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Addrekkof the Union State Committee
to the People of Pennsylvania.
TELE VERDICT. IN 1864
l'Ettow-CrrinNS: In a short time
you will again be called upon to exer
cise the highest privilege, and.perform
one of the most sacred duties of Free
inen. One year ago. our State was
deeply agitated by a conflict of opin
ion which :was emphatically and un
mistakably settled at the ballot box.—
'When the public mind was thoroughly
•aroused by the warmth and ability of
the contest. On both sides were ar
rayed men who earnestly, and perhaps
in most cases sincerely, endeavored to
persuade their fellow. citizens that the
triumph of their views was indispensa
ble to the Welfare and prosperity of
the State, the peace and enjoyment of
the people, and -the duration and life
of the Nation. After a long, well con
tested and thorough canvass, the peo
ple of Pennsylvania, by more than
twenty thousand, and the people of
the Natien, by more than four hundred
thousand majority, rendered their ver
dict. The lines wore plainly drawn,
and the issue clearly and fully made
up. It is impossible for any one to be
mistaken as to the character of the tri
al, or the nature of the verdict. Tho
administration of Abraham Lincoln
was on trial. -The American people
were the jurors. The contest was
waged by his friends;-under most in
auspicious circumstances, and in the
midst of unparalleled difficulties and
trials. No event, in the history of the
human race, was so well calculated to
test fully and completely the capacity
of man for self government. The peo
ple were called upon, voluntarily, to
tax themselves for the payinent of an
immense and daily increasing debt.—
They were asked to furnish more men I
for the army; and on the very eve of I
the election, President Lincoln pro , . '
ceeded to enforce a draft to fill up the
army all hazards, preferring the
suppression of the rebellion and the life
of the Republic, to his own success at
the polls, an example of disinterested
patriotism and of heroic action, never
surpassed by any ruler named in his
tory.
The people of the United States
proved themselves worthy of such a
ruler. Animated by a lofty patriotism '
rising above all considerations of sel
-fisbness, and having resolved upon
their knees and in their closets that
the noble old Republic of our fathers
should not perish; in spite of all our
enemies at home and abroad, the ty
rants and aristocracies of Europe, the
kings of the earth; armed traitors in
filo South,
their sympathizers in the
North, and all the enemies of human
liberty, -everywhere, they heroically
and courageously recorded their ver
dict at the ballot box. Both parties
went into the contest with their prin
ciples plainly inscribed upon their
banners, and it is impossible to suppose
that the people did not understand the
nature, extent, and true character of
the issues which they were trying.
The Union Convention at Baltimore
which nominated Lincoln and Johnson
declared as follows:
-"Resolved, That it is the highest du
ly of every American citizen to main
tain against all their enemies the in
tegrity of the Union,,and the para
mount authority of the Constitution
and laws of the United States; and
`Chat, laying aside all differences of
political opinion, we pledge ourselves
as Union men animated by a common
sentiment, and aiming' at a common
object, to do everything in our power
to aid the Government in quelling, by
force of arms, the rebellion now raging
against its authority, and in bringing
to the puryishment due to their crimes,
the repel mq traitors arrayed against
it. -
"Resolved, That we approve the de
termination of the Government of the
United States not to compromise with
rebels, nor to offer any terms of peace
except such as may be based upon an
'unconditional surrender' of their hos
tility, and a return to their just allegi
ance to the Constitution and laws of
the United States, and that we call up
on the Government to maintain this
position and to prosecute the war with
the utmost possible vigor to the cornm
plete suppression of the rebellion, in
,full reliance upon the self sacrifice, the
patriotism, the heroic valor and the un
dying devotion of the American people
,t,o their country and its free institution
"Resolved, That as slavery was the
~canse,and now constitutes the strength
tof this rebellion, and as it must be al
tways and everywhere hostile to the
principles of republican government,
justice and the national safety demand
its utter and complete extirpation from
the soil of the republic; and that we
uphold and maintain the acts and
proclamationg by which the Govern
ment, in its own defence, has aimed a
deathblow at this gigantic evil. We
are in favor, furthermore, of such an
amendment to the Constitution, to be
made by tbopeople,in conformity with
its provisions, as shall terminate and
forever prohibit the existence of Sla
very within the limits of the jurisdic.
tion of the United States.
