t'ERILS OF,TRE, GLOBE. Per aim )am in evfTert ?Ix montlla 'throb months I=3 1. insertion." 2 do. S dn. One wirier., (10 lincs,)or leee.s 76... .... .41 26 " $l5O Two lap:tares, 1 60 2 00 3 00 Throe sguaros, 225 13 00 450 8 months. 0 months. 12 months. Joe egnere, or lees $4 00 $6 00 $lO 00 rwo equerve 0 00 9 00 15 00 three minnow, 800 • ..1200 ' • 20 00 Poor ennui,.lo 00 ' "15 00 25 00 . Ralf a column, ''''''' " 15 00 . - 20 00 ...... ....410 00 One column - ......._2O 00 .5 00.... ..... ,f3O 00 Professional and Ittulineas (lards not exceeding six lines, One year " $5OO " Administrators' and Executors' Notices, $2 60 Auditors' Nuke* 2 00 itro, or other short Notices " 1 50 on lines of nonpareil metre a equate. About algid word. constitute a tine, so that any person can ea sily calculate a equare in manuscript. Advertisements not marked with the number of Inser tions desired, will i:4 continued till forbid and charged no• yarding to these tunas. _ Our prices for the printing of Blanks, nandbille, etc. are also increaecd. Ely Olobt. HUNTINGDON, PA. LETTER FROM ROBT. DALE OWEN Negro Suffrage and Representative Population. THE THREE-FIFTH PRINCIPLE IN AG- GRAVATED FORM To the President :—Sir :—From the -recollections, now twenty years old, of the years when wo.were Congressmen together, I derive an abiding faith in your probity, your patriotism and. pour stern devotion to democratic principle. Suffer mo to address you, and throUgh you to, the people over whom you preside, a few considera tions touching a great measure of pub lic policy. I know that it is your ha bit kindly to receive, if even from pri . vete and unofficial source, such honest suggestions as are of a character in •volving sectional harmony and the :National safety. There is an aspect of the negro suf frage question which has, 1 think, ar rested less attention than it merits; not the aspect of right; not the ques, :tion whether : in restoring to a lowly ,and humble race, down trodden for .ages, their outraged liberty, we ought ,to give them a ballot to defend it; but -a question more selfish, relating to our , own race; ono not of sentiment, but of calculation ; essentially practical- and .of eminent importance. Permit me, first; to recall to your notice a--few facts which any , one, .by reference to the census of 1860 and' to the Constitution can verify. The ac tual population of the States compos ing the Union, and their representative population, have hitherto differed con eiderably ; the actual population, in 1860. being upward of thirty-ono mil lions (31,148,047), and the represcnia -.Live population about twenty nine mil lions and a half only (29,559,273). The difference between the two is nearly ono million six hundred thousand (1,- -594,774). See Compendium of Census, pages 131, 132. • The reason of this is apparent. In -the year 1860 there were, in round numbers, four millions of slaves (3,950- 531, in these States. These Slaves were not estimated, in tho representative population, man for . man. Five of them wore estimated as three; for by the Constitutional provision regulating the basis of representation, [Article 1, section 2, paragraph 3,] there was to bo taken the whole number of free persons and three fifths -of all other persons. Two-fifths.of the "other per sena" were left out. But two-fifths of four millions is one million six hundred thousand. About two millions four hundred ,thousand of the slaves are to bo regar ded as having entered, under the last census, into the basis of ropresonta .tion. In other words, the white slave ,holding population of 'the South ob tained a political advantage the same ,as that which they should have reaped :by actual addition to their population of two millions four'hundred thousand free persons.- As under the last Cen =sus the ratio of representation was fixed at one hundred and twenty-sev en thousand [Census, page 22,] the South, in virtue of that legal fiction of two _millions four hundred •thousand additional freemen, had eighteen mem bers of Congress: added to'her repro , entation. Her total. number of repre . ,s sentatiVes being eighty-four, she owed more than ono fifth of that number to Ater slave property. It follows that if in a republican government the num ,ber of free persons be the proper basis of representation, she had upward of one fifth more political influence than her just, share. Each ono of. her vo ters possessed a power [so far as the election of the President and of the 4, House of Representatives was concern ed] greater by one fifth than that of each Northern voter. . No man friendly to equal rights, even if (being a white man) he re stricts the principle to persons of his own color, will offer a justification of a partition of political power so unfair as this. 1 - .; was not defended, on prin ciple, by those who assented to it. It was accepted as a necessity, or sup• posed necessity, in the construction, out of discordant materials, pf the American. Union. We of the North haye hitherto acted upon it as men under duress—our 'bands beund by the Penstitutionas it were under piotest. We preferred unequal division of pe7er, as regards the I,Wo great sections of the liepub lie, to the chance of anarchy. That was in the past. Are we, in .he future, having got rid,'by terrible sacrifice, of the cause of that injustice, still to tolerate the injustice itself, oven in aggravated form? Doubtless, now .t 2 CO . 