The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, December 13, 1865, Image 1

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    TERM OF THE GLOBE
Pepauliam in a4T'auce
!WM MB
crFaee manttio
TERMS OF ADVERTISING
1 insortfoo. 2 do. 3 do.
On 6 iqusie, (10 - 11nea,)0i fer4.s 75 $1 25 $1 50
-Two equaret 1 60 200 3 00
Throe squares, • 226 ' 300 '4 50
. .
- -.... . 3 month, 6 months. 12 months.
-IN. square, or less ' 's4 00' $8 00 $lO 00
rwp aquares 8 00 9 00 15 00
three squares " 800 12 00' 2D OD
rota., equates." • 10 OD " 10 00 ' 25 00
;Ulf a column, 15 00 20 00...........30 00
One column 20 00 • 15 00.... ..... .80 00
,Profees tonal end pußto en Cords not exceeding .ix lin es,
°Ai ear, • $0 00
' Administrators' And Executors' Notices,' 12 50
_studltora' NOLICCIS .
Estrey, or other Ada Notices 1 60
Akel-Ten liime of, nonpareil malts n ever.. About
'sight word,' cni,atitute n line, no that awe person can ea-
`ally coletilata saguaro in manuscript.
Advertisements not marked with the timber of sneer.
'Cons desired, will be continued till 'forbid and charged ac.
*cording to them forme.
Onr prices for the printing of Blank', 'Handbills, etc.
.itre Also increased. ,
`PROFESSIONAL etr, llUSiNlitls9.l7ilielB
3.)WLL T. DROWN,
EMMIMI
rrhe name of thii; firm has been &ang
.," ea riom son , r snomr to
. .
'.• SCOTT,. BROWN. & : BAILEY,
Wiiiefi name they will hereafter conduct their
",.li.,6tice ae
- • ATTORNEYS' AT :LAW HUNTINGDON,
"'P.F.Is:SIONS, and all CIAIM, ofaoldlere and soldiers' heirs
•liainet the Government, will be promptly prosecuted.•
ilty 11, Ism—tr.
IC A. LOVELL,
A:'TTOR.NEY AT LAW',
IZIINTINGDON, PA
:11a will .1.; t; icen to it..
'collection of nil cloitust ng theGorormner4 for Back.
Pay, ilougtp,;•Pwisionv, ac. ' • :
Is4',•l6tl* brici. role,
Takarly OpPoslti the'Coart House. t • • neS-6m4,
W. A STEPHENS,
n'y KT 'l, A iv,
ntietriaDON, PA.
OFFIC.--In Treasurer's room in
Court House—up stairs.
D.C. 10,1563.
AW
ASSOCIATION.
Tge inidattisned lave acsoclated themselves together
in the practice of the law hi Huntingdon; Pa. Office in
the ontriow, ind formerly, occupied by .1. Sewell Stew
art, adjoining the Court House,
A. W. BENEDICT,
J. EZWELL BTEVYART.
Jal7 20, 1654.
D. CAMPBELL,
, .
urvitricaticrif;rA: - -• -
Otruoi Ea the lid& Row. neoirly oppoilto the Court
rThOOO. • [April 15;1863.
GEO: W, SWARTZ,
Clock &
Watch Maker,
. .
At the old Mend of Swartz A 'McCabe,
• „HILL STREET, HUNTINGDON, PA
01.0,1 . 866-6 a t •
37... - 1 - kolaziatagge , 32E4opte1,
HUNTINGDON, P.A.
• vifllll C. AicisiuLtY,PROPitIETOR;
Sormerly of 018'1 , 1.014M! lloul, Clumbermburg.
TERMS' LIBERAL.
nny3, 1 1 6.5-13 , •
JACKSON HOTEL,
• HUNTINGDON, PA.
HENRY SMITH, Proprietor
Iluntingdon, Aug. 23,1885.
4&.12.410tic=.13..a e>r.
O. H N M E Cr 'A H A N
.4, Inform, the public toot bb hes token out n license to
.ery sales at any place to the 17th Cengreasional district.
Addran him at Itiddleaburg, Bedford couety, or Pont.
muter at Janne Creak, Huntingdon county. se26Bni
ALLISON
DE YTIST,
..tfitarerne ' ved to the Brick Rot , opposite the Courflloose
Apr 1113,1859. .
E. GREENE;-
.DP.NTIST. if
'- Office rerrioved' to opposite the store of
b. P. Grin, in tl.scpuu - e, 7.111 street, Huntingdon, Pa.
April 18.18E4. •
•
R. D. P. MILLER,
_Ay iiivdelte Jackson 'House, olfcts Ids service
to citizens of Huntingdon ani vicinity. nol-6ins
TyTy. JOHN ItIeOULLOCH, offers his
. profession.l services to the citizens of flu ntiogdon .
vicinity. Office on 11111 street, one door east of Reed's
Dreg Etore. - dog. 2E, 'cs.
