Eljc lobe.
HUNTINGDON, PA.
W. Lewis, Editor and Proprietor
Hugh Lindsay, Associate Editor.
-Wednesday morning, Feb. 28, 1866.
Union State Convention.
A State Convention will be held in
the Hall of the House of Representa
tives, in Harrisburg, Pa., on Wednes
day the.Beverith.day of March, A. D.
1866, at 12 o'clock, M.,
for the purpose
of nominating a .candidate for Gover
nor, to bo supported by the friends of
the Union.
The ordeal of war has tried the
strength of our Government. Its fire
has purified the nation. The defence
of the nation's life has demonstrated
who Were its friends. The principles
vindicated in the field must bo"Preser
yed in the councils of the nation. The
arch enemy of freedom must be struck
Once more. All the friends of our
Government, and all who were loyal
to the cause of the Union, in our late
struggle, are earnestly requested to
unite in sending delegates to represent
them in said Convention.
- .
By order. of the Union State Central
Committee. JOHN CESSNA,
GEO. W lIAMERSLEY,
Socretaries
A. W. BENEDICT, .
Congress and the President.
We have read the speeches of the
President and Mr. Seward, and we like
the latter so much that we publish it
entire, to the exclusion of our usual
variety of reading matter.
The. President and the impractica
ble members of Congress are both act
ing upon a mistake if they suppose
that the National Union Party will di ;
vide upon any one of the incidental
questions arising out of the suppression
.of the rebellion. There is no question
;that ean arise now, sio important ;as
that which gave birth to the National
Union Party. They will not divide
upon how the freedmen shall be'taken
care of. They. toil/ take care of them
and settle the question of how, without
being so foolish as to divide and hand
them over to their enemies. If Con
gress and the President will not be
convinced of this sooner, the people
will convince them of it at the next
elections.
We ask a careful perusal of Secreta
ry Seward's groat speech, and invoke
moderation, _candor, and at the same
time conadence in the councils of the
party.
The Veto.
We give ,on our fourth page the
:President's veto of the Freedmen's Bu•
.reau. Bill. The gist of the Whole we
-hare givo in anix a-cruzeirTura-graprr:
He is opposed to it because it is un—
necessary, as the Bureau created by
the act of March, 1865, has not yet
ceased to exist.
It creates amilitary jurisdiction over
Aiarge portion of the United States,
.and gives authority to step between
the freedman and his employer and
•regulate his contract, when it is possi
ble that the agent is ignorant of the
=necessities or justice of the case.
,It makes it proper for a citizen to
be arrested for injuring a black, to be
tried before a court•martial, convicted,
.ancl:sentenced, thus violating that pro.
.vision of the Constitution which pre.
,scribes that "in all criminal proceed
ings the accused shall enjoy the Tight
.to,a speedy and public trial Wan im
partial jury .of the State .or district
wherein the crime shall have been com
mitted."
It entrusts to the President too much
power Tor any ono man to exercise in
a republic, and enables him to wield
.immense patronagefor sinister and im
proper political purpcses.
It provides for giving homesteads to
-blacks, and educating them, when
Congress has never furnished a prece
dent for any such action, even in the
case of orphans of soldiers.
It would make the suppOrt of a vast
number ,of indigent pebpie by the
- United States a permanent department
of the Government.
jt would make military rule in the
Southern- States a permanent policy of
the United States.
It would create dissatisfaction in the
Southern States, and tend to cause re
.be„llion on the part of the whites.
Lt seizes on property without due
process of law.
It is unjust to the States most affec
ted, because it was passed when they
wore not reproBented, and hence is an
in
,on them by legislation in
whicti : they were allowed . to - take no
part. -
And: lastly, it is unnecessary, he
-cause 'with the Federal Courts restor
ed and those of the several States in
the full exercise of their functions the
,rights and interests of all classes of
the people will, with - the aid of the
military in cases of resistance to the
Jaw, ho essentially protected against
icwconaltational infringement and vie-
Such is a condensed state
pent of the arguments advanced by
Mr. Johnson,
17e'f'Postmaster Genera 1 Dennison,
in a rec t e,nt speech declared that the
"essential features" of the Piesident's
restoration policy, belonged to ''his
martyred predecessor's programme—a
programme sanctioned by every mem
ber of his cabinet."
Trirrournal & AmericaNis out against
General Geary in its .issue of to-day.
It says there is 'danger in trusting a
inan that-has keen nursed in the lap
of :Democracy,
THE VETO.