"Resolved, That we approve and ap
plaud the practical wisdom, the unsel
fish patriotism, and unswerving fideli
ty to the Constitution and the princi
ples of American liberty, with which
Abraham Lincoln has discharged, un
der circumstances of unparalleled dif
ficulty, the great duties and respansi•
bilities of the Presidential office; that
we approve and endorse, as demanded
by the emergency and essential to the
preservation of the nation, and as
Witliin the Constitution, tho measures
and netswhich he has adopted to de
fend the nation against its open and
secret foes. That wo approve especi
ally the Proclamation of Emancipation
42 CO
1 00
e •
VOL, XXL
and the employment as Union soldiers
of men heretofore hold in slavery; and
that wo have full confidence in his de
termination to carry those and all
other Constitutional measures essen
tial to the salvation of the country, in
to full and complete effect?'
In opposition to the views and prin
ciples thus announced, the representa
tives of the party in opposition to the
administration, met at Chicago, nomi.
tutted McClellan and Pendleton, and
erected a platform which, among other
things, contained the following :
"Resolved, That this convention does
explicitly declare, as the sense of the
American people ; that after four years
of failure to restore the Union by the
experiment of war, during which, un
der. the pretence of a military necessi
ty of war power higher than the Cons
stitution, the Constitution itself has
been disregarded in every part, and
public liberty and private right alike
trodden down, and the material pros
parity of the country essentially im
paired, justice, humanity, liberty and
public welfare demand that immediate
efforts be made for a cessation of hos
tilitieS, with a view to an ultimate
convention of all the States,
or other
peaceable means to the end that at the
earliest practicable moment peace may
be restored on the basis of the Federal
Union of the States.
"Resolved, That the aim and object
of the Democratic party is to preserve
the Federal Union and the rights of
the States unimpaired ; and they here
by declare that they consider the ad
ministrative usurpation of extraordin
ary and dangerous powers not granted
by the Constitution, the subversion of
the civil by military law in States not
in iusurrection, the arbitrary military
arrest, imprisonment, trial and sen
tence of American citizens in States
where civil law exists in full fOreci the
suppression of freedom of speech and
of the press, the denial of the right of
asylum, the ()lion and avowed disre-
gard of state rights, the employment
of unusual test oaths, and-the interfe
rence with and denial of the right of
the people to bear arms, as calculated
to prevent a restoration of the Union,
and the perpetuation of a government
deriving its just powers from the con
sent of the governed."
FALSE AND TIWE PREDICTIONS OF TUE
C I'4l SS
During the progress of the campaign
of 1864, the speakers, writers and can
vassers filled the country with their
hopes and fears, their opinions. and
prophesies. In accordance with the
platform of the opposition, their lead
ers boldly denounced the war as a fail
ure, openly proclaimed that the South
never could be conquered, and that the
re-election of Abraham Lincoln would
certainly prolong the war for at least
four years more, and fill the land with
debt, with shame and disgrace, and
with untold horrors and woes, and fi
nally destroy the Republic of our fa
thers and rear a great military despot.
ism on its ruins. On the other hand,
the friends of the Administration urg
ed that there could be no safety for
the nation, except in a vigorous prose
cution of the war, and that the re-elec
tion
of Mr. Lincoln would go far and
do much to hasten the overthrow of
the, rebellion. The result is before the
world. The promises and pledges of
Union mon made in 1864, have all been
kept and fulfilled. Those of our po
litfeal adversaries have all been dissi
pated and proved hollow, delusive and
Use. The ballot box exhibited a ma
jority unprecedented in the history of
the nation. The enemies of liberty in
foreign lands stood appalled at the re
sult. The friends of the Union every
where took new courage. The rebels
trembled with fear, the heart of the
rebellion grew sick and sank in the
bosom of treason, and the sympathiz.
ors with rebellion in the North hid
themselves away from the public gaze,
and many of them to day deny that
they ever advocated the doctrines or
made the prophesies which they then
so earnestly defended.and so confident
ly proclaimed.
Thanks to the heroism, courage and
skill of American soldiers, sailors and
officers, and to the God of battles, the
war is over, our nation saved, and the
good old Republic still lives. Peace
has again spread her gentle wings over
our once happy and still beloved land.
The sound of trumpets, the noise of
cannon and musketry, the tread of ar
mies, the victorious cheers of our brave
soldiers, and the sickening groans of
the wounded and dying are no longer
heard in our borders. The nation, as
in former times, comes out of the fiery
ordeal triumphant, and now redeemed
and vindicated before the world,
stands forth more bright than ever be
fore as a beacon to the down trodden
and oppressed of all lands, as a terror
to the tyrants of tho earth, as an asy
luM for the oppressed of all nations
and as the wonder and admiration of
the lovers of freedom everywhere.