SS. SMITH, Dealer in Drugs, bledi
. GM., Perfumery, Dye Stuffs, Oil., te. Aleo—Oro
calm Confectionaries, dc., Huntingdon, Pa.
TAMES BROW NT,
: De n ier In Ilardarure, Cutlery, Paints, Oils, te., hunt
ingdon, Pa.
ROMAN, •
Dealer In Ready Made Clothing, Mate and Cape,
oats and Shoes, &c.
jP. TWIN,
e Dealer in Dry Goode, Groceries, Hardware, Quetta
stars, Hats and Caps, Boots and Shoes, Sm.
• E..HENRY & CO., Wholesale and
• r
Retail Dealers in Dry o.ds. Groceriee, Hardware,
Queensware, and Provisions oral! kinds, Huntingdon.
0 LONG & CO., Dealers in Candies,
Seas, Family Groceries, &a., Huntingdon, Fa.
"ErENItY STROUSE-& CO:Mark - les
Jl'burg, Ps., Dealers lo Dry Goode, Groceries, etc.
WM. AFRICA, Doilei. in Boots and
noes,in the Dletnoild, Ittip,th:!gdon, Pn.
T.
4 . tOPOLD BLOOM, Huntingdon, Pa,
Dealeilti Reaarhlage Clothing. fiats, Caps, Sic.
IEORGE SHAEFFER, Boot and
•
NA aka, tcj•Fltpt,:nytanngloa, Pa. •
TOHN H. WESTBROOK, Dealer in
ty Ropy, nixie, Hosiery, CollfPctlopery, wpm,
YENTER, Dealer in Groceries and
.Provisions of ell kinds, thvatingdon, Pa.
QIN,QN COHN, Coffee Run, Dealer in
kj Dress Goods, Groceries, Wood and Wa:.
.
T B. SHOISITZ & BRO., Markiesburg,
• : t r epe,el6 7 •fiyl liegy Uncle Clnthlng, Jewelry, Lc.
''' . : • - ' .
& CO.,
~,.I.3pentere In .13eukenod,Stationery, Hunllngdou, Pa.
.
DONNELL SE:KLINE,
PHOTOGRAPHERS, Huntingdon, Pa
TAR. Huntingdon
- ,[Curp.l by F.lietropithya
AT GUTMAN & CO., Dealenkin Ready
issio Clothing. linutingdou, Pa.
rENRY M'INIANIGILL, - Proprietor
i!cifLriery stable. ITeollingtou street, Iluutiogdun.
GIIELNE, Dealer in Alnsie,mn-
A, • .I=l Instruments, sewing )I.ctlittes. Iluntingdup.
SHOEMAXER, Agent for the Ma
).Jo'giegtar Linithinf, Huntingdon, I's.
A BRUMBAUGH, Agent for the
e Victor Cana Mill, ac., James Croak, hoot. co., Pa
VITAL WILLIAMS, .* :
y y Vail) end Oecumenic) Marble Manufacturer
ATM. LEWIS,
Dealer ip Booka, Stationery and Musical Imam
intents, Huntingdon, Da.
_ 1) 1 - 11,11, POSTER.
The undersigned otters his service, to business
men and others desiring circulars distributed or handbills
posted:" 'locum be Been at the GLOBE office.
Huntingdon, Aug.l6, AGS. JOHN KOPLIN.
iIItUSINESS MEN, TAKE NOTICE!
1_22 If you mitot your card neatly printed oo envoi
rpm coil at
LEWIS' BOOK AND STATIONERY STEOR.
pLANK BOOKS,
I;ewis-A-075).V;Mf;Ic:.;!°E;:y9ToRF
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ligl9
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and PropriOtor.
VOL. XXL
FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE
IMESEM
PRESIDENT JOHNSON
To the Senate and House of Representa•
fives of the United States of America:
To express gratitude to. God, in the
name of the people, for the preserva
tion of the United States, is my first
duty in addressing you. Our thoughts
next revert to the death of the late
President by the hand of parricidal
treason. The grief of the nation is
still fresh ; it finds some solace in the
consideration that: he lived to enjoy
the highest proof of its confidence by
entering on the renewed term of the
Chief 'Magistracy, to which he had just
been elected; that he brought the civil
war substantially to a close; that his
loss was deplored in all parts of the
Union, and that foreign nations have
rendered justice to his memory. His
removal cast upon me a heavier weight
of cares than ever devolved upon any
ono 'of his Rredeeessors. To fulfill my
trust I need the support and confidence
of all who are associated with me in
the various departments of govern
inent, and the support arid confideOce
of the people. There is but ono way
in which I can hope to gain the'r nec
essary; aid; it is to state with frank
ness the principles which guide my
conduct, and their application to the
present state of affairs, well aware
that the efficiency of my labors will, in
a great measureolopend on your and
their Undivided approbation.
