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Joe egnere, or lees $4 00 $6 00 $lO 00
rwo equerve 0 00 9 00 15 00
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Ely Olobt.
HUNTINGDON, PA.
LETTER FROM ROBT. DALE OWEN
Negro Suffrage and Representative
Population.
THE THREE-FIFTH PRINCIPLE IN AG-
GRAVATED FORM
To the President :—Sir :—From the
-recollections, now twenty years old, of
the years when wo.were Congressmen
together, I derive an abiding faith in
your probity, your patriotism and.
pour stern devotion to democratic
principle. Suffer mo to address you,
and throUgh you to, the people over
whom you preside, a few considera
tions touching a great measure of pub
lic policy. I know that it is your ha
bit kindly to receive, if even from pri
. vete and unofficial source, such honest
suggestions as are of a character in
•volving sectional harmony and the
:National safety.
There is an aspect of the negro suf
frage question which has, 1 think, ar
rested less attention than it merits;
not the aspect of right; not the ques,
:tion whether : in restoring to a lowly
,and humble race, down trodden for
.ages, their outraged liberty, we ought
,to give them a ballot to defend it; but
-a question more selfish, relating to our
, own race; ono not of sentiment, but of
calculation ; essentially practical- and
.of eminent importance.
Permit me, first; to recall to your
notice a--few facts which any , one,
.by
reference to the census of 1860 and' to
the Constitution can verify. The ac
tual population of the States compos
ing the Union, and their representative
population, have hitherto differed con
eiderably ; the actual population, in
1860. being upward of thirty-ono mil
lions (31,148,047), and the represcnia
-.Live population about twenty nine mil
lions and a half only (29,559,273). The
difference between the two is nearly
ono million six hundred thousand (1,-
-594,774). See Compendium of Census,
pages 131, 132. •
The reason of this is apparent. In
-the year 1860 there were, in round
numbers, four millions of slaves (3,950-
531, in these States. These Slaves were
not estimated, in tho representative
population, man for . man. Five of
them wore estimated as three; for by
the Constitutional provision regulating
the basis of representation, [Article 1,
section 2, paragraph 3,] there was to
bo taken the whole number of free
persons and three fifths -of all other
persons. Two-fifths.of the "other per
sena" were left out. But two-fifths of
four millions is one million six hundred
thousand.
About two millions four hundred
,thousand of the slaves are to bo regar
ded as having entered, under the last
census, into the basis of ropresonta
.tion. In other words, the white slave
,holding population of 'the South ob
tained a political advantage the same
,as that which they should have reaped
:by actual addition to their population
of two millions four'hundred thousand
free persons.- As under the last Cen
=sus the ratio of representation was
fixed at one hundred and twenty-sev
en thousand [Census, page 22,] the
South, in virtue of that legal fiction of
two _millions four hundred •thousand
additional freemen, had eighteen mem
bers of Congress: added to'her repro
,
entation. Her total. number of repre
.
,s sentatiVes being eighty-four, she owed
more than ono fifth of that number to
Ater slave property. It follows that if
in a republican government the num
,ber of free persons be the proper basis
of representation, she had upward of
one fifth more political influence than
her just, share. Each ono of. her vo
ters possessed a power [so far as the
election of the President and of the
4,
House of Representatives was concern
ed] greater by one fifth than that of
each Northern voter. .
No man friendly to equal rights,
even if (being a white man) he re
stricts the principle to persons of his
own color, will offer a justification of a
partition of political power so unfair
as this. 1 - .; was not defended, on prin
ciple, by those who assented to it. It
was accepted as a necessity, or sup•
posed necessity, in the construction,
out of discordant materials, pf the
American. Union.
We of the North haye hitherto acted
upon it as men under duress—our
'bands beund by the Penstitutionas
it were under piotest. We preferred
unequal division of pe7er, as regards
the I,Wo great sections of the liepub
lie, to the chance of anarchy.