1 09 WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and * Proprietor. VOL, XXI. that our hands aro free, we have no such intention. Let us take heed lest we increase and perpetuate this abuse, as men often do, without intention. Seldom, if over, has there been im posed on any ruler a task more thickly surrounded with difficulties than that now before you, of reconstruction in the late insurrectionary States. Un certain as wo ate of the sentiments and intentions of men just emerging from a humiliating defeat, little more can be done than to institute an experiment, and then wait to see what comes of it. It would be premature to lay down any settled plan from which, let events turn as they will, there is to be no do. parture. We are traversing unknown and treacherous seas, and must take soundings as we go. Nor should we omit the precaution of a sharp lookout for breakers ahead. It seems to me that we may expect such on the course we are pursuing. • The present experiment appears to be to leave the work of reconstructing Government in the into Rebel South to the loyal whites, or, more accurate ly stated, to the whites who shall have purged themselves from the crime of treason (actual or implied) so far as an oath, taken from whatever motive, can effect such purgation. Will this experiment, if it proceed unimpeded, result in the permanent exclusion of the negro from suffrage. Itt proof that will, it might suffice to remember that these men have grown up in the belief—have boon in doctrinated from the cradle in the con• viction—that the African is a degraded race. Add that the war has - brought the blacks and the whites of-the south into antagonistic relations, exaspera ting against the former alike the rich planter, from whose mastership they fled, and the "poor whites," who al- Ways hated them, and to whom eman cipation (raising despised ones to their level) is a personal affront. - But there is a motive for exclusion in this case stronger than anger, more powerful than hatred; the incentive of self aggrandizement. They who are made the judges are to be the gaindrs —by their own decision. Observe the working of this thing: By the Constitution the representative population is to consist of all free per sons and throe fifths of all other .per sons. If, by next winter, slavery shalt have disappeared, there will be no persona" in the South. Her ac tual population will then coincide with her representative population. She will have gained, as to Federal repre sentation, 1,600,000. She will be en titled, not as now to 84 members, but to 94 ; and her votes for President will be in proportion; Congress, if it in tends that the Constitutional rule shall prevail, will have to alter the appor tionment so as to correspond to the now order of things. Now, if the negro is admitted to vote, the Constitutional rule will ope rate justly. For then each voter in the South will have precisely the same political, influence as a voter in the North. The unjust three fifth princi ple will have disappeared forever. On the other hand if color be deem; ed cause of exclusion, then all the political power which is withheld from the emancipated slave is gained by the southern white. • For though, by law, wo may deny suffrage to the freedman, we cannot prevent his being reckoned among those free persons who constitute the basis of representation. His presence whether disfranchised or not, adds, in spite of all wo can do, to the political influence of the State, for it increases the number of its votes for President and the number of its representatives in Congress. Now, somebody must gain by this. The gain is shared equally by every actual voter in the State. If, in any State, the number of blacks and whites is equal, and if in that State blacks aro excluded from voting, then every white voter will go to the polls armed with twice the po litical power enjoyed by a white voter in any Northern State. But again, this is on the supposition that every white adult in the State is loyal, and therefore entitled to vote. Are the half of ell Southern male adults at this time, or will they be for years to come, more than lip loyal, if even that? I think you will not say that they are. It would surely be an extravagant calculation. It more than half the Whites in ex-insurrec tionary States shall actually qualify themselyea as voters, will you not find yourself compelled to:.adminiiiter . the Government, in alb late - seeossion por tion. ef the Anion, through the agency of its enemies? quo third would be a full estimate, in