The grass which wo were told would
grow in the streets of northern cities
in ease of war, is now growing in the
streets where the prophesy was made.
Tho ruin, poverty and suffering which
were to overtake the people of the
North are resting upon the people who
prayed for such blessings upon our
heads. Tho now paradise which was
to be discovered to delight the sain,ts
of the "Southern Confederacy," is filled
with darkness and gloom, with sorrow
and woe.
The large and mighty armies of
treason have been overthrown and
scattered. before the larger and more
powerful armies of the Republic. Trai
tors and their friends everywhere have
boon compelled to yield to the great.
ness, the power, the energy, the re
sources of the nation, and the courage,
skill and endurance of her heroic sons.
Some of the leaders of the rebellion
are buried beneath the soil they at
tempted to desecrate, some are fugi
tives in foreign lands, and others aro
swarming the National Capital and
crawling into the White House, beg
ging pardons from the man. whom of
all others in the load, they have most
fiercely denounced, and most bitterly
hate. The chief of the rebellion him
self- from his prison at Fortress Mon
roe, surveys the ruin he has wrought
among his own people and silently
and sullenly awaits the action of the
Nation he vainly attempted to destroy
to make known to him, in its own
good time, the doom he so richly mer
its.
In tho North, we have prosperity
and plenty, all the evidences of increa
sing power and•greatness, everywhere
present, and the nation surely and
certainly advancing more rapidly than
ever before in the path of progress.—
And, notwithstanding all the calami•
ties and sacrifices of four years of bloo
dy war, (made more destructive by
the inhumanity and barbarism of our
enemies) we have just welcomed to
their homes more than ono million of
brave mon who have saved the nation
and made their names immortal.
THE ISSUES 01' THE PRESENT - CAMPAIGN
After the settlement of the issues of
1864, so disastrously in the field, and
so overwhelmingly at the ballot box
against our adversaries, it would scorn
most singular that the same questions
should be again presented to the peo
ple of the Keystone State. But they
have selected their ground and we
willingly and gladly accept the chal
lenge. At the convention of their or
ganization, recently held at Harris
burg, it was resolved, that "the men
and the party administering the Gov
ernment since 1861, have betrayed
their trust, violated their sacred obli•
gations, disregarded the commands of
the fundamental law, corruptly squan•
dered the public money, perverted the
whole Government from its original
purposes, and thereby have brought
untold calamities upon the country."
The measures of the administration of
Abraham Lincoln, so recently endors
ed by so largo a majority of his coun
trymen, are hero foolishly and wick
edly denounced by the members of this
convention, and the people of Penn
sylvania aro gravely asked to sanction
the act, reverse their own judgment
and repudiate the verdict of the nation
solemnly rendered at the ballot box.
The "Sic Somper Tyrannis" of the
over to be execrated Booth, uttered tie
he rushed from the scene of the great
crime of the ago. conveys no greater
insult to the memory of Abraham Lin
coln, nor runs more directly counter
to the feelings and sentiments of his
countrymen than does this utterance
of the late so:called Democratic Con
vention Let the whole army of free
men which marched to victory in 1864,
under the banner of Abraham Lincoln,
be again called into the field, aid
march to the polls in October, 1865, to
resent the insult to his memory. Let
there be no absentees—no deserters—
no stragglers—but lot all the old sol
diers, officers and mon with a hose of
new recruits be on hand,readyfor the
fight.
But our adversaries wore not eon•
tent to stop with this resolution. They
say in substance and effect that "war
existed as a fact upon the advent of
the successful party in 1860 to the sent
of power,"—that "slaughter, debt and
disgrace aro the results of our late civil
war,"—and that "no more persons
shall be murdered by military com
missions." We had thought that it
had been pretty well settled by the
American people that the war was
caused, commenced and forced upon
us by the actions and conduct of trek
tors, and that the election of a Presi
dent according to the provisions of the
Constitution and laws of the country,
was no cause of war whatever. Wo
thought, too, that success, the glory,
greatness and renown of our common
country,—tho death of treason, slaves
ry, State sovereignty, and the right of
secession, and not simply "debt, dis
grace and slaughter" were results of'
the war. As the action of the Milita
ry Commission had cost only the lives
of a few of the assassins of President
Lincoln, and as only a few of the vilest
of the rebels wore in danger from sim 7
ilar trials, it is next to impossible to
divine a motive for the hostility of the
late Convention toward military com
missions. It would he uncharitable to
intimate that it originated in sympa
thy with such criminals as Wirz or Jeff
Davis.