That was in the past. Are we, in
.he future, having got rid,'by terrible
sacrifice, of the cause of that injustice,
still to tolerate the injustice itself, oven
in aggravated form? Doubtless, now
.t 2 CO
. 1 09
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and * Proprietor.
VOL, XXI.
that our hands aro free, we have no
such intention. Let us take heed lest
we increase and perpetuate this abuse,
as men often do, without intention.
Seldom, if over, has there been im
posed on any ruler a task more thickly
surrounded with difficulties than that
now before you, of reconstruction in
the late insurrectionary States. Un
certain as wo ate of the sentiments and
intentions of men just emerging from
a humiliating defeat, little more can be
done than to institute an experiment,
and then wait to see what comes of it.
It would be premature to lay down
any settled plan from which, let events
turn as they will, there is to be no do.
parture. We are traversing unknown
and treacherous seas, and must take
soundings as we go. Nor should we
omit the precaution of a sharp lookout
for breakers ahead. It seems to me
that we may expect such on the course
we are pursuing. •
The present experiment appears to
be to leave the work of reconstructing
Government in the into Rebel South
to the loyal whites, or, more accurate
ly stated, to the whites who shall have
purged themselves from the crime of
treason (actual or implied) so far as an
oath, taken from whatever motive,
can effect such purgation. Will this
experiment, if it proceed unimpeded,
result in the permanent exclusion of
the negro from suffrage.
Itt proof that will, it might suffice
to remember that these men have
grown up in the belief—have boon in
doctrinated from the cradle in the con•
viction—that the African is a degraded
race. Add that the war has - brought
the blacks and the whites of-the south
into antagonistic relations, exaspera
ting against the former alike the rich
planter, from whose mastership they
fled, and the "poor whites," who al-
Ways hated them, and to whom eman
cipation (raising despised ones to their
level) is a personal affront.
- But there is a motive for exclusion
in this case stronger than anger, more
powerful than hatred; the incentive of
self aggrandizement. They who are
made the judges are to be the gaindrs
—by their own decision.
Observe the working of this thing:
By the Constitution the representative
population is to consist of all free per
sons and throe fifths of all other
.per
sons. If, by next winter, slavery shalt
have disappeared, there will be no
persona" in the South. Her ac
tual population will then coincide with
her representative population. She
will have gained, as to Federal repre
sentation, 1,600,000. She will be en
titled, not as now to 84 members, but
to 94 ; and her votes for President will
be in proportion; Congress, if it in
tends that the Constitutional rule shall
prevail, will have to alter the appor
tionment so as to correspond to the
now order of things.
Now, if the negro is admitted to
vote, the Constitutional rule will ope
rate justly. For then each voter in
the South will have precisely the same
political, influence as a voter in the
North. The unjust three fifth princi
ple will have disappeared forever.
On the other hand if color be deem;
ed cause of exclusion, then all the
political power which is withheld from
the emancipated slave is gained by the
southern white.
• For though, by law, wo may deny
suffrage to the freedman, we cannot
prevent his being reckoned among
those free persons who constitute the
basis of representation. His presence
whether disfranchised or not, adds, in
spite of all wo can do, to the political
influence of the State, for it increases
the number of its votes for President
and the number of its representatives
in Congress. Now, somebody must
gain by this. The gain is shared
equally by every actual voter in the
State. If, in any State, the number
of blacks and whites is equal, and if in
that State blacks aro excluded from
voting, then every white voter will go
to the polls armed with twice the po
litical power enjoyed by a white voter
in any Northern State. But again,
this is on the supposition that every
white adult in the State is loyal, and
therefore entitled to vote.
Are the half of ell Southern male
adults at this time, or will they be for
years to come, more than lip loyal, if
even that? I think you will not say
that they are. It would surely be an
extravagant calculation. It more
than half the Whites in ex-insurrec
tionary States shall actually qualify
themselyea as voters, will you not find
yourself compelled to:.adminiiiter . the
Government, in alb late - seeossion por
tion. ef the Anion, through the agency
of its enemies? quo third would be a
full estimate, in my judguient, for the
truly loyal.