The Union of the States.
The Union 'Of the United States of
America was intended by its authors
to last as long as the States themselves
shall last. "The Union shall bo per
petual" aro the words of the Confile
ration. "To form a more perfect Uni
on," by an ordinance of the people of
the United States, is the declared pur
pose of the Constitution. The hand
of Divine Providence was never more
plainly visible in the affairs of men
than
,in the framing and adopting of
that instrument. It is, beyond com
parison, the greatest event in Ameri
can history ; and, indeed, is it not, of
all events in modern times, the most
pregnant with consequences for every
people of the earth ? The members of
the Convention which prepared it,
brought to their work the experience
of the Confederation, of their several
States, and ofother Republican Gov
ernments, old aid new; but they need
ed and they obtained a wisdom supe
rior to experience. And when for its
validity it required the approval of a
people that occupied a large part of
the continent and acted separately in
many distinct conventions, what is
more wonderful than that, after earn
est contention and long discussion, all
feelings told all opinions were ultimate
ly drawn in one way to its support ?
_Meaning and Power of the Constitution.
The Constitution to which life was
thus imparted, contains within itself
ample resources for its own preserva—
tion. It has power to enforce the laWs,
punish treason, and ensure domestic
tranquillity. In case of the usurpation
of the Government of a State by one
man, or an oligarchy, it becomes a du
ty of the United Statesto make good
the guarantee to that State of a repub
lican form of government, and so to
maintain the homogeneousness of all.
Does the lapse of time reveal defects?
A simple mode of amendment is provi
ded in the Constitution itself, so that
its conditions can always be made to
conform to the requirements of advan
cing civilization. No room is allowed
even for the thought of a possibility of
its coming to an end. And these pow
ers of - soli' preservation- have always
been asserted in their complete integ
rity by every ptitriotio Chief Magis
trate—,by Jefferson and
• Jackson, not
less than by Washington and Madison.
The parting advice of the Father of
his country, while yet President, to
the people of
.the United
_States was,
that."the free.COristittition, which was
the work, of their hands, might be sa
credly maintained ;" and the inaugural
words of President Jefferson hold up
"the preservation of the General Gov
ernment, in its constitutional vigor, as
the sheet anchor of our peace at home
and safety abroad." The Constitution
is-the work of "the People of-the Uni
ted States," and it should be as inde
structible as the people.
Acquieicerice in Decision of the Majority.
It is not strange that the framers of
the Constitution, whieh had no.model
in the past, should not have fully com
prehended the excellence of their own
work. Fresh from a struggle against
arbitrary power, many patriots suffer
ed from harassing fears : of an absorp
tion of the gtate . Governments by the
General Government, and many from
a dread that the States would break
away frcim-their orbits. But-the very
greatness of our country should alley
the a9prehension of encroachments by
the General Government. Th.o subjects
that come unquestionably within its
jurisdiction urn so numerous, that it
must ever naturally refuse to be
barrassed by questions that lie beyond
it. Were it otherwise, the Executive
would sink beneath the burden'; the
channels of justice would be choked;
legislation would be obstructed by ex
cess; so that there is a greater tempt.
akin to exercise some of the functions
of the General Government through
the States than to trespass on their
rightful sphere. "The absoltite acqui
escpnee in the decision of the majority"
was, at the beginning of, the century,
enforced by Jefferson "as the vital
principle of republics," and tho events
of the lust four years have established,
we will hope,
forever, that there lies
no appeal to force.
Relations of the Constitution and States.
The maintenance of the Union brings
with it "the support of the State'Gov
erntuents in all their right;" but it is
ffUNTINGPON, -PILL, i WEDNESDAY, DirilacE.MßE,l3, ,13,..-1865,
not one of, the rights of any Stato Gov
eminent to renounce its own place in
the Union, or to nullify the laws of the
Union. The .largest liberty is to be
maintained in thediscussion . of ,the
acts
of the Federal Government; but
there is no appeal from its laws, ekeePt
to the various branches of that Gov
ernment itself, or to the people, who
grant to the Legislative and Executive
departments no tenure but. a limited
one, and in that manner alWays retain
the power' of redress.
"The sovereignty of the State.P is
the Itinguage of the . Confederacy, and
not the language of
.the Constitution.
The latter- contains the emphatic
words: ..‘The Constitution, and the
laws of the United . States; whiCh shall
made fin pursuance thereof, and all
treaties Made or which shall be made
under, the authority, of the 'gritted
States, shall be the supreme, laW of the
land; and the judges in every State
shall be bound thereby, anything in
the constitution Or laws of any State
to the, contrary notwithstanding."