my judguient, for the truly loyal. But let us assume that two thirds of all the white male adults of the South become voters, and that they exclude from suffrage, by law or by Constitu tional provision, all persons of color, what would be the political consequen ces under such a state of things If, as we may roughly estiinato, by des ati•uction through war and by deple tion of population through emigration to Mexico, to Europe and elsewhere, the number of whites throughout.the late.rebel States shall have been re• duced until blacks and whites exist there in nearly equal numbers, then, in the case above supposed, each voter in these States, when he approached the ballot, box during a Congressional or Presidential election would do so wielding three times as much political in fluence as a - voter in a Northern State. This advantage once gained by south ern whites, is it likely they will over relinquish it? Nor, if we disfranchise the negro, is there any escape from such consum mation, except by . rooting out from the Constitution the principle that the whole number of free persons shall be the basis of representation. But that principle lies at the base of all free go vernment. Wo •abandon republican ism itself when we discard it. . Thus it appears that the present ex• periment in reconstruction, if suffered to run its courso, and if interproted as I think wo have just cause to fear that it will be, tends,lnevitably it may be said, to bring about two results: First. To cause the disfranchisement of the freedman. Whether wo effect this directly, as by provision of law, or by a disqualifying clause in a procla mation, or whether we do it by leaving the decision to his former masters and his old enemies, matters nothing ex cept in form and in words; the result is brought about with equal certitude in either way. Passion, prejudice, and self interest concur to produce this result. Second. It establishes— not the odi ous three fifth clause, not even merely a five fifth clause—bet something much worse than either. It permits the in vestiture of the Southern white with a preponderance of political power such as no class of men, in a democ.ratic To public,-over-enjoyed since the world began. I do not, believe me in this, Mr. President, overlook or underrate the grave embarrassments that beset your path, turn as you will. I call to mind the overbearing influence to passion and prejudice, and I admit that when these prevail, in exaggerated form throughout a largo portion of any na tion, a wise ruler recognizes the fact of their existence and regulates his acts accordingly. But the sway of passion. and prejudice, despotic for a season, has but a limited term of endu ranee, and should bo treated as an evanescent thing. It is too transient and unstable to furnish basis for a comprehensive system of policy. Ten derly it should be treated, but not falsely respected, or weakly obeyed. Mercy, God-like Attribute as it is, may run riot. It is very well, - by act of grace, to restore to penitent South ern insurgents their legally forfeited rights; let us bo friends and fellow citizens once more, as Christianity and comity enjoin. But to suffer each of these returning Rebels, when about to cast his vote for President or for representatives of the people, to be clothed with three times as much power as is possessed by a Northern voter exercising a similar right, is, very 'surely, a somewhat superfluous stretch of clemency. And what manner of men, I pray you, are those whom we propose thus to select from among their fellows—' granting thorn political powers un known to democracy, investing them with privileges of an oligarchical char. acter It is ungenerous to speak harsh ly of a . vanquiShed foe, especially of ono who has shown courage and con stancy worthy of the noblest cause; but the truth is the truth, and is over fitly spoken: They are mon whose terrible misfortune it has been to be horn and bred under a system the most cruel and demoralizing tho world ever saw. The wisest of those who have been subjected to such a surrounding hare confessed its evil power. "There must doubtless," said Jefferson in his Notes on Virginia, "be an unhappy influence on the manners of our people, produced by the existence of Slavery among us. The whole commerce between master and slave is a porpetual exorcise of the most boisterous passions-the most unremitting despotism on ono part and degrading submission on the oth• or. * The man must be a prodigy who eau retain his rnannel'S and'his morals under such circumstan ces." ("Notes," page 270.) Therm 'are tips habittial results of the system. To what incredible excesses its occasional outbursts may run we have frightful evidences daily coming before 'us; schemes of wholesale incen- HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 16, 1865. • - PERSEVERE.