But let us assume that two thirds of
all the white male adults of the South
become voters, and that they exclude
from suffrage, by law or by Constitu
tional provision, all persons of color,
what would be the political consequen
ces under such a state of things If,
as we may roughly estiinato, by des
ati•uction through war and by deple
tion of population through emigration
to Mexico, to Europe and elsewhere,
the number of whites throughout.the
late.rebel States shall have been re•
duced until blacks and whites exist
there in nearly equal numbers, then,
in the case above supposed, each voter
in these States, when he approached
the ballot, box during a Congressional
or Presidential election would do so
wielding three times as much political in
fluence as a - voter in a Northern State.
This advantage once gained by south
ern whites, is it likely they will over
relinquish it?
Nor, if we disfranchise the negro, is
there any escape from such consum
mation, except by . rooting out from
the Constitution the principle that the
whole number of free persons shall be
the basis of representation. But that
principle lies at the base of all free go
vernment. Wo •abandon republican
ism itself when we discard it.
. Thus it appears that the present ex•
periment in reconstruction, if suffered
to run its courso, and if interproted as
I think wo have just cause to fear
that it will be, tends,lnevitably it may
be said, to bring about two results:
First. To cause the disfranchisement
of the freedman. Whether wo effect
this directly, as by provision of law, or
by a disqualifying clause in a procla
mation, or whether we do it by leaving
the decision to his former masters and
his old enemies, matters nothing ex
cept in form and in words; the result
is brought about with equal certitude
in either way. Passion, prejudice,
and self interest concur to produce this
result.
Second. It establishes— not the odi
ous three fifth clause, not even merely
a five fifth clause—bet something much
worse than either. It permits the in
vestiture of the Southern white with a
preponderance of political power such
as no class of men, in a democ.ratic To
public,-over-enjoyed since the world
began.
I do not, believe me in this, Mr.
President, overlook or underrate the
grave embarrassments that beset your
path, turn as you will. I call to mind
the overbearing influence to passion
and prejudice, and I admit that when
these prevail, in exaggerated form
throughout a largo portion of any na
tion, a wise ruler recognizes the fact
of their existence and regulates his
acts accordingly. But the sway of
passion. and prejudice, despotic for a
season, has but a limited term of endu
ranee, and should bo treated as an
evanescent thing. It is too transient
and unstable to furnish basis for a
comprehensive system of policy. Ten
derly it should be treated, but not
falsely respected, or weakly obeyed.
Mercy, God-like Attribute as it is,
may run riot. It is very well, - by act
of grace, to restore to penitent South
ern insurgents their legally forfeited
rights; let us bo friends and fellow
citizens once more, as Christianity and
comity enjoin. But to suffer each of
these returning Rebels, when about
to cast his vote for President or for
representatives of the people, to be
clothed with three times as much
power as is possessed by a Northern
voter exercising a similar right, is,
very 'surely, a somewhat superfluous
stretch of clemency.
And what manner of men, I pray
you, are those whom we propose thus
to select from among their fellows—'
granting thorn political powers un
known to democracy, investing them
with privileges of an oligarchical char.
acter It is ungenerous to speak harsh
ly of a . vanquiShed foe, especially of
ono who has shown courage and con
stancy worthy of the noblest cause; but
the truth is the truth, and is over fitly
spoken: They are mon whose terrible
misfortune it has been to be horn and
bred under a system the most cruel
and demoralizing tho world ever saw.
The wisest of those who have been
subjected to such a surrounding hare
confessed its evil power. "There must
doubtless," said Jefferson in his Notes
on Virginia, "be an unhappy influence
on the manners of our people, produced
by the existence of Slavery among us.
The whole commerce between master
and slave is a porpetual exorcise of
the most boisterous passions-the most
unremitting despotism on ono part
and degrading submission on the oth•
or. * The man must be a
prodigy who eau retain his rnannel'S
and'his morals under such circumstan
ces." ("Notes," page 270.)