SUSTAINING THE PRESIDENT
Speech of Mr. Seward in New York
There was a very large and enthusi
astic Meetinr , ' held at the Cooper In
stitute, New York, on Thursday night,
February 22d, to endorse the, action of
President Johnson ih vetoing the
Freedmen's Bureau Bill. Speeches
were made by the venerable Secretary
of State, llon. Henry J. Raymond,
Postmaster General Dennison, and
,other distinguished men. Mr. Seward,
on rising, was greeted with immense
cheering and waving of handkerchiefs.
As soon as silence was restored ho
spoke as follows :
BECItETAIIII SEIVAIt D'S SPEECH
FErtow-CITIZENS :-1 have been in
the habit, as you perhaps know, of ad.
dressing—[A voice—"Louder"] You
must not ask me to speak louder, be
cause my utterance has been broken.
It you have charity for me you must
not ask me to speak louder. The doc
tors car, tell you why I cannot coin.
ply. I was - saying for the information .
of those who hear me that it has been
my habit for many years past to ad
dress my fellow citizens of the State of
New York on the eve of important elec
tions-from my own home at Auburn.
I have been heard, through the kind
ness of my fellow citizens, from Mon
tauk Point to Chautauqua, and from
Lake Champlain to the ocean, when I
only spoke even within the protection
of my parlors or fireside home. I was
at home in this our old and honored
State of New York in October, and I
spoke then what I thought would be
pertinent to public affairs for a whole
year. The summons of friends in the
city of New York brings me back after
the expiration of only three months.—
Their demand is, I confess, rather hard
upon me under the circumstances.—
Nevertheless, I obey. I am no seces
sionist. [Laughter and applause.] I
profess to understand how to obey the
commands of the people of my own
State without violating my allegiance
to the United States. Now what shall
I speak of or about The call of your
meeting specifies the subject. Bat
first lot me say that I am not here rs
an alarmist. I am not here to say the
nation is in peril; in peril if you adopt
the opinions of the President; in peril
if yen reject them;
in peril if you
adopt the views of the apparent or real
majority of Congress, or if you reject
thorn. It is rot in peril any way; nor
do I think the cause of liberty and hu.
man freedom—the cause of progress,
amoliorization, or civilization the
cause of national aggrandizement, pre
sent or future, material or moral, is in
danger of being long arrested whether
you adopt ono sot of political opinions
or another. The Union—that is to
say, the nation—has been rescued from
all its perils. The noble ship has pass
ed from tempests and billows into the
verge of a safe harbor, and is now se•
curely riding into her ancient moor
ing, without a broken spar or a leak,
starboard or larboaril, fore or aft.—
[Cheers.] There aro some small reefs
yet to pass as she approaches these
moorings. One pilot says .she may
n_Aal tr. f _ th
4;1;0/11in_ rillinf il
the °UM says that sue must bac c, and
lowering sail, take time to go around
them. That is all the difference. It
is merely the difference of opinion be
tween the pilots. I should not prac
tice my habitual charity if I did not
admit that I think them both sincere
and honest. But the vasel will go in
safely, ono way or the other. The
worst that need happen Will be that,
by taking the wrong instead- of the
right passage, or ovorrtakin , r the right
passagol and avoiding the wrong
one, the vessel may roll a little, and
some honest, capable, and even deser
ving politicians, statesmen, President,
or Congressmen may get washed over
board.. (A. voice---"I guess the boss is
safe.") I should be sorry for this; but
if it.cannot be helped it can be borne.
HI am ono of the unfortunates, let no
friend he concerned on that account.
As honest, as good, as capable politi
cians, statesmen, Congressmen, and
PreSidents will make their appearance
hereafter, faster than »ceded, to com
mand the ship, as well and as wisely
as any.-that have heretofore stalked .
their hour upon the deck, in the alter
nations of cairn and tempest that al
ways attend political navigation. Ne
vertheless, although I do not think
that we aro in a crisis, the question
to day is worthy of deliberate exami
nation and consideration. It is-always
important, in going into port, or in
preparing fo' a ne;departuro, to take
accurate observations, in order to as
certain whether the ship and crew aro
sound, and in good fastenings, and in
good sailing condition. The subject
before us is a difference of opinion that
reveals itself -but too clearly between
the Executive Administration of the
President and the legislative council
lors of the nation. The President, as
we all see, is a man of decided convic
tions; the legislative leaders, if we may
judge from their reeolatioes, are try
ing to decide, not to coincide, with
him in opinion. They-have appealed
to us, outsiders as we are, to pronounce
between them. I will try to show you
what the nature and character of the
difference is. Some of you, few or
many, have been occasionally in
a theatre. You may remember
a play that had some popularity some
years ago, entitled The Nervous . Man
and the Man-of Nerve. Both of these
characters were well to do country
gentlemen. They had been friends in
early life. Their friendship grew with
their years. They lived in distant
parts of the country. The nervous.
man had a hopeful son ; the man of
nerve bad a lovable daughter. By
seine freak of fortune, or some more
capricious god, these young people
had accidentally come together at a
watering place, and there formed an
attachment unknown to their parents.
