. 86.
CALL AND PEAMINE OPECIBICOO OP WOOF, •
AT LEWIS' BOOK, STATIONERY k MUSIC , nolum
_ .
ono 7 No, no, in all the
. spoechee that
have been made, no olio has" datca'o l
put his finger upon a single principifl
I ever assorted from which I have de
viated. Have you not beard some of
them at some time attempt to quote
my predecessor who fell a martyr to
his country's cause, but they can giVB
no sentiment of his that is in opposi
tion or in contradiction, tip anything
that I have done. The , very policy ;
thitt I am now pursuing was plirsiled
by me under his acninistration—l
having been appointed by him in a
particular
. position for that very pure_
pose. An inscrutable Providence saw
proper to remove hitn from ON tij; I
trust, a better world, and I came into
his piano, and there is tiot'o,
of his in roferdrie:e to the fostaration of
the Unitm from which 1 have departed,
None. Then tbo war is pot simply,
m me, but it is upon my proticcess:-
or also. I have tried to do my duty.
I knovi that some are envious and
jealous, and speak of the White House,
as having attractions for thoPreskient . .
Let me say to you, the charms 06,
White Icouso, have as lialo influence
upon nie as upon any individual in this
country, and much loss upon me than
upon thoso who are talking about it.
The little that I oat and wear does not
amount to much, and the differencei
between what is enough to sustain mo
and my little family. It is very small;
for I am not kin to many folks by con=
sanguinity, though by affinity I am.
akin to everybody. The difference
bet Ween the little that suffices for my
stomAch and back,' and more than
enough, has no chums for me. The
proud and conscious satisfaction of
having performed My, duty to my
country, to my children and to the
inner man, is or On reward that I
ask. [Groat applause].
' In conclusion, let mo ask this vast
concourse hero to-day, this sea of up
turned' faces, to come with me, or I
will go with yon, and stand around
the Constitution of our Country. It hi
again unfOlddd. The people are invi
ted to read and understand, to sustain
and maintain its provisions. " Let us
stand by the Constitution of our fath:
ors, though the heavens should fall,
though factions should rage, triougli
taunts and jeers may come, though
abuse and vituperation may be pour
ed oat in the most virulent form. T .
mean to be found standing by the Con
stitution of my country. Stand by.
the Constitution aslho chief arlt• of our '
as a mariner
vllhr 'ht
;o It,
Clank
plank, when th,
close around him.
Accept my thanks, my countrymen,
for the indulgence you have extended
to me while submitting, to you-extenn
poraneously, and'perhaps incoherently
the remarks which I have now-made.
Lot us go away forgetting the past
and looking to the future, resolved,
,to
endeavor to restore our GovernMent
to its pristine purity, trusting "in llirrs;
who is on high, but who controls all
here helow, that ere long. our Union
will be restored, and that we shall hard
peace not only. with .all the nation 'of
the earth, but peace and good will
among all parts. of the people of the
United States. I thank you for the'
respect you have manifested to me on
this occasion, and if the, time shal(
come during the period of my-exist
ence when this country is to be. de
stroyed and its Government overturn-,
ed,if you will look outyou will find thq
humble individual who stands 'before
you there with you endeavoring to,.
avert its final destruction.
Lar "No visible means of supportv.
makes a man a vagabond in the eyes
of thb lavi; but them will be no more
vagabonds ir thoy will all adopt the
calling of a Frenchman who..was ar
raigned for ono.. • .
"You are a loafer sir," said the judge;
"a man without a calling." ,
".1_ beg your pardon, your honor, I
have a vocation." ' •
"What is it?"
"I smoke glasses for eclipses, but
just now it is our dull season."
A IT-To.--"Pa," said an interest
ing juvenile the other day to Lis indul
gent• sire—"Pa, haven't I got a veto as
well as the President ' •
c'No, my child." ' •
"Yes, I•havc, I'a; my fifth toe is a
V-toe, I reckon."
"Take that child to his riother- , -7. ;
he's ruined!"
ON A Luta,---"tdOn't like to patrort
ize this lino," said a culprit to a batik
man.
"Oh, novel...mind this onco," was tho
reply; "it will soon suspend its opera:
tion."
ra,,Tho followinestanza Was writ.
Len On Cue *lllll.ll :ago tit Ilpubpu
and Matilda Clieocus:
"At length she seized the proffered prize :
X happy one (bailey° us),
Tor matrimony bad made Ler Wise—
Befero she.was Miss Cheevus."
X"S hail I. •paint your cheeks for,
you, wife'?"
,"No,busband, you have done it. often
enough by making mo blush for you!!
is novor to late too mend," as
the old lady said when Rho sat up un
til 12 midnight to darn boy husband's
stockings, .
se- NV is . a hat ins& of beaver
like kind that always yiolds fine Grope?
Peeauso it may b called fertile--fur
tile.
-
Yir e the cat's awatils peek
finds it diflicult . to explain how tho
cold meat goes.
ikay- Thu pitcher g 0.33 often to weit,
but Elio latter hair never ioen it'inorn
to return the call .
BILL lIEADS,
the tAMPCEit
ELM
M