- diarism, involi•ing deaths by the thou sand of women and children : schemes to poison, by the malignant virus of the yellow foyer, an entire community; deliberate plans to destroy prisoners of war by insufferable hardships and sjow suffering; plots, too successful, alas ! to shroud a nation' in mourning by assas sination. Many honorable exceptions ne i gtubt - there are, in whom native virtue re sists daily temptation. such excep tions are to be found in all communi ties, no matter how pernicious the sur roundings. But, in deciding national questions we must be governed by the rule, not by the exceptions. The Southern whites subdivide into three classes. The slaveholders prop er, many of whom are excluded from pardon by the Proclamation of Am. nesty; the "poor whites," and what may be called the yeomen of the South, of which last our country feels that her worthy Pre - siclent is a noble type, and of which wo may regard stout-hearted Parson Brownlow as a clerical exam ple: If this last class, whence have come the sturdiest Union mon in Secession dom, constituted, like the mechanic in New England or the farmer of the West, a large proportion of the popu lation, we might-hope that it would leaven and redeem the extremes of so ciety around it. But it is found sparse and in inconsiderable numbers, except, perhaps, in Eastern Tennessee and the northern portion of North. Carolina. The poor whites, of whom the clay eating pine-lander of Georgia and oth er Gulf States is the type, far outnum• ber them. Of this class Mrs. 'Fanny Komble, in that wonderful book of hers, "yournal of a Residence on a Southern Plantation," gives, from per sonal observation, a graphic descrip, tiou :—"They are, I suppose" (she says), "the most degraded race of hu man beings claiming an Anglo-Saxon origin that can be found on the face of the earth; filthy, dirty, ignorant, bru tal, proud, penniless, savages, without ono of the nobler attributes that have been found occasionally allied to vices of savage nature. They own no slaves, for they are, almost without exception, abjectly poor : they will not work, for that, as they conceive, would reduce them to an equality with the ahorred nogroes; they squat and steal, and starve on the outskirts of this lowest of all civilized societies, and their coups tenances bear witness to the squalor of their condition and the utter degrada tion of their natures."—Journal, p. 146.) .I have often encountered this class. I saw many of them last year while visiting, as a member of a Govern ment commission, come of the South ern States. Labor degraded before their eyes has extinguished within them all respect for industry, all am bition, all honorable exertion, to im prove their condition. When last I had the pleasure of seeing yon at Nash ville. I met there, in the office of a gentleman charged with the duty of issuing transportation and rations to indigent persons, black and white, a notable example of this strange class. He was aßebel deserter; a rough, dirty, uncouth specimen of humanity, tall, stout and wiryslooking, rude and ab• rapt in speech and bearing, and cloth ed in tattered homespun. In no civil tone he demanded rations. When in formed that all rations applicable to such a purpose worn exhausted, he broke forth :—"What am I to do then? How am I to get home ?" "You can have no difficulty" was the reply. "It is but fifteen or eighteen hours down the river" (the Cumber 7 land) "by steamboat to where you live. I furnished you transportation ; you can work your way." "Work my way V" (with a scowl of angry contempt.) "I never did a stroke of work since I was born, and I never expect to, till my dying day." The agent replied quietly :—"They will give you all you want to eat on board, if you help them to wood." f - Carry wood!' he retorted with an oath. "Whenever they, ask me to car ry wood, I'll toll them they may set Me on shore; I'd rather starve for a week than work for an hour, I don't waut-to live in a world that J can't make 4 living out of withOet work." hit for men like that, ignorant, il literate, vicious, fit for no decent ems ployment on earth except manual la bor, and spurning all labor as degra dation; is it in favor of such insolent swaggerers that we are to disfranchise the bumble, quite, hard-working ne gro ? Are the Votes of three . sucli reo as Stanton and Seward, Sumner and Garrison, G-rant ared Sherman, to be neutralized by the ballot of one such ' worthless barbarian ? 'Are there not breakers ahead ? To such an issue as that may not the late tentatives at reconstruction,how faith , fully so ever conceived and intended. I for good, t nractiolly tend • , „,,.. ~. ~,,, „...,, The duty of the United States to guaranty to every State in the Union a republican form of government is as pacred.as the duty to protect each of them from invasion. Is that duty duly fulfilled when, with the power of pre vention in our hands, we' suffer the white voter in the least . loyal„the least intelligent anil the least industrious section of our country to usurp a meas ure of political power three fold great er than in the rest of the nation a voter enjoys? Will it be denied that we have the legal power in our own hands ? Unsuccessful Rebels cannot, by bits of paper called Secession ordinances, take a State out of the Union; but, by levying civil war, they can convert all the inhabitants of a State into public enemies, deprived, as such, by law, of their political rights. The United States can restore those rights; can pardon these public enemies. And we have the right to pardon on conditions; as, for example, on the co'i , ` 'that It slavery shall cease to '', ..'