In the meantime the nervous man and
the man of nerve had come to one 1
agreement, to marry the two young
people together, under a belief that
they wore entirely unknown to each
other. Each parent made the an
nouncement to his child in a mysteri
ous manner. The nervous man's son
was told that he was to be married to
an-unknown lady, with whom he was
sure to fall in love at first sight, but
whose name must be withheld until
the day of the ceremony. The (laugh.
ter of the man of nerve receives a sim
ilar pleasant intimation. Each lover
protested, each parent was perempto
ry, eaeh lover intractable. As a natu:
Chairman
ral consequence both ran away, and as
was quite natural, both came together,
and they were clandestinely married.
When the nervous man heard of his
son's contumacious disobedience he de
nounced him, disinherited him, dis
owned him, and dechired he would ne
ver see him again. When the man of
nerve heard of the flight of his (laugh%
ter he immediately summoned his des
pondents, whO sought to restore her to
her father. Ono parent was all pas
sion, the other was all decision. While
they were comparing their mutual and
common grief and disappointment, the
married lovers came trembling into
their angry presence, and kneeling
down, asked forgiveness and parental
blessings upon what was now irrevo
cable. What was the parents' sur
prise to find that the runaway match I
was just precisely the one they had
planned, and the supposed failure of
which had so excited them. The man
of nerve acquitted himself with becom
ing resignation, and, since it had all
ended right, ho extended to the lovers
, the boon they begged. The nervous
I man refused altogether to be comfort
ed, propitiated, or even soothed. lie
refused and declared that he would
persist forever in refusing to receive
back again the son who had been so
disobedient. When his outburst of
passion had somewhat subsided the
man of nerve said: "Well, now, old
friend, why won't you forgive him ?
Have you not got the matter all your
own way after all ?" "Why, yes,"
replied the nervous man, "I have got
it all my own way." "Then why will
you not forgive him?" said the man of
nerve. "Why, damn it, I haven't had
my own way of having it." [[,augh
ter and cheers.] This, I think, is the
difference between the President, who
is a man of nerve, in the Executive
chair at Washington, and the nervous
men who are in the llouse of Repro
se'ntatives. Both have got the Union
restored as they originally planned it
should be. They have got it restored,
not with slavery, but without it; not
with secession, flagrant or latent, but
without it; not with compensation for
emancipation, but without it; not with
compromise, but without it; not with
disloyal States or representatives, but
with loyal States and representatives;
not with rebel debts,but without them;
not with exemption from our debts for
suppressing the rebellion, but with
equal liabilities upon the rebels and
loyal men; not with the freedmen and
refugees abandoned to suffering and
persecution, but with the feeedmen
employed in productive, self sustaining
industry., with refugees under the pro
tection o law and order. The man of
nerve sees that it has come out right
at last, and be accepts the situation.—
does not forget that in this trouble
some world of ours 'the most to be
cured by anybody is to have things
come out right:. Nobody can ever ex
pect to have them brought out alto
gether in his own way. - The nervous
men, on the other hand, hesitate, de
lay, debate and agonize—not because
it has not come out right, but because
they have not individually had their
own way in bringing it to that happy
termination.
I have said that I apprehend no se—
rious difficulty or calamity. This con
'War mici•o"iiever
was and never can bo any successful
process for the restoration of union and
harmony among the States, except
that ono with which the President has
avowed himself satisfied. Grant it that
the Rebellion is dispersed, ended, and
exhausted, dead even at the root s then
it follows necessarily that the States,
sooner or later, must be organized by
loyal men iu accordance with the
change in our fundamental law, and
that being so organized, they should
come by loyal representatives and re
sume the places in the family circle
which in a fit of caprice and passion,
they rebelliously vacated. All the
Rebel States but Texas have done just
that thing, and Texas is 'doing the
same thing just now as fast as passible.