In contrast with this remarkable
platform of our political opponents, we
have that of our own representatives,
which, among other things, contains
the following : •
"The Union Party of Pennsylvania,
in State convention assembled, declare
"I. That as representatives of the
loyal people of the Commonwealth, we
reverently desire to offer our gratitude
' to Almighty God, whose favor has
vouchsafed victory to the national
arms, enabled us to eradicate the crime
of slavery from our land, and to render
treason against the Republic impossible
forevermore; and next to Him, our
thanks fire dile and are hereby tender
ed to our brave soldiers and sailors,
who, by their endurance, sacrifices and
illustrious heroism, have secured to
their country peace, and to the down
trodden everywhere an asylum of lib
erty; who have shown that the war
for the restoration of the Union is not
a failure, and whose valor has proven
for all time the fact that this Govern
ment of the people, by the people, for
the people,is as invincible in I ts strength
as it is beneficent in its operations."
Tho doctrines and principles of the
party in 1864 have been reasserted by
the convention of 1565. It ie confi
dently belieVed that they will not bo
deserted nor abandoned by the people
at the polls in October next.
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 4, 1865,
-PERSEVERE.-
CONDITION OF STATES LATELY IN REBEL
12333
There exists between the two par
ties, and indeed• among persons of the
same political faith, some difference of
opinion in regard to the true condition
and standing of States lately in rebel-
lion against the Government. It is
not proposed to discuss the point of
difference which mostly involves an
answer to the question :. "Aro the
States now, and have they been dtw:
ing the war, within the Union or not?"
If by "the States" is meant the soil or
territory embraced within their bound•
cries, or the space .occupied by them
upon the map; then we rejoice to be
lieve that not ono inch has ever yet
been or eve• can be taken out of the
Union. But it would- seem equally
clear that the. Governments of those
States have been wholly and utterly .
subverted, and for four years and
more haVe been violently hostile and
antagonistic to the Union. We find
that on the 20th day of Nov.lBoo, the
Attorney General of the United States,
(Judge Black) in an official opinion
used the following language: If it be
true that war can not be declared ; nor
a system of general hostility carried on
by the Central Government against a
State, then it seems to follow that an
attempt to do so would be ipso facto an
expulsion of such State front the Union,
being treated as an alien and an ene
my, she would be compelled to act ac
cordingly. And if Congress shall break
up the present Union by unconstitution
ally putting strife and -enmity and
armed hostility between .different sec
tions of the country, instead of the do
mestic tranquility, which the Constitu
tion was meant to insure, will not all
the States be absolved from their Fed
eral obligations? Is any portion of
the people bound to contribute their
money or their blood to carry on a
contest like that? If in accordance
with this view "those States were expel
led from the Union," and if "they were
absolved from their Federal obligations,"
it would seem to be pretty clear that
they Wore out of the Union.
On the other side of the same Ties.
tion wo have the same authority. At
the Convention of August 24th, 1865,
Judge Black, Chairman of the Com.
mittce on Resolutions, reported, :nong
other things, the following : "That the
States could not absolve the people from
their Federal obligations; that the' State
ordinances of Secession were nullities,
and therefore when the attempted rev
elution came to an end by the submis•
sion of the insurgents, the States were
as much a part of the Union as they
had been before." It would seem from
these views 'that when it suited the
convenience, the fancy or perhaps the
wishes of some persons to have the in
surrectionary States out of the Union,
then they were out; and when it was
desirable to have them back again,
then they were in and had. never been
out!
We are sometimes told that the or
dinances of secession were null and
void. It, is conceded that they were
illegal and unconstitutional. So it is
to commit murder. But you cannot
restore the life of the victim by de
claring the illegal act null and void.
It is unlawful to steal; yet if your
horse be stolen you cannot . bring him
back by declaring ever so earnestly
that the act is null and void.
Concede - that the act of secession
was not only illegal and unconstitu
tional, but also null and void, then, of
course, all that followed in pursuance
thereof must be null and void. If the
foundation is removed the superstruc
ture must fall. it is matter of history,
however, to every one, tliat in those .
States all the judges, Legislatures, and
officers chosen, and all the laws passed
since the commencement of the rebel
lion, were chosen and passed in pursu
ance of the ordinances of secession.