Certainly the' Government of the
United States is a limited goVernment;
and so is every State Government a
limited government. With us, this
idea of limitation spreads through' ev
cry form of ndrninistration, general,
State and municipal, and rests on the
great distinguishing principle of the
reeiigaition of the rights of man. The
ancient republiceabsorbod the individ
ual in the State, prescribed his religion .
and controlled his activity. The 4m
erican system rests on the assertion of
the equal right of every man to life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;
to freedom of conscience, to the culture
and exorcise of all his faculties. As a
consequeneo, the State Government is
limited, as to the General Government
in the interest of Union, as to the indi
vidual citizen in the interest of freedom.
States, with proper limitations of
power, aro essential to the existence of
the Constitution of the United States.
At the very commencement, when we
assumed a placo among the powers of
the earth, the Declaration of Indepen
dence was adopted by States; so also
were the Articles of Confederation ;
and "the people of the United States"
ordained and established the Constitu
tion, it was the assent of the States,
one by ono, which gave it vitality. Ie
the event, too, of any amendment to
the Constitution, the proposition of
Congress needs the confirmation of
States. Without States, one great
branch of the legislative government
would be wanting. And ; it we look
beyond the letter of the Constitution
to the charafter of our country, its
capacity for comprehending within its
jurisdiction a vast continental empire
is due to the system of States. The
best security for the perpetual exist
ence of the States is the "supreme an
thority" of the constitution of the Uni•
ted States. The perpetuity of the 'con
stitution brings with it the perpetuity
of the States; their mutual relation
makes us what we are, and in our po
litical system their connection is indis.
soluble. The whole cannot exist With
out the parts, nor the parts without
the whole: So long as the Constitu
tion of the United States endures, the
States will endure; the destruction of
the ono is the destruction of the other;
the preservation of the one is the pre.
servation of the other.
I have thus explained my vie•.vs of
the mutual relations of the Constitu
tion and the States, because they un
fold the principles on which I have
sought to solve the momentous ques—
tions and overcome the appalling diffi
culties
. that mot me at the very com
mencement of my administration. It
has been my steadfast object to escape
from the sway of momentary passion's,
and to derive a hear ng policy from the
fundamental and unchanging principles
of the Constitution.
The President's Policy of Reconstruction.
I found the States suffering, from the
effects of a civil war. Resistance to
the General Government appeared to
have exhausted' itself. The United
States had recovered possession of their
forts and - arsenals; and their armies
were in the occupation of every State
which had attempted to secede. Whe
ther the territory within the limits of
those States should be held ns con
quered territory, under military autho
rity emanating from the President as
the head of the army' '
was the first
qaestiOn that presented itself for deci•
sion. Now, military governments es•
tablished for an indefinite period, w'kl
have offered no security for the early
suppression of discontent; would have
divided the people into the vanquishers
and the vanquished; and would have
envenomed hate, rather than have re
stored affection. Once estublisLed, no
precise limit to their continuance is
conceivable. They would have occa
sioned an incalculable and exhausting
expense. Peacefhl'eniigration to:and
from that portion Of the country is one
of the hest inonns-that can be thought
of for the restoration of.harmouy; and
that emigration 'would have been pre
vented; for what emigrant from - abroad
and what, industrious citizon at home,
would. willingly place himself under
military rule r The chief persons who
would have followed in the train of
the army would have been depend
ants on the General Government, or
men who expected profit from the mis
eries of their, erring fbllow citizens.—
The powers of patronage and yule
Which would have been exercised; un
der the President, over a vast, and
populOns, and naturally wealthy re—
gion, are greater than, unless under
extreme necessity; I would be willing
to entrust to ono man; they are such
as for myself, I could never, unless on
occasions of great emergency, consent
to exercise. The wilful use of such
powers, if continued through a period
of years,
would have endangered the
purity of the general administration
--PPRSRVERV
and the liberties of the States which
remained loyal.
13esides, the policy of military rule
over a conquered territory would have
implied that the States whose inhabi
,tants may have taken part in the re
hellion had, by the act.of those inhab-
Itants,.ceased to exist.
.B.ut the true
theory is, that all ; pretended acts
. of
secession wore, front the beginning,
null and void. The Slates cannot com
mit treason,,nor screen . the individual
citizens who : : may have committed
troason,.any. more than they. can make
valid treaties or engage in lawfUl com
merce with, any foreign power. The
State attempting to secede placed
.themselves In a condition 'where their
vitality,was impaired, but, not extin
guished= their. functions, suspended
put not .dcetroyed.
Ptt.if any State neglects ar refuses
to perform its offices, there is the more
need tkat the General Government
should maintain all its authority - , and'
as soon us practicabloi"fesunte the. ox.
twciso.- of all., its functions... On this
principle I have acted, and have grad•
ually and ~quietly, and by almost im
perceptible stops ' sought to, restore the
rightful energy of the. General Govern
ment and of the Stateg. To that end,
Provisional. Governors heVe been up.