The President is in harmony with all
the States that were in rebellion. Every
executive department and the judicial
department are in operation, or are
rapidly resuming the exercise of their
functions. Loyal representatives, more
or less, from these States, men whose
loyalty may be tried by any constitu—
tional or legislative test which will
apply even to representatives of the
States which have been loyal through
out—are now standing at the doors of
Congress,and have been standing there
for three months past, asking to be ad.
mitted to seats which disloyal repre—
sentatives, in violation el' the rights
and duties of the States, as well as of
the sovereignty of the Uniondiad reck
lessly abandoned. These representaN
Lives, after a lapse of three months,yet
remain waiting outside the chamber,
while Congress passes law after law,
imposes burden after burden and duty
after duty upon the States which thus
against their earnestly expressed do
sires are left without representation
Solar as I can judge of human proba
bilities, I feel sure that loyal mon from
the now loyal States will, sooner.or
later, at this session or at some other,
by this Congress Or Some other, be re•
ceived into the Legislature of the na
tion. When this shall have been done
the process of restoration will be bent
pleted, for that is all that now remains
to be done. If in this view of the sub
ject my judgment is at fault,then some
of those who uphold the opposite one
can show some other process of restor
ation which is practicable, and which
can be and will be adopted, and when
it is likely to be adopted. Does any
person pretend to know such a plan
Other plans have, indeed, boon men
tioned. They were projected during
Mr. Lincoln's administration, before lie
was removed by assassination from his
high trust; they have been projected
since. Briefly described, these plans
have been such as this :—That Con
gress with the President concurring,
should create what are called Tesrrito
rial governments in the eleven States
which once were in rebellion, and that
the President should administer the
Government for an indefinite period
by military force, and that after long
purgation they should be admitted into
the Union by Congressional enactment..
This proceeding was rejected by Mr.
Lincoln, as it is rejected by the Presi—
dent. If it ever may have been prac
ticable, it is now altogether too late.
If the President could be induced to
concur in so mad a measure at this
date it would be impossible to execute
it. Say what you will or what you
may, the States are already organized
in perfect harmony with our amended
national Constitution, and are in earn
est co-operation with the Federal Gov
ernment. It would require an impe
rial will, an imperial person, and im
perial powers greater than the Empe
ror of France or the Emperor of Rus
sia possesses to reduce any one of these
States, with the consent of all the other
States, into whiit you terns a Territo
rial condition. Maximilian's task,
though he engages two emperors and
two imperial organizations, with their
forces, is thought not the most wise
and hopeful political enterprise.of the
day. (Al Voice—" They will both have
to get out.") On' the other hand, wo
have no emperOr, but only a stern, un
compromising Radical Republican, a
Democrat e —call him what you will—
for President, who refuses in every way
to be a party to any imperial transac
tions, and ho would hand them back
to Congress if they were to offer him
the men and money to prosecute such
imperial enterprises. Suppose that he
could give place to tnother President,
whether by election or even assassina
tion, where wilt you find in the United
States a man who would want to be
elected to that high place to plunge
this country into civil war for a politi
cal chimera ? If there he such a one,
what . chance is there that he would be
elected for such a purpose? That
scheme, then, is'at; an end, and is not
now even seriously mentioned. Is
there any other plan ? Congress has
had a Reconstruction Committee, as it
is called, composed of fifteen members,
who have stopped the wheels of legis—
lation three months to enable them to
submit a process or plan different from
that which is now on the eve of a hap
py
.consummation. And what have
they given us? One proposed amend
ment to the Constitution, to compel
the excluded States to equalize suffrage
upon the penalty of an abridgment of
representation. I do not discuss its
merits. Either the amendment will
or will not be adopted. The expecta
tion is theta will fail even in Congress.
In any case it implies a full restoration
of the Southern States. It is therefore
no plan or process of reconstruction at
all. The committee prove this to be
the true character et the prosecuting,
because they fall back upon a process
not of restoration, but of obstruction.
The resolution which they submitted
on Saturday last, and which has pass
ed the House of Representatives, di
rectly declares that loyal representa
tives shall not be admitted from loyal
States until Congress shall pass a law
for that purpose—which law it would
seem that every member who votes for
it must know cannot be enacted with
out the President's approval, which
cannot be consistently given in view
of the opinions•that he is known to en
tertain. The - last concurrent resolution,
then, is not a plan for reconstruction,
but for indefinite postponement and
delay by the concurrent action of the
two Houses of Congress. I know that
the Scriptural instruction is not always
accepted as an infallible guide of faith
and practice in these latter days. I
don't therefore ask you whether the
United States Government ought not
now to slay the fatted calf and invite
our prodigal brethren to so luxurious
a feast; but I do venture to say that
when this nation became disor,e,anized
Rbbluir Li i ningeniii s e qif it
humble the Rebels and bring them
back again to their constitutional seat
at the family table. I know that we
have humbled them, and have brought
them back with humiliation and re—
pentance, sueing for restoration. I
know that when Congress was conven
ed, and when the last elections were
held, which gave utterance to the
popular voice, it was their expectation
that without unnecessary delay that
table would be set, and that all the
members of the family, ho waver prod
igal they had been, would be received
at the board. In the name of the love
I have to this motion and to my broth.