Of coarse, those actions are all null
and void: Hence we find these States
without Governors, without Judges,
without Legislatures, and with their
entire government subverted and over
thrown. Being, however, a part of
the soil and territory of the nation, it
is for the nation to provide a Govern
ment for them until their people, freed
from the odium of treason and taught
to submit in good faith to the issue of
the contest through which they have
just passed, shall prepare and adopt
for themselves a truly Republican form
of government, recognizing all the
groat truths vindicated and established
by the blood and treasure of the na•
tion.
But it matters but little as to the
opinions wo may entertain in regard
to the abstract question, whether these
States are in or out of the Union, be
cause it must bo concedod,on all hands,
that they have been recognized as bel•
ligerents. Our political adversaries
were the first to insist that those rights
should be conceded to them. Foreign
nations seconded the demand, and our
Government yielded to it and treated
them as such. Lest some one, now
that the war is over, should insist that
they were not in the position of bellig
erents, lot us examine what the high
est legal tribunal of the country has
upon the subject.
The Supremo Court of the United
States, in the prize cases recently de
cided, says : "fence, in organizing
this rebellion, they have acted as States
claiming to be sovereign over all per
sons and property within their respec
tive limits; and assorting a right to
absolve their citizens from their alle
giance to the Federal Government."
"It is no loose, unorganized insur
rection, having no defined boundary or
possession. It has a boundary marlced
by lines of bayonets, and which can be
crossed only by force. South of this
lino is enemy's torritdry, because it is
claimed and hold in possession by an
organized hostile and belligerent powc
Had there been :a❑y doubt, before,
..:.;:../
- -1,.,.,._ ; -. V,
' , -...:, :::-...- ie. 1.:.-....
1
this would clearly sot the matter at
rest. Having enjoyed the rights. of
belligerents, shall they avoid the re
sponsibilities and duties and refuse to
submit:to the treatment of belliger-
ents ? What are some of these liabili.
ties ? .-
"The conventions and treaties made
with a nation are broken or annulled
by a war arising between the contend
ing parties." Yattel, Book 10., sec.
125.
In discussion the same point, and
after alluding to afornier custom which
required a formal declaration of war,
Phillimore, p. 662, says : "In tho place
of it has arisen the general maxim that
war, ipso facto, abbrogatos treaties be
tween the belligerents."
On the same subject Chancellor Kent
says : "As a general rule i •the obliga
tions of treaties are dissipated by hos
tility." .1 Kent, 175. :
On this subject Prof. Leiber says on
p. 8 : "All municipal law of the ground
on which the armies stand or of the
countries to,which they belong is silent
and of no effect between armies in the
field."
And Sergeant William (page 8) says;
"The primary effect of war is to ex
tinguigh all civil intercourse, and to
place all subjects of belligerents in the
condition of enemies. This principle
extends not only, to the natural born
subjects, but to all persons domiciled in
the enemies' territories • to all who
conic to reside there with knowledge
of the war; and who having come to
reside before the war continued their
residence after the commencement of
hostilities for a longer time than is nee.
ossary for their convenient departure,"
For fear some one miglft contend
that these principles do not apply- in
eases of civil war, we add an addition
al authority :
In considering this question, Vattel,
in his Law of Nations, on pages 424
and 425, uses this language :
"When in a republic the nation is
divided into two opposite factions, and
both sides take up arms, this is called
a civil war!' "The sovereign' indeed
never fails to bestow tho appellation
of rebels on all such of his subjects as
openly resist him ; but when the lat
ter have acquired a sufficient strength
to give him effectual opposition, and
oblige him to carry on the war against
them according to the established
rules, he must necessarily submit to
the use of the term 'civil war.' On
earth they have no common superior,
they stand precisely in the same predica,
?nod as two nations who engage in a con.
test, and, being unable to come to an
agreement, have recourse to arms."
It is therefore perfectly manifest
that these late rebels aro now in the
condition of conquered, subdued bellig
erents. How may we lawfully treat
them i'
When the war has been unjust, Vat
tel says :
"The whole right of a conqueror is
derived from justifiable selfsdefence,
which comprehends the support and
prosecution of his rights When, there-
Fore, ho has subdued a hostile nation,
he-undeniably may, in the first place,
do himself justice respecting the object
which has given rise to the war, and
indemnify himself for the expenses and
damages he has sustained by it."
"We have a right to deprive our en
emy of his possession of everything
which may augment his strength and
enable him to make war." (Page 364.)
"Every thing, therefore, which be
longs to the nation, to the state, to the
sovereign, to the subjects—every thing
of that kind, I say, falls under the de
scription of things belonging to the
enemy." (Page 125.)