Therm 'are tips habittial results of the
system. To what incredible excesses
its occasional outbursts may run we
have frightful evidences daily coming
before 'us; schemes of wholesale incen-
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 16, 1865.
•
- PERSEVERE.-
diarism, involi•ing deaths by the thou
sand of women and children : schemes
to poison, by the malignant virus of
the yellow foyer, an entire community;
deliberate plans to destroy prisoners of
war by insufferable hardships and sjow
suffering; plots, too successful, alas ! to
shroud a nation' in mourning by assas
sination.
Many honorable exceptions ne i gtubt
- there are, in whom native virtue re
sists daily temptation. such excep
tions are to be found in all communi
ties, no matter how pernicious the sur
roundings. But, in deciding national
questions we must be governed by the
rule, not by the exceptions.
The Southern whites subdivide into
three classes. The slaveholders prop
er, many of whom are excluded from
pardon by the Proclamation of Am.
nesty; the "poor whites," and what
may be called the yeomen of the South,
of which last our country feels that her
worthy Pre - siclent is a noble type, and
of which wo may regard stout-hearted
Parson Brownlow as a clerical exam
ple:
If this last class, whence have come
the sturdiest Union mon in Secession
dom, constituted, like the mechanic in
New England or the farmer of the
West, a large proportion of the popu
lation, we might-hope that it would
leaven and redeem the extremes of so
ciety around it. But it is found sparse
and in inconsiderable numbers, except,
perhaps, in Eastern Tennessee and the
northern portion of North. Carolina.
The poor whites, of whom the clay
eating pine-lander of Georgia and oth
er Gulf States is the type, far outnum•
ber them. Of this class Mrs. 'Fanny
Komble, in that wonderful book of
hers, "yournal of a Residence on a
Southern Plantation," gives, from per
sonal observation, a graphic descrip,
tiou :—"They are, I suppose" (she
says), "the most degraded race of hu
man beings claiming an Anglo-Saxon
origin that can be found on the face of
the earth; filthy, dirty, ignorant, bru
tal, proud, penniless, savages, without
ono of the nobler attributes that have
been found occasionally allied to vices
of savage nature. They own no slaves,
for they are, almost without exception,
abjectly poor : they will not work, for
that, as they conceive, would reduce
them to an equality with the ahorred
nogroes; they squat and steal, and
starve on the outskirts of this lowest of
all civilized societies, and their coups
tenances bear witness to the squalor of
their condition and the utter degrada
tion of their natures."—Journal, p. 146.)
.I have often encountered this class.
I saw many of them last year while
visiting, as a member of a Govern
ment commission, come of the South
ern States. Labor degraded before
their eyes has extinguished within
them all respect for industry, all am
bition, all honorable exertion, to im
prove their condition. When last I
had the pleasure of seeing yon at Nash
ville. I met there, in the office of a
gentleman charged with the duty of
issuing transportation and rations to
indigent persons, black and white, a
notable example of this strange class.
He was aßebel deserter; a rough, dirty,
uncouth specimen of humanity, tall,
stout and wiryslooking, rude and ab•
rapt in speech and bearing, and cloth
ed in tattered homespun. In no civil
tone he demanded rations. When in
formed that all rations applicable to
such a purpose worn exhausted, he
broke forth :—"What am I to do then?
How am I to get home ?"
"You can have no difficulty" was the
reply. "It is but fifteen or eighteen
hours down the river" (the Cumber 7
land) "by steamboat to where you live.
I furnished you transportation ; you
can work your way."
"Work my way V" (with a scowl of
angry contempt.) "I never did a
stroke of work since I was born, and I
never expect to, till my dying day."