reu in it, to all those who are to come
after Me, I protest before God and you
that I ant net the man to shut out the
prodigal from the family table. (Cheers)
There being, then, no further plan of
restoration, what are the chances of
carrying out the system of obstruction
to which I have-referred? It is as im
practicable in its character as I think
it is vicious. lei have read the history
of the country correctly it has settled
these three things :—First, no State
can keep itself out of the Union or keep
itself in a territorial condition under
the Union. • -
J . n the very beginning four States re
fused to enter; with wry faces they
all came in afterwards—making the
whole number of States thirteen in
stead of the nine first consenting. All
the region east of the Mississippi rush
ed rapidly through a brief territorial
privilege into the Union. Wo bought
provinces front' Spain, from France,
from Mexico. From the Alississippi to
the Pacific they have rushed, or aro
rushing with railroad speed, after a
brief territorial existence, as States
into the Union. If it .were possible we
might acquire still mare provinces,
neat' or south. You canner, easily go
further west. Every province that
there might be gained, whether white
or black, old ot 4 young, alien or native
born, would be immediately rushing,
as with railroad speed, ITS States into
the Union. -Another thing which, our
national history teaches is, that the
States which aye in the Union cannot
be taken or kept out of its limits; and
that ,is the' great lesson of the Rebellion.
The third thing which this eventfnl
war teaches us is, that the States which
are in the Union cannot keep any
States that areoutsido from coming in.
Congress is habitually inclined to this
experiment. It hesitated about Mi
chigan and Missouri ; it reeled, and
staggered before Texas and California,
and it convulsed the nation in resisting
.Kansas; yet thry are all in the Union,
all now loyal, and most of them cheer
ful dud happy. [low many committees
of conference did wo have, how many
joint committees did we not have, on
this momentous question ? How many
joint resolutions denying that Congress
over would consent to the admission
of such unwelcome intruders ? How
many . comproiaises, securing guaran
tees for froodem, securing guarantees
for slavery, were broken and scattered,
when one after the other these States
came in, as it by a headlong thrust,
and hurled by an Almighty Providence,
who was deterthined that the people of
this continent shall be not discordant
nations, but' one united and harmoni
ous nation. I entered Congress, in 1819
when the joint Committee of Fifteen
was skillfully, and it is bet just to say
honestly, - framed to obtaruct the ad
mission of California, until the major—
ity of the nation should compromise
and silence forever the debate upon
slavery The Committee succeeded in
excluding California for a period of
eight months and no longer, and event
ually obtained, in broken fragments, :
the compromise which it sought. That
compromise was by its terms to be
perpetual. The compromise of 1850
lingered, however, just four years, and
then perished, giving pliten to the in.
cipient and now happily consummated
adjustment of the slavery question, by
the complete and universal abrogation
of that institution. I left Congress in
1861, when Committee and Convention
clustered in and around the Capital
demanding stipulations, which Con.
gross refused, that letters should be put
upon Now Alexico, Nevada, and Colo.
rado.
You can never keep States out of
this Union—never, no, never. If we do
not like them wo may, in the words of
the old proverb, "lump them." The
present distrusts of future States or of
existing States have no substantial
ground. They aro bogottenof miserable
perishing fears and factions. California
Wti . 73 ,-..uspeeted of secret or ultimate
complicity with slavery. All the men
of the Union knew the hard feelings
her people efttertained towards us free
soilers, who were their most earnest
advocates. We gave her two years of
pro slavery, democratic rule. The ten
years are now up, and she is calm, per
haps distrustful of some of us yet, be—
cause we aro willing to admit the
States that have sinned and repented
as she did. If over this thing of keep—
ing out States by joint resolutions of
Congress could have had any chance
of permanent success that time has
passed away. No State has ever been
hindered in coming into the Union ex.
copt upon questions growing out of '
the system of Africa bondage. • Afri
can bondage has now gone to the
dogs, and they have made a sure fin
, ish of it. Laughter and applause.) Not
even enough of its shrivelled skin or
disjointed limbs remain to sharpen the
cupidity of the race that were once
called slaveholders, or of that other
race which was known to the country
as "doughfaces." No State, therefore,
will ever hereafter bdhindered or de
layed in coining back into the Union
upon the ground of slivery=. You may
think that the irresistible tendency to
Union which I have described may
have something alarming in it. This
would be a grave error. I think no
such thing. The people in any territo
ry want to be a State because it is a
pleasant thing 'and a "good thing to
have the municipal powers and facul,
ties that belong to a State within the
American Union, and to provide by
its own laws for the maintenance and
security of life, liberty, and property.