.pointed for the States, Conventions
called, Governors elected, Legislatures
assembled, and
,Senators and Repro
-sentatiVea chosen , to the Cougress of
thet'United States. At the sante time
the Courts of the United States, as far
as could be done; have been redpened,
so that the laws of the United States
maybe enforced through their agency.
The blockade haft been removed and
the Custom Houses re established in
ports of entry, so that the revenue of
the United States may be collected.--
.The Post Office department renews its
ceaseless activity; and the General Go
vernment is thereby enabled to com l / 4
municato promptly With its officers
and agents. The Coiirte bring securi
ty to persons and property; the open
ing of the ports invites the restoration
of industry and
the
; the postof
fice renews the facilities of social in
tercourse, and ofbusiness. And is it
not happy for us all, that the reatora.
Lion of each one of these functions of
the. General Government brings with
it a blessing to the States over which
they are extended? Is it not a sure
promise of harmony and renewed at•
tachment to the Union that, after all
that has happened, the return of the
general Government is known only as
a beneficence?
Risk Attending the Policy
I know very Well that this policy is
attended with some risk; that for its
success it requires at least the acquies•
ounce of the states Which it concerns;
that it implies an invitation' to those
States, by renewing their allegiance to
the United States ; to resume their
functions es States of the Union. But
it is a risk that must be taken ; in the
choice, of difficulties, it is-the smallest
risk; and to diminish, and, if possible,
to remove all danger•, I have telt it ie
etimbent' on rite to assort one other
power of the General Government—
the power of pardon. • As no State can
throw a di:let:fie over the crime of teen -
son, jhe power of pardon is eXclusirely
vested in the Executive Government
of the United States. In exercising
that power, i have taken every pre
caution to connect it with the clearest
recognition of the binding force of the
laws of the United States, and an un
qualified acknowledgment of the groat
social change of condition in regard to
slavery which has grown out of the war
The Amendment of the Constitution.
The next step which I have taken to
rostore the Constitutional relations of
the States, has been an invitation to
them to participate in the.high office of
amending the
. constitution. Every
patriot mast wish for a general amnes
ty at the earliest epoch consistent with
public safety. For this end there is
need, of a concurrent:o of all .opinions,
and the spirit of mutual conciliation
All parties in the tate terrible conflict
must work together in harmony. It is
not too much to aiik,in the name of the
whole people, that, on the ono side,tlio
plan of restoration shall proceed in
con!ormity with a willingness to cast
the disorders of the past into oblivion;
and, on the other, the evidence of sins
cerity in the future maintenance of the
.Union shall be put beyond any doubt
by the ratification of the proposed a
mendment to the Constitution, which
provides for the abolition of slavery
forever within the limits of our coun
try. So long as the adoption of this
amendment is delayed, so long will
doubt, *and jealousy, and uncertainty
prevail. This is the measure which
will efface the sad memory of the past;
this is the measure which "wilt most
certainly call population, and capital,
'and security to those parts of the Un
ion thilt need theth most. Indeed; it is
riot too much to ask of time States
which are now resuming their places
in the family of the Union to give this
pledge of perpetual loyalty and peace.
Until it is done, the Past, however
much we may desire it, will not be for
gotten. Time .adoption of the amend
anent reunites us beyond all power of
disruption. It heals the wound that is
still imperfectly closed; it removes
slavery, the element which has so long
perplexed and divided the country; it
makes of us once more a united people,
renewed and atrongthened,hound more
than over to mutual affection and sup
port.
Admission of Southern Congressmen.
The amendtnent to the Constitution
being adopted, it would remain for the
States, whose powers hare been so long
in abeyance, to resume their places in
the two branches of the National 4eg
islature,and thereby complete the work
of restoration. Hero it is for you,
low citizens of the Senate, and for you,
fellow citizens of tile House of 41epre-
sentatives, to judge, each of you for
yourtiolv6s, of the elections, returns,
and qu;difientions of your own mom•
bers.
Re otahlishment cf the Federal Courts.
The full assertion of the powers of
General Government requires the hold
ing of Circuit Courts of the United
States within the districts where their
authority has been interrupted.: In the
present posture of our public affairs,
strong objections have been urged to
holding those courts in 'arty of the
States where the rebellion has existed;
and it. was ascertained, by inquirk,that
the Circuit Cotirt of the United States
would not be held within the District
of Virinia dUring the autumn or early
winter, nor until Congress should have
"an opportunity to consider and act on
the whole subjact." To•your deliber
ations the restoration of this brarich of
the civil authority of tho United Slates
is therefore, necessarily referred, lyith
the hope that early provision will be
made for
.the resumption of all its lane
tions. his Manifest that treason, most
flagrant in character, has been corn
witted. Persons who aro charged with '
its commission should have fair and im
partial trials in the highoSt Civil tri
bunals of tits country, in order that
the ConStitution and the laws may be
fully vindiditted; the truth clearly es
tablished and affirmed that treason is
a Crime, thtit traitors should be ppn
ished and the offense Made infamous;
and, at the same time, that the qttestion
may be judicially, settled, finally and
forever, that no State of its own will
has the right to renounce its place in
the Union.