The agent replied quietly :—"They
will give you all you want to eat on
board, if you help them to wood."
f - Carry wood!' he retorted with an
oath. "Whenever they, ask me to car
ry wood, I'll toll them they may set
Me on shore; I'd rather starve for a
week than work for an hour, I don't
waut-to live in a world that J can't
make 4 living out of withOet work."
hit for men like that, ignorant, il
literate, vicious, fit for no decent ems
ployment on earth except manual la
bor, and spurning all labor as degra
dation; is it in favor of such insolent
swaggerers that we are to disfranchise
the bumble, quite, hard-working ne
gro ? Are the Votes of three . sucli reo
as Stanton and Seward, Sumner and
Garrison, G-rant ared Sherman, to be
neutralized by the ballot of one such
' worthless barbarian ?
'Are there not breakers ahead ? To
such an issue as that may not the late
tentatives at reconstruction,how faith
, fully so ever conceived and intended.
I for good, t nractiolly tend
•
,
„,,.. ~. ~,,, „...,,
The duty of the United States to
guaranty to every State in the Union
a republican form of government is as
pacred.as the duty to protect each of
them from invasion. Is that duty duly
fulfilled when, with the power of pre
vention in our hands, we' suffer the
white voter in the least . loyal„the least
intelligent anil the least industrious
section of our country to usurp a meas
ure of political power three fold great
er than in the rest of the nation a
voter enjoys?
Will it be denied that we have the
legal power in our own hands ?
Unsuccessful Rebels cannot, by bits
of paper called Secession ordinances,
take a State out of the Union; but, by
levying civil war, they can convert all
the inhabitants of a State into public
enemies, deprived, as such, by law, of
their political rights. The United
States can restore those rights; can
pardon these public enemies. And we
have the right to pardon on conditions;
as, for example, on the co'i , `
'that
It
slavery shall cease to '', ..'.' the
condition that none Ot - iiiar! Siiions,
who form the basis of representation,
shall, because of color, be deprived of
the right of suffrage,
If wo neglect, to impose the first con
dition, the cause of the late rebellion
will continue, and will, some day, pro
duce another. If we neglect to ims
pose the second condition, an oligar.
Ay, on an extended scale, will. grow
up in ono large section of the country,
working grave injustice toward the
voters of another section. The three
fifth abuse will reappear in a giant
form.
But if we suffer this, it cannot fail
to produce,as slavery p'yoduced, alien
ations and hoart•burhihgs. Uncler
any plan of reconstruction involving
so flagrant an injustice, it is in vain to
expect harmony or permanent peace
between the Northern and Southern
sections of the Union.
It is not here denied, nor is it deni•
able, that, under ordinary circumstan
ces, a State may, by a general law ap
plicable to all, restrict the right of
suffrage; as for example, to those who
pay tay taxes, or to thosi who can
read and write. And it is quite true
that the effect of such- a laW would be
to give additional political power to
those who still enjoyed the eleetive
franchise. But a State can only do
this after she has a State Government
in operation, not when she is about to
frame ono. North Carolina is in the
Union, as she has always been-; .but
her people, having lost by war against
'the Government, their political rights,
are not allowed to go on under their
old Constitution and laws, Theyhave
to begin again. 4s Idaho, if desiring
to be a State, would have to do, tho
people of North Carolina have to elect
members of a convention, which con:
vention has to frame a State Constitu-;
tion, to be presented, for acceptance or
rejection, to Congress. Now, just as
Idaho, taking her - first step toward
State sovereignty, could not, on her
own authority, begin by denying a
vote in the election of members of hor
convention to half her froo population,
or if sire did; would find her Constitu
tion rejected, for that cause, by Con
gross, as not emanating from tho whole
people, so, in my judgment, ought not
North Carolina, having forfeited her
State rights and beginning anew as a
Territory does, to ha permitted, in ad
vance, to reject more than a third of
her free population. 361,5:22 out of
092,T22. I hope she will not so con
strue her rights as to venture on such
a rejection. •If she does, Congress
ought to reject her Constitution as
authorised by a part of her people
only. ,
But, beyond all this, we cannot safe , .