.' the condition that none Ot - iiiar! Siiions, who form the basis of representation, shall, because of color, be deprived of the right of suffrage, If wo neglect, to impose the first con dition, the cause of the late rebellion will continue, and will, some day, pro duce another. If we neglect to ims pose the second condition, an oligar. Ay, on an extended scale, will. grow up in ono large section of the country, working grave injustice toward the voters of another section. The three fifth abuse will reappear in a giant form. But if we suffer this, it cannot fail to produce,as slavery p'yoduced, alien ations and hoart•burhihgs. Uncler any plan of reconstruction involving so flagrant an injustice, it is in vain to expect harmony or permanent peace between the Northern and Southern sections of the Union. It is not here denied, nor is it deni• able, that, under ordinary circumstan ces, a State may, by a general law ap plicable to all, restrict the right of suffrage; as for example, to those who pay tay taxes, or to thosi who can read and write. And it is quite true that the effect of such- a laW would be to give additional political power to those who still enjoyed the eleetive franchise. But a State can only do this after she has a State Government in operation, not when she is about to frame ono. North Carolina is in the Union, as she has always been-; .but her people, having lost by war against 'the Government, their political rights, are not allowed to go on under their old Constitution and laws, Theyhave to begin again. 4s Idaho, if desiring to be a State, would have to do, tho people of North Carolina have to elect members of a convention, which con: vention has to frame a State Constitu-; tion, to be presented, for acceptance or rejection, to Congress. Now, just as Idaho, taking her - first step toward State sovereignty, could not, on her own authority, begin by denying a vote in the election of members of hor convention to half her froo population, or if sire did; would find her Constitu tion rejected, for that cause, by Con gross, as not emanating from tho whole people, so, in my judgment, ought not North Carolina, having forfeited her State rights and beginning anew as a Territory does, to ha permitted, in ad vance, to reject more than a third of her free population. 361,5:22 out of 092,T22. I hope she will not so con strue her rights as to venture on such a rejection. •If she does, Congress ought to reject her Constitution as authorised by a part of her people only. , But, beyond all this, we cannot safe , . ly allow the negro exemption clause to take its chance along with other possi ble restrictions to suffrage which a State, fully organig,ed, may see fit to enact, : ./;Nt, bepause of its magnitude It is an act of ostracism by one half the free inhabitants of an entire (30C- Lion of country against- the other half, equally free. &condiy, beauso of its diameter and results. It is an act of injustice by those' who have assaulted the fife of the nation against those who have defended the national life; an act by which wo abandon to the tender mercies of the doubtfully loyal and the disguised traitor those whose loyalty has 0,90 every test, unstained,' nu shaken; men ignorant and simple in deed, but whose rtulo fidelity' never failed either the Cajon fugitive beset in the forest, or the Union cause im perilled on the battle , field. The ficciaiou of a matter so grave as this shOuld bo f.l.lcon Out of the Pate , gory of those rights 'which a State, at her option, may grant or May NV WI hold; be . 6auso; being national ,in its consequences, it is .national character. This is ry matter for •Federal ifiterfer- TERMS, $2,00 a year in advance. once, because, like emancipation, it is a matter involving the Federal safety. It is because I know , . the frankness of your own character, Mr. President, that, at possible risk of conflicting opinions, I write to you thus frankly. It is because I am deeply impressed by the vast importance of the issues at stake that Iwrite to you at all. I think of our Union soldiers, the survivors of a thousand fields. I re call the last days, not of conflict, , but of triumph, when . Confederate, arms were stacked, and Confederate paroles were given, and the. Stars and Bars fell before the old flag. I remember with what fierce fury. those who sur rendered at last, fought throughout - a four years' desperate effprt to shatter into fragments that benignant Govern ment under