The Question of iltegi'o Suffrage
The relations of the General Gov
ernment towards the four millions of
inhabitants whom the war has called
into freedom, have engaged my most
serious consideration. On the propri
ety of attempting to make the freed
men elect:Ors by the proclamation of
the Executive, I took for my counsel
the Constitution itse f, the interpreta
tion . of that instrument by its authors
and thoft• iititeniporaries, and recent
legislation by Congress. When; at tho
first movement towards independence,
the Congress of the United States in
structed the several States to institute
laws of their own, they left each State
to decide for itself the conditions for
the enjoyment of the elective franchise.
During the period of the Confederacy,
there continued to exist a very great
diversity in tho qualifications Of oleo
tors in the several States; and even
within a State a distinction of qualifi
cations prevailed with, regard to the
officers Who were to be Chosen. The
Constitution of the United States rec
ognizes these diversities when it en
joins that, in the choice of members of
the House of Representatives of the
United States, "the electors in each
State shall hare the qualifications re
quisite for electors of the most numer
ous branch of the State Legislature."
After the formation of the Constitu
tion, it remained, as before, the uni
form us'age for each State to enlarge
the body of its electors, according to
its own judgment; and, under this
system, one State alter another has
proceeded to increase the number of
its eloctors,until now universal suffrage,
Or something very near it, is the gee
eral rule: So fixed was this reservation
of power in the habits of the people,
and so iinquestioned has been the in•
terpretation of the Constitution, that
during the civil war the late President
never harbored the purpose—certainly
never avowed the purposeof disre
garding it; and in the acts of Congress,
during that period, nothing can be
found which, during the continuance of
hoStilities, much less after their close,
would have sanctioned any departure
by the Executive from a policy which
has so uniformly obtained. Moreover,
a concession of the elective franchise to
the freed Men, by act of the President
of the United States, must have been
extended to all colored men, Wherever
foiled, and so must have established a
charge of suffrage in the Northern,
Middle and Western States, not less
than in the Southern and Southwestern.
Such an act would have created a new
class of voters, and would have been
an assumption of power by the Presi
dent which nothing in the Constitution
or laws of the United States would
have warranted.
On the other hand, every danger of
Conflict is avoided when the settlement
of the question is referred to the sev
eral States. They can, each for itself,
decide on the measure, and whether it
is to be adopted at once and absolutely,
or introduced gradually and with con
di dons. In my judgment, the freed
men, it they show patience and' manly
virtues, will sooner obtain a participa
tion in the elective franchise through
the States. than through the General
Grovernment,even if it hod power to in
tervene. When the tninult of emotions
that have been raised 'by the sudden
nese of the social 'change have subsided,
it may prove that they will receive the
kindliest usage: from some of those on
whom they have heretofore most close
ly depended.
The Freedmen Must •be Protected.
But. while I have no doubt thatinow,
after the close of the war, it is not
competent for the General Government
to extend this electivefranchise in the
several Stews, it is equally clear that
good faith requires the security of the
freedmen in • their liberty and their
T roperty, their right to labor,and their
right to claim the just return of their
labor. I cannot too strongly urge a
dispassionate treatment of thissubject,
which should be carefully kept aloof
from all party strife. We must equally
avoid hasty assumptions of any natu
ral impossibility for the two races to
live side by•side, in a state of mutual
benefit and good will. The experiment
involves us in no inconsistency; let us,
then, go on !And make-that experinient
TVRIUS, $2,00 a year in advance.
in good faith, tind'ilat be too easily dis
heartened. The country is in need of
labor, and the freednien are in need of
employment, culture, and protection.
While their rights of Voluntary:migra
tion and expatriation is not to be un
questioned, I would not advise their
forced removal and colonization. Lot
us rather encourage them to honorable
and useful industry, where it may be
beneficlial to themselves and to the
country; and, instead olhasty
pations of the certainty of ; failure, lot
there be nething wanting, to Um fair
trial of the experiment: 'The - change
in their condition is the substitution
of labor by contract for the status of
slavery. The freedman cannot fairly
be accused of unwillingnees to' .work,
so long as a, doubt remains .about his
freedorn of choice in his' pursuits, and
the certainty of his 'recovering • his
stipulated wages: . In this the . interests
of the employer ftucl the 'employed
coincide. The employer desires:in his
workmen spirit and alacrity, and theSe
can be permanently secured in no other
way. And if the one Ought' to be able
to enforce.the contract, so ought the
other. The public interest; will be beet
promoted, if the several States will
provide adequate protection and reme- '
dies for the freedmen. Until this is in
some way accomplished, there is. no
chance fdr the advantageous use of
their labor;, and the blame of ill success
will not rest on them.