"A conqueror may with justice lay
burdens ou the conquered nation; both
-as a compensation for tho expenses of
the war and as a punishment.' (Page
389.)
On this subject one of our own au
thors, Chancellor Kent, says :
"But, however strong the current of
authority in favor of the modern and
milder construction of the rule of na
tional law on this subject, the point
seems to be no. longer open for discus
sion in this country; and it has bo,
come definitely settled in favor of the
ancient and sterner rule by the Su
premo Court of the United States."
Kent's Com., page 59. Also see Brown
v. The UniteeStates, 8 °ranch, 110.
See also Ibid., 228, 229.
Kent, in the same connection, in re
ferring to the ease of the cargo of the
ship Einulous, 1 Gallison, 563, in the
Circuit Court of the United States, at
Boston, says: "When the case was
brought up, on appeal, before the Su
premo Court of the United States, the
broad principle was assumed, that war
gave to the sovereign full right. to take
the persons, and confiscate the proper
ty of the enemy wherever found ; and
that the mitigations of this rigid rifle,
which the wise and humane policy of
modern times had introduced into
practice, might, more or less, affect the
exercise of the right, but could not im
pair the right itself."
TREATMENT OF REBELS
We have thus scion how we may lo
gaily treat those lately in rebellion
against us. Iloiv should we treat them?
All will admit that we should desire
to act towards thorn in such a way as
best to promote the welfare of the
people, and add most to the greatness
and glory Of our common country. It
will depend much upon our action
whether the war just closed, tho niost
gigantic in the world's history, shall
produce substantial results; or whether
the blood and treasure of the nation
have been shed and expended in vain.
We must be merciful, but mercy must
be tompered with justice, Indiserim•
inate mercy to the enemy would be
danger and Injustice to the nation. We
must neither nook nor ask for Von
pane°. Whenover our late adversa
ries come in a true spirit of sorrow tind
ropentanco,slicath the sword and Agt'op
TERMS, $2,00 a year in advance.
to obey the law, in the future we will
extend to them the right hand of fel
lowship, and forgive thorn for the past:
After they shall have given tic' antis
factory security for the :future ' by a
reasonable probation, we will then, but
not till then, restore them to the enjoy
ment of ,all the inestimable rights and
high privileges 'which they so recently,
so defiantly, and so causelessly tram
pled under their feet. For defiant and
unyielding rebels; for those who keep
the sword still drawn reeking with
the blood of our brotliers • for those
who refuse to accept and. ' submit, in
good faith, to the results of the war;
for all who glory in the part they took
in the rebellion, and who still insist
that they were right and the nation
wrong, wo,must have confiscation, loss
of citizenship, and in the end,' banish
ment or the halter. Under the law of
pillions, and by the laws *of war, we
have a clear right to enforce the groat
objects of all wars—indemnity for the
past, and security for the future. This
right extends to the confiscation of the
enemy's property agar the war is over.
Even-as a question of policy and ISX
pediency, or upon the ground of. hu
manity, it is by no means.cortain that
some such measure is not required for
the security of the future. The war is
not ended until the conquered party
has fairly accepted all its results. As
We have seen, we hold the late rebel
States by the power of war as conquer
ed belligerents. It is not only the
right, but the solemn duty of 'the gov.
ernment, to hold these belligerents in
the military grasp until all shall be de
manded and obtained which may.be
necessary to secure the nation in the
future, anti render another rebellion,
or another war.impossible. In accom
plishing these ends, who could reason
ably complain if it should be found
necessary to Confiscate the property of''
tho rich, influential and active traitors.
If the aristocratic element of the South
will not be taught to obey the law, let
its power and influence be taken from
it by taking away its wealth. What
loyal man could object, that by means
of this fund, a few of the comforts, if
not the luxuries of life, should bo ad
ded to the tables of • those widows
throughout the land whose firesides
have been made desolate by the war,
or rather by the treason which caused
it? Who would object, that the boun
ties and pensions of our soldiers, by,
whom the victory was won and the
nation saved, should be increased, and
a trifle added to the pecuniary compen
sation 'so justly duo thorn for the sacri.
aces made ? Who. could object, that
by means of these funds, so justly for
feited, a large portion of our national
debt should be paid, and thereby the
taxes of all classes of our people dimin
ished, and a part of the heavy load
impoSed upon the shoulders of our
people by treason, thus removed by
treason itself? The rich men of the
South—the aristocracy Of the febelliouS
States, aro almost entirely responsible
for the rebellion. For centuries they
have been living in ease and luxury,
sustained, supported and enriched by
the sweat and toil of the slave. Our
so called Democratic adversaries tell
us tliat the War was for the negro,and
for the abolition of slavery. If this be
true, would it would not seem to. be a
just judgement or decrcie of an over
ruling Providence, that the fruits of
the nogro's labor and toil should thus
be wrested from the hands of his master
to purchase and secure his own free•
dour?