ly allow the negro exemption clause to
take its chance along with other possi
ble restrictions to suffrage which a
State, fully organig,ed, may see fit to
enact, : ./;Nt, bepause of its magnitude
It is an act of ostracism by one half
the free inhabitants of an entire (30C-
Lion of country against- the other half,
equally free. &condiy, beauso of its
diameter and results. It is an act of
injustice by those' who have assaulted
the fife of the nation against those who
have defended the national life; an act
by which wo abandon to the tender
mercies of the doubtfully loyal and the
disguised traitor those whose loyalty
has 0,90 every test, unstained,' nu
shaken; men ignorant and simple in
deed, but whose rtulo fidelity' never
failed either the Cajon fugitive beset
in the forest, or the Union cause im
perilled on the battle , field.
The ficciaiou of a matter so grave as
this shOuld bo f.l.lcon Out of the Pate ,
gory of those rights 'which a State, at
her option, may grant or May NV WI
hold; be . 6auso; being national
,in its
consequences, it is .national character.
This is ry matter for •Federal ifiterfer-
TERMS, $2,00 a year in advance.
once, because, like emancipation, it is a
matter involving the Federal safety.
It is because I know , . the frankness
of your own character, Mr. President,
that, at possible risk of conflicting
opinions, I write to you thus frankly.
It is because I am deeply impressed by
the vast importance of the issues at
stake that Iwrite to you at all.
I think of our Union soldiers, the
survivors of a thousand fields. I re
call the last days, not of conflict,
, but
of triumph, when . Confederate, arms
were stacked, and Confederate paroles
were given, and the. Stars and Bars
fell before the old flag. I remember
with what fierce fury. those who sur
rendered at last, fought throughout - a
four years' desperate effprt to shatter
into fragments that benignant Govern
ment under which, for throe quarters
of a century, they had enjoyed pros :
perity and protection. I remember all
that was done and suffered and sacri
ficed, before, through countless discour
agements and reverses, treason's plot
was trampled down and, the glorious
ending was reached. And as, in spirits,
I follow victors and vanquished from
the scene of conflict, I think that never
was nation more gratuitously or more ,
foully assailed, and that never did na
tion owe to her deliverers from anar,
chy and dismemberment a deeper debt
of gratitude and good will.
Then I ask myself a great question , .
Shall these soldiers of liberty, return
ing from fields of death to Northern
fields of labor and of peaceful contest
—of contest in which the ballot is the
only weapon, and the bulletin of de
feat or of victory is contained in the
election returns—shall these veterans,
who never flinched before military
force, be overborne, with their laarela
still green, by political stratagem ?
Their weapons of war laid aside, is
the reward of these 'conquerors, to be
this, that, man to man, they shall be
entitled to one-third as much influence .
in administering their country's Gov-,
eminent as the opponents they con
quered ? • . Are the victors on fields of
death' to become the vanquished in
Halls of Legislation?
It is a question which the nation
cannot fail ere icing to ask itself; and
who can doubt what the ultimate an
swer will be ?
May God, who, throughout the great
crisis of our nation's history,. overru
ling evil for good, has caused the wrath
of man to work out Itis_oWn gracious
ends—directing us, without our will
or agency, in paths of justice and of
victory which our human wisdom was
too feeble to discover—direct you also,
throughout the arduous task before
you, to the Just and the Right.
ROBERT DALE OWEN
Now York, Sono 21, 1865.
COURT AFFAIRS,
RIAL LIST.—AUGUST TERM. •
Cumtnonchig wood 31ouday, 14th of August, 1905.
1 oger C. McGill vs Benjamin Cross.
Samuel Bovorly 98 John S. Beverly
S. L. Glasgow for use vs Mary Gibboney's ex
John Black & Co vs Catharine Tricker
John II Stonebraker vs D. Stewart et al
Dr P Shoenherger ex vs Wilson & Lorenz
Jacob Cresswell vs F. 11. Lane et al'
Eliza Young et al vs . A. Wise of al
James Scott vs 13rice X. Blair •
Mary DoArmitt vs Nicholas Cresswell
B. M. Jones & Co. vs James C. Clark.'
W. C. WAGOIggR, I. 3 pat'y
PE.OTIONOTARY'S OFFICE,
Ifuntingdon, July 17.