I know that eltinere Phil'anthropy is
-earnest for the •firtmodinte realitatien
of ita remotest alma; but time is always
an element in reform. It-is' one of the:
greatest acts on record to have brought
Four millions of people into freedom.
The career of free industry must be
fairly opened to thorn; and their future
prosperity and condition must, after
all, rest mainly on themselves. If they
fail, and so perish'away, let us be care
ful that the failure shall not be attrib
utable to any denial of justice. In all
that relates to the destiny of the freed
men we need not be too, anxious' o
road the future; many incidents which,
from a speculative point of view,might
raise alarm, will quietly settle them•
selves.
Iglavery a Monopoly of Labor
Now that slavery is 'at an end or
near its end, that greatness of its evil,
in the point of view of public economy,
becomes more and more apparent.
Slavery was essentially a monopoly of
labor, and as 8116 locked the States
wbettit prevailed against the incoming
of free inthistry. Where label. was the
"prope"rty of the capitalist, the white
Man was excluded from. employment,
or had but thii second best 'Chance of
finding it; and the foreign emigrant
turned ti*ay from the region where
his condition would be so precarious
With the destruction of the monopoly,
free labor will hasten front all parts of
the civiliied world to assiet in develop
ing various and immeasurable resour
ces which have hithertO lain dormant.
The eight or nine States nearest the
Gulf of Mexico have a soil of exuber
ant fertility, a climate friendly to long
life, and can sustain a denser popula-
Lion than is found as yet in any part
of our country. And the future influx
of population to them will be mainly
froin the North, or from the most cul
tivated nations in : Europe. From the
sufferings that have attended them dur
ing our late struggles, let its look away
to the future, which is sure to be laden
for them with greater prosperity than
has ever before been "knowo. The re
moval of the monopoly of slave labor
is a pledge that those regions. will be
peopled by a numerous and enterpri
sing population, which will vie with
any in the Union in compactness, in
ventive genius, wealth and industry.
:Aro Monopoly—Egual Rights for All.
Oar Government springs fitin and
was made for the people--,not the peo
ple for tlie Government. To them it
owes nllegiance; front them it must
derive its courage,strength and wisdem
But while the Government is thus
bound to defer to the people, from
whom it derives its existence,it should,
from the very consideration of its ori
gin, be strong in itsmower,of resistance
to the establishment of inequalities.
Monopolies, perpetuities, and clas;3leg
islation, are contrary to the genies;of
free Government, : and ought not to be
allowed: Here, there is no room for
favored clusses or monopoliesthe
principle of our Government is that:of
equal laWs and freedom of industry.
Whenever monopoly attains a foothold,
it is sure to be a source of danger, dis
cord and trouble. .We 6 - 0, fulfil
,
our duties as fegislatora : :by according
"equal and, exact justice to ~aIV men,"
apecial privileges to none. ,The Gov
ernment is snhordinate to the people
but, as the agent and representative. of
the people, it must be held superior to
monopolies, which, in themselves,
ought noVor to be granted, and which,
where they exist, must be subordinate
and yield to tits Government.
The Commerce between. States.
The Constitution confers on Con
gress the right to regulate commerce
among the several States: It is of the
first neeesSity, for the maintenance of
the Union, that that commerce should
be free and unobstructed. No State
can be justified in any device to tax
the transit travel and commerce be
tween States. The position of many
States is such that if they were allowed
to take advantage of it for purposes of
local revenue,
the commerce between
States might be injuriously burdened,
or even virtually prohibited. It is
best, while the country is•still pint%
and while the tendency to dangerous
monopolies of this kind is still feeble,
to use the power of Congress so. as to ,
prevent any selfish impediment to the
free circulation of men and merChanN
dise. A tax on travel and — morehaii•
dise, in their transit, .constitutes o toot
the worst toms of monopoly; and the
evil is ineresBC4 Cattpled. • With a do.
JOB PRINTING OPPICII:
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7111E' "GLOBE JO , • , 10
the moet complete' 'of an.); in tit; connity:nnifpos..
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the Lest otyle, erery variety of . Job Printing, ouch'
WAND , BiLLS, . : I
PROGRAMMES,
• . BLANKS,
POSTERS,
CARDS,
CIRCCLA.RS,
BALI. TICKETS, • '
LABELS, &.C., &C., &C
NO. 24,
CALL AND EICAILIND SPIV:OISIMS or woo;
AT LETYIS' BOOK. STATIONERY .4 MUSIC STORE
nial of the choice of route. When the
'vast extent'of our counta' is consid•
ered, it is plain that every olistaele to
the free circulation' of Commerce be
tween the States ought to be strongly
guarded against by appropriate legis
lation, within the limits of the Consi.i
tution.