It is absolutely indispensable to the
future peace of the country, that the
would shall be made to understand that
treason is a great crime, and must be
punished. Yet in the sentiment of
these questions,tho rebels shall receive
at-our hands all that justice and safety
will permit us to grant. Our treatment
t. •
of them shall he greatly influenced by
their future conduct and actions td
wards the nation. And in shaping
these, it would be well for them to
remember that the war Was of theirown
seeking, and of their own making, and
that no ono is so completely bound by
a verdict as the man who sought the
advantages of the trial. .
Extraordinary efforts are being Made
by our opponents to obtain the totes
of our followeitizens, recently return
ed from the service of th!o country in
the army of the nation In these efforts
they should, and it is confidently b -
lieved, that they will fail
1. Because a vigorous Trosecution
of the war for the suppression of the
rebellion has ever been urged by the
Union party of the country.
2. Because the war has never been
sustained or advocated by the leaders
of the party opposed to the Adminhj
tration,
3. Because the friends of the Union
cause have - always sustained and sup•
ported the soldiers in the field, and the
leaders of pretended Deriidoia.cv have
ridiculed and derided the soldiers of
the Union, calling them "Lincoln's
hirelings," 'robbers, 'plunderers,' and
other epithets unfit for repetition..
4. Bocatied when volunteers were
called for, they demanded a draft.
5. Because when tho draft came,
they opposed the commutation dense,.
and declared it was
_a discrimination
against the poor man.
6. Because when that clause. was
repealed they complained that the only
hope of the poor man was gone.
7. Because they denounced the war
as a negro war, and did nothing to aid
or assist in carrying it on;
8. 'Because they beCaine highly in
dignant When negro troops were. culled
for; and threw the benefit of all their
syinpathies with the South.
9. Because they opposed every meas
ure the Government found it necest , ary
to adopt for the suppreseihin of the To
bellion.
10. 13oc:tus9 they inttgui4eq every
NO. 14,
SOLDIERS
1 1 -1 1 - IF,
JOB PRINTIS4 . OFFIGL:
~IiP-iTLIOBK -JOB 'CipTfCE": ie
th...io.t . q.mi,ieto i)r any - in the coMitiy, and P. -
!mime the most ample facilities f orr promptly eixecuting in
the but style, every satiety ht Teb . .
. . .
. . .
HAND DILLS, . . • ••
PROGRAMMES ;
. .
- BLANKS,
• POSTERS,
MILL HEAD%
@ARDS,
CIRCULARS,
BALL WICKETS,I
LABELS, &a, ,E 6
CALL XiOHNE maims or WORK,
AT LEWIS' BOOK. stkiioNzny mime STOW!
rebel success, and deprecated' every
Union victory.
11. Because, in 1864, they declared
the war a failure.
12. Because, in 1865, they declare
•that the fruits of the war are "debt,
disgrace, and slaughter.". •
13. Because they tried to prevent.
the extention of the right of suffrage
to soldiers in service. Their leaders
opposed it in almost every form.. Sea.
ator Wallace, now Chaieman of their
State Central Committed,tiaid (see,B,e,'
cord of 1864, pages 335, 330): ,r 1 vete . '
against this. bill upon principle, .as'l
well as for form. Xt
,is ,sald:that So."
'meritorious a anis as vehinfeerriel .
diers should.not disfranchised ,
I: „.VO''
this I answer, that neithor,the
tution of 1790, nor thatdfl.B3B,•ecinfer 7 ;
red this privilege, and the act 'of the'
soldier in taking upon him Self duties,
,that are from their nature
ble with the right of suffiage; 'deprives .
hi mof this privilege. He disfranphises .
himself when he ceases to be q citizen, '
and tdkes upon himself the duties of 4
soldier." When the amenduient of the
constitution was submitted to a; vote '
of the peeple, many, of.the'So sailed
Democratic counties gave Majorities''
against , while every county in the'
State (and it is believed every election.:
precinct) which gave 4braliata
coin a majority of its 4 re-tea, gage
majority in favog of the #mendinklt-.