A territory wants to be a State and .a
member of the Federal Union because
it is a pleasant thing and a good thing
to have its protection against foreign
enemies, and to possess the privileges
and immunities guaranteed to a State
by the National Constitution. I there
fore would not consent to hold a State
in a territorial condition: or to deny
the advantages of fellowship in the
Union a Clay longer thaul should be
compelled. Nor do I see anything
- tiA,We El e t ida l g, Q UlVOii a c i ttA r ni r
statesmen, in the present situation of
the freedmen. In the beginning, prac
tically,eyery state in the union had sla
very. We abolished it in several States
without disorder or civil commotion,
until slavery raised itself in rebellion
against the government of the Union.
When it took that attitude we abolish.
ed it oat and ont,through and through,
completely and effectually forever.
This is what the American people have
had the sagacity and the courage to do
in a period of ninety years. These
American people are a great deal bet
ter and a great deal wiser to day than
they were ninety years ago. Those of
the generation that is now crowding
us will ho a great deal wiser and a
great deal better than we who are on
1 the stage to-day. Do I think, there
fore, that wo shall lack the wisdom or
the virtue to go right on and continue
the work of melioration and progress,
and perfect in due time the deliver.
ance of labor from restrictions, and
the annihilation of caste and class ?
We have accomplished what we have
done, however, not with an imperial
government—not with a proconsular
or territorial system. 'We have clone
it in States, by States, and through
States, free, equal, untrammelled, and
presided over by a federal, restricted
government, which will continue to
the end of the Constitutional principles
with which we so wisely began, They
aro settling the whole case of the Af
rican in the West IndieS just as we
are, and it will be done with the same
results and the same beneficent effects.
I have not given prominence in these
remarks to the conflict of opinion be
tween the President and Congress in
reference to the bureau for the relief
of freedmen and refugees. The conflict
is in its consequences, comparatively
unimportant, and would excite little
interest and produce little division if
it stood alone. It is because it has be
come the occasion for_revealing the
differences that I have already describ
ed that it has attained the importance
which seems to surround it. Both the
President and Congress agree that du
ring the brief transition which the
country is making from civil war to
internal peace, the freedmen and refu
gees ought not to be abandoned by
the nation to persecution or suffering.
It was for this transition period that
the Bureau of Freedmen was created
by Congress, and was kept and is still
kept in effective operation. Both the
President -and Cona•ress,,on the other
hand, agree that when that transition
period shall have boon fully passed,and
the harmonious relations between the
States and the Union fully restored,that
bureau would be not only unneccs,
sary but unconstitutional, demorali
zing and dangerous, and therefore that
it should cease to exist. The President
thinlcs that the transition stage has
nearly passed, and that the original
provision fhr the bureau is all that is
necessary to secure the and in view,
while the bill submitted by Congress
seems to him to give it indefinite ex
tension in time of peace and restora
tion. Ho vetoed it for that reason. Ho
declines to accept, as unnecessary and
uncalled for, the thousand or ten thous
and agents, the increased powers and
the augmented treasure which Con
gress insists on placing in his hands.
Congress, on the other hand, thinks
thug the Freedman's - Pttreau is not ade
quate, and that more patronage, more
money and more power would ; like
Thompson's door-plate, purchased at
auction by Mrs. Toodles, be a good
thing to - ave in,a house. I agree with
the President in the Iwo that the ex,
traordinary provision which the bill
makes will not be necessary, but that
the whole question may be simplified
by a simple referrence to the existing
law. The law of March 3, 1865, which
created . the Freedman's Bureau, pro.
vides that it shall continue in force du,
ring the war of Rebellion and one full
year thereafter. When does that year
expire ? In the President's judgment,
as I understand the matter, the war of
the Rebellion has been coming and is
still coming to an end, but is not yet
fully closed. It is on this groond that
he maintains en army; continues the
suspension of the- writ of habeas cor
pus, and exercises material law where
these things are found to be necessary
in Rebel States. The existence of the
Rebellion was legally announced by
Executive proclamation in 1861. The
end of the Rebellion ought to be, and
may lie expected to be, announced by,
competent deelaration of the Presi
dent and of Congress, or of !kith, For
all practical purposeS the Rebellion
will, in law, come to an end, if the
President or Congress—one or both—
officially announces its termination:'
Now, suppose this announcement to
be made by the President and by.
Congress, or by either of thorn, to
morrow. In that case the Freedman's
Bureau is continued by virtue of the
limitation prescribed in the act of
March 3, 1865,
one year after such
proclamation shall have been made.
Thus the Freedman's Bareau would
continue, by the original limitation, un
til the 22d day of February, 1867—a
very proper day on which to bring it
to an end. If Congress should then
_find it necessary to prolong its exis
tence, it can at once take the necess
ary steps, for it, will at that date have
been in session nearly three months.