Operations of Patent Office and Pension
The report of. the Secretary. of.:the
Interior, explains the, condition of Abe
public lands, the. transactions of the
Patent office and the Pension Bureau,
the management of our.lndian• affairs,
the , progrese made in the constructien
of the Pacific railroad, and-,furnishes
information in reference to. matters.pf
local interest in, the Distrietmf Colum
bia, It also. presents. evidence of. the
euecessful operation.of the Hoiriestead
.Act, under the provisions of which 1,-
160.533 acres of the public lands were
entered during the last .fiscal, year--
-.more than one fourth .of the whole
number, of acres sold or otherwiso:clis•
posed of during that period. It as es•
timated that the.receipts derived.from
this source are sufficient to cover the
expenses incident to, the survey and
disposal of the lands entered under
this act, and that payments in cash to
the extent of from forty to fifty per, et.
will .be made by settlers, who may
thus at .any time acquire title before
the expiration of the period at which
it would otherwise vest.< The home
stead policy was established only after
long and. earnest resistance;: experi
ence.preves its wisdom:. The lands,
in the hands of industrious , settlers,
whose labor; creates wealth and con
tributes to ,the public resources, are
worth more, to the United•Stutes than
if they had been reserved as a solitude
for future purchasers. .
The lamentable events of , the last
four years, aud the sacrifices Made by
the gallant men of our Army and.Na4
vy,have swelled the records of tho Te
nsion Bureau to an unprecedented ex
tent. On the 30th day of June last,
the total number of pensioners was
85,936, requiring for their annual pay,
exclusive of expenses, the sum of 89,-
023,44.5. . The number of applications
that have been allowed since date
will require a large increase of this
.
amount for the next . fiseal year. The
means for'the payment of tbe stipends
due, under existing laws, to our diS•
abled soldiers and Bailors; and to the
families of such as have perished in
the service of the 'country, will no
doubt be cheerfully and pr.)mptly gran
ted. 'A grateful people will nbt hesitate
to sanction any measures having .for
their object the relief Of 'soldiers
dated and families Made fatherless in
the efforts to preserve our national
existence.
The report of the Postmaster Gener
al presents an encouraging exhibit of'
the operations of the postoffice•De
partment during the year. The rave ,
nuns of the past year from the loyal
States alone exceeded the maximum
annual receipts from all the States
previous to the rebellion, in the sum of
55,038,091; and the annual average in•
crease of revenue during the last four
years, compared with tiere . v.enues of
the four years immediately preceding
the reb2llion, was 83,633,845. The rev
enue of tho last fiscal year amount
ed to $14,556,108, and 'the expen
ditures to 813.691,728, leaving a
surplus of receipts over'expencliture,s
of $861,430. Progres . s has been made
restoring the postal service in, the
Southern States. The views presented
by the Postmaster General against the
policy of granting subsides to ocean
mail steamship lines upon established
routes, and in the favor of continuing
the present system, which limits'tho
compensation. for ocean service to the
postage earnings, are . recommended
to the careful consideration of Con— ,
gross. • .
Condition of the Navy
It appears from the report of the
Secretary of the Navy, that while,..at
the comineneenient of thepresontyea,r,
there wore in commission No vessels
of all classes and slescriptions, armed
with 3 CloOluns and manned, by 0,1 ) 00D
mon, the number of vessels atpro . sent
in commission is 117, with 830 guns
and 12,128 men. By:this prompt re
duction of the naval forces the expen
ses of the Government have been
largely diminished), and H a number. of
vessels, purchased. for naval. purposes
from the mercha.ut,marine i have been
returned ,to the peaceful. ,pursuits of
commerce:; Since the suppression of
naive hostilities our foreign squadrons
have beim , re-established; and consist
of , vessels . much more •elfwient than
those employed on similar service
previous to. the rebellion. Thestigges-
Lion for :the enlargement of the navy
yards, and especialfy, for the establish
ment of one in fresh . water, for iron
clad vessels, is deserving of Considers.
Lion, as is also the recommendatiOn for
a different location and more ample
grounds for the Naval Academy.
Report of Secretary of War.
In the report of the Seeretary of
War, a general suinmary is given ; of
the' military eanipaigns of 1864 and
1865, ending in the suppression of arm
od resistance to the national authori
ty in the insurgent States. The'op•
rations of the general administrative
Bureaus of the War Department dur
ing the past year are detaPed, and 'an
estimate made of the appropriation
that will be required, for iniiitary:pur>
poses in the fiscal year commencing
the 30th day of June,lB6s. the na
tional military force on.the ISt daY of
Alay, 1865, nnrnhered;l,ooo,sl6 men.
,
It is pOposed.,tb-reduee: thamilitary
establishment to a peace footing, corn. ;
proheudii% fay thou,and troops of all
to.rns, orgituizoil BO as to admit of an
enlargement by. filling, up the riarilts of
thousand Six hundred, if
BILL HEADS,
Bureau
Postal Affairs