TRAVERSE JURORS.
David Buck, farmer, Warriormark -
Daniel Book, farmer, Cromwell
John Briggs, farmer, Tell "
William Buckley, farmer, Shirley
Samuel Barr, farmer, Jackson
Jacob S Covert, mason; Shirley
John D' Carberry, farmer, Carbon
Peter Dell, farmer, Cass
Entrekin, flirmey, Hopewell
John Enyeart, farmer, Cromwell .
Aaron W Evans, Cassville.
Oliver litnier, farmer; Cromwell
James Entrokin, farmer, Elopeivell
Alex. G Ewing, teacher, Franklin
Benjamin Fouse, merchant, Shirley
David NGarner; soldier, Venn .
Samuel B Garner, golitletham Penn
Isaac Grcive, farmer, Penn
John Griffith, farmer, Tod
Benjamin I? Glasgow, farmer, Union .
James Gillam, watchman, Wady .
J Barman, cabinet maker, Jackson
Jacob Herncame, faimer; Shirley
George Heaton, merchant, Carbon
John Hewitt, farmer, Porter.
S. Isenberg, fitimer, Carbon
Thomas Valley, farmer, Cromwell
Jacob Icriode, farmer, West
John Diner, farmer, Union
Jadob Lane, farmer, Springfield
Abner Lamp, briCklayer, Huntingdon
George MeGrum, farmer, Barree
Gee A Miller, moranint. 4tUr!OP449!?
Jphn B Plyton, farmer, West ' • •
Samuel Melritty, farmer, Clay
William 'B McMullen, farmer, Tell
Jamei McGill, farmer, Jackson '
David Neff, farmer, Porter
JOhn Palther;hess mitier,"Carbon
Jacob. Prough, sr„ laborer Penn
Mahlon Stryker, - fanner, West
John . Smiley, hirrnor, Barre&
Samuel Silknitter,.farraer, Barree
E Summers, confectioner, Huntingdon
Davidßhaeffer, thriller, Shirley,'
James ThomPsoe, blacksmith, West
John Weston, farmer, Warriorreartr
James Ward, farmer, Walker
•- Think befoi%e you ao4 or speak
a-zonm
aOB , 'PRINTING ''OFFICE.
TnE'GLOBE JOB OFFICE" -
moat
• 'the at complete oany la the country, and pon
uessea the meet emple ficilitlemlor promptly
ex
the bat styre, every vutlOtYof Job Ertritlmr, euch.99
HAND BILLS,: ---
- •:PROGRAMbiES,
.-ANA. •
• • -
CARDS,
•
CIRCULAR%
BALL - 'IIOXEIE,_ .
LABELS, 840.,, Pa
NO. 7.
CALL AND LIMNS pPlCtliaktfl OP-WORN; ,
AT LEWIS' BOOK. STATIONERY' 84, BitlSlOATOrttir
_ . •
GOOD.--."Shajl .1 tell you. a. bit ote r .
,
story, having no connection with poll
ins, this hot, dry . weatber.?"By pint,
mission.—
, .
"Old Colonel of Mobile Dis
trict, was ono 'of - the' most singular
characters known in 'Alabllttia
was itesty and eccentric, but:possessed'
many fine qualities which were. fully
appreciated bythe people o.£hie clistricib.
Many of his freaks are" fresh the•
memory of the 'old uns'of MobileL-Cuid t
all of them will tell you, that the Osis,
11'0 . 1, though hard to beat, was once ter,,,
ribly taken in by a coupro•oftYicicr, .11
is 'George Woodward, ; 1 tells ;
the story, but, however that maybe,
it is in the keeping with others relattid,
of the old gentleman;
- "It seems that Col. D.,--L=liad,iLtnii.