14. Their leador - s tit'nidst invariably',',
opposed giving bounties to volunteers,
while the friends of the Union arty
always sustained and supported these
,
measures. ,
15. - Even ‘ since the war is over; they,
employed their ablest lawyers in an
effort to declare the hi:Unity laws . un
conetitutional, and really perstiaded
their friends on the bench of the Sq... •
preme Court so to hold, ' ' ' ' •
.
16. When men wore greatly needed
,
to fill up the ranks, and the-
• Govern- ,
ment ordered a, draft, they resisted,,
and all of their reprebentatives upon
the bench of the Supremte Coart de
clared the law authorizing the Nation:
alGovernment to take men out of the '
State, by draft, was Unconstitutional '
and void. Neil were only obtained;
and the nation saved, because ' their
party'vas defeated at the polls in '63,
and the net of three of these judges
baked by the people, and one of their
places fide& by a loyal man, andsound
judge.
17. Because they have tried to '
jure the credit find disparage'the
rency of the Cditntry, by, maps ot
which the pay, bonnties, and pensions
of the soldier can alone he-paid, %I --
ds
pointqhey also pressed before the•Ou
promo Court of the State, and failed '
by a division of three to two. , :
18. Because the platform of the'
Union party recogni*the services of
the soldier; declares thitt the war was
commenced by rebels; that'ppace was
the result of the courage and heroidni
of the Union army; that the , cause ill
which he fought was holy and sacred,
and that honor, glory, and prosperity,
to the country, and not c'debt, disgrace,
and slaughter," are the legititnatofruits •
of his toil. ' •
19, Because, when Union men e 4.
pressed the hope that our troopsreight
soon be able to conquer' the South,
oven by their exhaustion and want of
food, those leaders of tge new Dein-60i'
racy declared thut "we could never
conquer thd South," and that "they
had more'to eat in the South thuu lye"
bad in the North."
40. Because, when rebels we're star-.
ving; our bravo soldiers by tit§ bun,
dred at Libby, Belle Island,ltidersoui
ville, and elsewhere, these same: lead
ers excused or mitigated; the dime by
declaring that "they fed our prisoners
as well as they did their own men f'
that "owing to the unconstitaticmgl
blockade of the tyrant. Lincoln, they
could not obtain sufficiency' of food.
PRESIDENT JOHNSON AND THE OPPOSITION
The opposition has not been 'lid con.
eistent in their course tdWardii rresit
dent Johnson as they Babe dn the suh
ject of the war: Piller to his.renoruls.
nation, they abused, vilified and dfl,
nounced him. Front the ; time of his
nomination until the election, no epi
thets.wore too, coarse. From the in.
auguration Until, the death of President'
Lincoln; they continued in the:. same
strain, After that thoy begun' tO.flatr
ter-,lthen to approach. When he or.,
dered the execution of the' assaisins,
they sent forth a loud howl of indigua,
tion. When he ordered a trial,of . the
na
Andersonvillo wholesale urderer,and.
talked of trying JefforSon Davis, they
were about to givo him up in desparr.
But now tbey profess to grdw a little
more confident.
They odors() Him in Maine and New
York: They endorse him'(provided
he will do as they wish) in PennsYl•
vania. In 1863; - they spoke of him
thus: Senator Lamberton, Reeord of
1863, page 369: "But 'their he was An.
drew Johnson tho DeniBbrat.
"Now, however, he has deserted his
post of duty in Tennessee; be is. steltir
fying his past record . ; he has beCthire a'
pensioner on power, and- a defenderof
the lisilrpaqons of Abraham: Ltiteola
and he appeat•s among us to-day as an,
itinerate peddter of abolitionism." . Son4-'
tor Welltice,.page 347 ;"During . ali the
existence of the rebellion, whore is
Andnw Johnson ? In the Senate -of
the United States, seedcing 'protection
for himself and hith fellows under the'
baydnetsof the soldiers of McClellan,
He is never found in arms in- defence
of his State, or valitintly fighting in de
fence of the liberties of his people,
against the armed cohorte of the re:
bellion. Never, never !" Senator
Clytner, page 377: "I say, sir, that his'.
(Johnson's) "appointment, - by tlx-) prk i
siclent of the United 'States, t'd
position, was a usurpation 'of pelyet
t:
on the part of the:Presiden" '
"Thitt is my pqition i sulfur ai!cow
corns this protendoti'Govordor - of Teti,
nessOo. But without reriard•• to .itiv