Ought the - President of the United
States to be denounced in the house of
his enemies—much more, ought he to
be denounced in the house of his
friends, for refusing, in the absence of
any necessity, to occupy or retain and
to exercise powers greater than those
which are exercised by any imperial
magistrate in the world? Judge ye. I
trust that this fault of declining
perial powers,- too hastily tendered by
a too confiding Congress, may be for
given by a generous people. It will
be a sad hour for the republic when the
refusal of unnecessary powers,treasure,
and patronage by the President shall
be held to be a crime. When it shall
be so considered the time will have ar
rived for setting up at the White House
an imperial throne, and surrounding
the Executive with imperial legions.
(Mr. Seward was again greeted with
enthusiastic cheering as he resumed his
sent.)
NEW ADVERTISEMENTS.
winuE Bum
-Triutatiallimat-reamtiktorifis,
AT THE "GLOBE"- OFFICE,
ANY DAY IN THE WEEK, ON SHORT
NOTICE.
OB,DE RS BY
FOR BILLS, NOTES AND STAMPS,
"WILL RIXEITE PROMPT ATTENTION.
FOR SALE.
A NEW.LIGIIT,TIIREE HORSE WAGON
and ono 'FANCY SLEIGH, with ono or two santa, by
feb2.l-3t SIMON COHN, Coffee Run.
AGENTS WANTE-D
TO SELL TILL GREAT AMERICAN •
CILIGRAPHICAL PUZZLE, •
The cheapest and most wonderful puzzle of the ngel
Agents can easily make from slo to $2O a &Y.
I will give any one agent $lOO If ho can sell 10 thousand
rm._Send 10 cents fur aamplo puzzle. • •
PHILIP THU.
feb2B—lt • 210 Market street, Philadelphia.
1866. PHILADELPHIA 1866.
WALL PAPERS.
HOWELL & BOURKE,
MANUFACTURERS OF
Paper Hangings & Window Shades,
Corner FOURTH & MARKET Ste.,
PIIILAD.ELPIIIA.
•
N. B.—Always iu store, a largo stock of
LINEN & OIL SHADES.
F01,21-3ra
P"ial=bll.4l2)
THE personal property of Daniel
I _Africa, Esq., deed., and that of tho undersigned will
bo sold at public sato, comnencing at 9 o'clock, a. no.,
On Thursday, Bth day of March, next,.
nt tbo Into reside.° of . snid decensod, on fill street, in the
borough of Huntingdon.
ALSO—Thu following described real estate, sitnnto In
said borough (if not previously disposed of by private sale)
to wit:
Two lots of ground, each fronting 50 feet on the north
ern side of Church street, and extending hack therefrom
200 feet to Moore street, and bounded on the west by lots
of the Huntingdon Academy; ono of said tots having
thereon erected a frame barn.
A lot of ground bounded on the northeast by
other land or the undersigned; on the southeast by
tho Standing-Stono creek toad; and on the north
west by laud of the hoire of A. Willoughby, containing ono
tern, having thereon a log dwelling house and n large
number of thrifty young fruit trees of choice varieties.
A :lot of ground bounded on the northeast by a lot of
Wm. I. Steel; on the southeast by said road; on the south
west and north nest by land of llelfrlght R Carmon, con:
Wiling about 11.% acres, anti will ho divided into two or
more turrets. .1. AFRICA.
linntingdon,Feb2B-2I •
LUMBER. LUMBE
LUMBER.
riIIIE undersigned has just, received
nod is now ready to supply the public with
ALL KINDS OF LUMBER,
COMPRISING ALL THE DIFFERENT GRADES,
From culling° by to the clear stuff,
From 9 months to 2 years dry !
• Also,
PLASTERING LATH,
JOINT AND LAP . SHINGLES,
BUILDING STUFF AND PLANK.
Now is the Limo to boy, boron, the Spring rush, as
Lumber is already advancing, and dry lumber is a scarce
article. CHAS. H. ANDERSON.
Huntingdon, Feb. 21,1500
FOR SALE OR EXCHANGE.
A FINE _MARE, WITH COLT,
Blooded stock, for sale, or will bo exchanged for an easy
riding family bona,. Inquire at filo Globe office. fe2o
ir A%V PARTNERSHIP. •
j J. W. Mattern and Wm. A. Sipe have associated
themselves in the practice of the law, under the no tne of
MATTERN 8 SIPE.
All business entrusted to their care will receive prompt
attentiom
:AY-Special care - will ho glean to the collection of Pen
sions, Bounty, Back Pay and all Claims against State or .
United States.
01llee nearly opposite the Court nous°, Tllll street, Hun
tingdon, Pa. . . J. W. Itl
-PIM. 511111....