, ,
understanding with the two gentlemen
alluded to, and was not on speaking
terms with them, although . all,Of the
three were profeisionally riding the
circuit pretty much, together'.
young ones; being well . smai.c;:oft the:
Colonel's irascible nature; deterMia
ed, as they left one of bb , cOartallire
another, to have some sport athiii ex.- ‘
pence by the way. They accordingly
got about half an hour's'staxt ixt.lefiver
ing, and presently they arrived
dark, broad stream, that looked
might be' a dozen feet deep, but which
in reality was hardly more thari
many inches. Creasing it they alight
ed, pulling off their coats and boots„_
and sat dow'n quietly to watch for the,
old 'Tartar'
came.
"logging along, at length, :up
the old fellow. lie looked first at the
youngsters who were gravely draiving
on their boots and 'coats',
,us, if.they:
just had' a swim and then'he looked,
at the broad creek that rolled before : .
him like a fluent; tritnsliaeOt
The Col. was awfully puzaied. ,
"Is this croak swi r nithing
growled after a pause of • a few reo,
ments.
"No reply was made—the youpg•
men simply mounted their horses;aud.
rode off sortie little distance, and stop,.
ped to watch our hero."
"The Colonel slowly divested hin2:,.
self of boots, coats, • - pantelifions' and ,
drawers. Those he neatly tied up i;r;,
his handkerchief, and hung thorn oil:
the horn of tho saddle. Th134'1,14
mounted, and as was a fat, short - maa t ,
with a paunch of inordinate. 3 . * ) raths-.
or inadequate logs, a face like a with
ered apple, and a biown wig, therOfitl
no doubt that he made an interesting :
picture as he bostrodo his steed,
the 'breeze holding goatko e
clailtanc
with the extremitieg, of 14,1 only, gar A
inept.
"Slowly and - cautiously, did ; I t he, cddi
man and his horse take the croak.;
Half at lligth—and the water-was not,
fetlock deep. Here the; horde stopped
to drink. A length. and a half the,.
stream no deeper. Thirty fest.farther l ,
and a decided shoaling. _ ' •
"Hero Gol.
orlinre sai.d he, '1; 0 -"
11 of*
swift channel between this aid the:
bank—see how the yaps?.
will dash through !'
‘ , 4 sharp lash made the horse . spring
over the 'watery waste - and &nettle,*
carried the horse and rider safely to>
the opposite :hank. The creek howherek
hsras more than a foot, deep
"A wild yell from the yo,une nue
announced thei r , apprepilitioq
n,• tbo:
sport as they.gallopscl LTV :
"I'll catch you, you--0 1 f setqVit#1
ground out between Col.
teeth—and away be. galloped* Alum,
suit, mlittering dreadful vengeance prt.
• ,
his foes. . ,
S ( 011—on--,they speed l pursuer song;
pursued. the youngsters laughed, yet,'
led and screamed-the Colo,nel. damn..
ed . with mighty emphasis, , while hie
shirt floated and, crackled.in thirair 4:
like a lopse flying jib !
"On—on—and the pursued reached
a karm house on the road Side. , Theiu
passing started a flock 9 f. ge e se
a fenee corner, which as 'tile Colon
dashed up, met him With 014914344
wings, elongated neck; and hisiee dirO,
His horse swerved suddeply, Kid in,
a moment tlie colonel was upon
gymmd, in a most unioniantielheap, i l t
with bis bi;Wii wig by tie side,.and s,
hig btmdlo 0144439 scattered.
"The white headed children of :the
house .came out first, took a distant .
view Pf the llvriat?r — A B it seetild tQ
them—and then returned to report , pro
.
grass: After a little the father of thki
4., • ,
family came,`and: the Afrah. being
plained, assisted the Colonel in mit
king his toilette; this Colonel, sTsar:
ing and the countryman laughing all.
the while.
"Dressed and remounted, the old,
hero started off with a waPil
was soon out of sight'."
/30'100 Imople are a little shy of
religion. They gioFki i..l:llEiy itself,
and make it a atrftngep tik,the other'
six. '•
BILL M3ADSi