WHARTON& IiAGUIRE,
RAILROAD STREIEM
HUNTINGDON, PA.,
WHOLESALE & RETAIL
EMEEMEI
Foreign and Domestic
HARDWARE,
curvlulti v as 4
The attention of
MECHANICS, FARMERS, BRILDERS,
and buyers generally, to invited to the fact that we aid
new offering a BETTER ASSURER - ENT of
HARDWARE, CUTLERY, &C.,
than elm he found elsewhere in this part or the State,
prices to suit the times. Our stock . comprises all articles
in this Lue of business, einbrneing it general'esOrttnent
TOOLS null MATERIALS used by CARPENTERS,.
BLACKSMITHS, CARRIAGH and WAGON MAKERS,
JaINBRS, Sc,, Sc. , together with n largo stock of
iron Steel, Hails, Spikes, Railroad and
Elating Supplies, Saddlery, Rope,
Chains, Grindstones, Circular,.'
Mill and Cross-Out Saws, '
Enamelled, Finished
•
and Plain 'Hol
low Ware. -
Coal Oil Lamps and Lanterns,
Oil and Powder Cans
An excellont assortment of
Z l 'lXtet , C7la.tie)l•7*,
Comprising
KNIVES, FORKS; DESSERT, TEA
AND TABLE SPOONS, SCIS
SORS, RAZORS, &O.
BRIT TAN IA & SILVER PLATED WARE
Household, Horticultural and Farm
Implements,
Of the latest and ptostimProved pattern;
CONSTANTLY ON HAND AND FOR SALE
A T ILIANUFACT URE RS' PRICES.
CARRIAGE & WAGON MAKERS
Will find a general assortment of material for their ma
combating in part of ,
Carriage Trimmings, Hubs, :Spokes;
_Rims, Axles, Springs; Niits, Bolts,
Washers, Malleable IronS,
tent aitdendthelled Leather
•
Whips, Tongues, Soe . -- •
hets, Shafts, &e.
3313E2ALC)Ir-Si;MIUUMCIS
Can he aupplhal with
ANVILS, BELLOWS, VICES,
SLEDGES, HAMMERS,
HORSE AND MULE SHOES,
Horse Nails, and all kinds of Iron& Steel
CARPENTERS
Will find in our establishment a superior stock or
PLANES,
SAWS,
AUGERS,
HATCHETS.,
HAMMERS,
- FILES,
CHISELS,
HINGES,
SO RE WS,
LOCKS,
BOLTS,
PULLEYS,
SASII-CORDS, &0., 55.0
MINING AND MINERS' GOODS.
NAILS and SPIKES, of all varieties,
BLASTING POWDER, FUSE,
COAL PICKS AND SHOVELS.
Wiciarintaea ,
Can be accommodated with everything in their tine from
a Grain Separator to a Whet-stone.
Mitailclearsi
Al : e especially invited to call and examine our stock of
BUILDING HARDWARE,
and compare our prices ,with others
Agricultural Implements,
Can*Hang the famous Russell
Reaper, Mower, and Dropper, cornbined t
ittnileirs First Premium lIORSI4 PITCHFORK,. •
Rakes,.
.cythas,
noes,
Hay Fors,
Trace and Haller Chains,
Breast Chains,
Cow Ties,
Curry Combs,
Cards, &c, &c., &c
Among the specialties of our Howie, we ilosirn to call
attention to the celebrated
OHIO PUMP,
The ozolueiveright to sell which is vested In us, Send for
acircular and get fall particulars of same, and satisfy
yourself of its superior qualities.
SCALES.
Scales of all sizes and descriptions, including
Tea and Counter Scales,
Platform Scales,
Grocers' and .Druggists' Scales,
Rolling Mill, Wheelbarrow, Pork, Port•
able, Hopper, Miners and '
portation, - Hay, Cattle and!,
Coal Scales,
FURNISHED AT ' MANUFACTURERS'.
CASH PRIC2.S. •
The largest and best assortment of
GLASS, PAINTS, OIL & PUTTY,
Ever offered ifi thin place
A GREAT VARIETY OF
COOK & PARLOR STOVES..
ALL SIZES OF
ATAILS AND BRADS,
By the keg. Tory lovr I
But Nor;ay nail ; rod, bar and hoop Iron.
STEEL, of all sizes and dese4tions 4
WAGON'BOXES, • '
CARRIAGE SPRINGIS,
IRON AND Raiii§s,
•
Lard, Lubricating and Coal Oil,
•
tbo.barrel or gallou, - at or low figure.
Ara- A cell le •respectfhlly eol , cittl, feeling efttl
dent that our goods And' prices will not fall hi
... 'WHARTON & MAGUIRE.
.411.
Iluntlegdon, 'February 27, 1988.