which, for throe quarters of a century, they had enjoyed pros : perity and protection. I remember all that was done and suffered and sacri ficed, before, through countless discour agements and reverses, treason's plot was trampled down and, the glorious ending was reached. And as, in spirits, I follow victors and vanquished from the scene of conflict, I think that never was nation more gratuitously or more , foully assailed, and that never did na tion owe to her deliverers from anar, chy and dismemberment a deeper debt of gratitude and good will. Then I ask myself a great question , . Shall these soldiers of liberty, return ing from fields of death to Northern fields of labor and of peaceful contest —of contest in which the ballot is the only weapon, and the bulletin of de feat or of victory is contained in the election returns—shall these veterans, who never flinched before military force, be overborne, with their laarela still green, by political stratagem ? Their weapons of war laid aside, is the reward of these 'conquerors, to be this, that, man to man, they shall be entitled to one-third as much influence . in administering their country's Gov-, eminent as the opponents they con quered ? • . Are the victors on fields of death' to become the vanquished in Halls of Legislation? It is a question which the nation cannot fail ere icing to ask itself; and who can doubt what the ultimate an swer will be ? May God, who, throughout the great crisis of our nation's history,. overru ling evil for good, has caused the wrath of man to work out Itis_oWn gracious ends—directing us, without our will or agency, in paths of justice and of victory which our human wisdom was too feeble to discover—direct you also, throughout the arduous task before you, to the Just and the Right. ROBERT DALE OWEN Now York, Sono 21, 1865. COURT AFFAIRS, RIAL LIST.—AUGUST TERM. • Cumtnonchig wood 31ouday, 14th of August, 1905. 1 oger C. McGill vs Benjamin Cross. Samuel Bovorly 98 John S. Beverly S. L. Glasgow for use vs Mary Gibboney's ex John Black & Co vs Catharine Tricker John II Stonebraker vs D. Stewart et al Dr P Shoenherger ex vs Wilson & Lorenz Jacob Cresswell vs F. 11. Lane et al' Eliza Young et al vs . A. Wise of al James Scott vs 13rice X. Blair • Mary DoArmitt vs Nicholas Cresswell B. M. Jones & Co. vs James C. Clark.' W. C. WAGOIggR, I. 3 pat'y PE.OTIONOTARY'S OFFICE, Ifuntingdon, July 17. TRAVERSE JURORS. David Buck, farmer, Warriormark - Daniel Book, farmer, Cromwell John Briggs, farmer, Tell " William Buckley, farmer, Shirley Samuel Barr, farmer, Jackson Jacob S Covert, mason; Shirley John D' Carberry, farmer, Carbon Peter Dell, farmer, Cass Entrekin, flirmey, Hopewell John Enyeart, farmer, Cromwell . Aaron W Evans, Cassville. Oliver litnier, farmer; Cromwell James Entrokin, farmer, Elopeivell Alex. G Ewing, teacher, Franklin Benjamin Fouse, merchant, Shirley David NGarner; soldier, Venn . Samuel B Garner, golitletham Penn Isaac Grcive, farmer, Penn John Griffith, farmer, Tod Benjamin I? Glasgow, farmer, Union . James Gillam, watchman, Wady . J Barman, cabinet maker, Jackson Jacob Herncame, faimer; Shirley George Heaton, merchant, Carbon John Hewitt, farmer, Porter. S. Isenberg, fitimer, Carbon Thomas Valley, farmer, Cromwell Jacob Icriode, farmer, West John Diner, farmer, Union Jadob Lane, farmer, Springfield Abner Lamp, briCklayer, Huntingdon George MeGrum, farmer, Barree Gee A Miller, moranint. 4tUr!OP449!? Jphn B Plyton, farmer, West ' • • Samuel Melritty, farmer, Clay William 'B McMullen, farmer, Tell Jamei McGill, farmer, Jackson ' David Neff, farmer, Porter JOhn Palther;hess mitier,"Carbon Jacob. Prough, sr„ laborer Penn Mahlon Stryker, - fanner, West John . Smiley, hirrnor, Barre& Samuel Silknitter,.farraer, Barree E Summers, confectioner, Huntingdon Davidßhaeffer, thriller, Shirley,' James ThomPsoe, blacksmith, West John Weston, farmer, Warriorreartr James Ward, farmer, Walker •- Think befoi%e you ao4 or speak a-zonm aOB , 'PRINTING ''OFFICE. TnE'GLOBE JOB OFFICE" - moat • 'the at complete oany la the country, and pon uessea the meet emple ficilitlemlor promptly ex the bat styre, every vutlOtYof Job Ertritlmr, euch.99 HAND BILLS,: --- - •:PROGRAMbiES, .-ANA. • • • - CARDS, • CIRCULAR% BALL - 'IIOXEIE,_ . LABELS, 840.,, Pa NO. 7. CALL AND LIMNS pPlCtliaktfl OP-WORN; , AT LEWIS' BOOK. STATIONERY' 84, BitlSlOATOrttir _ . • GOOD.--."Shajl .1 tell you. a. bit ote r . , story, having no connection with poll ins, this hot, dry . weatber.?"By pint, mission.— , . "Old Colonel of Mobile Dis trict, was ono 'of - the' most singular characters known in 'Alabllttia was itesty and eccentric, but:possessed' many fine qualities which were. fully appreciated bythe people o.£hie clistricib. Many of his freaks are" fresh the• memory of the 'old uns'of MobileL-Cuid t all of them will tell you, that the Osis, 11'0 . 1, though hard to beat, was once ter,,, ribly taken in by a coupro•oftYicicr, .11 is 'George Woodward, ; 1 tells ; the story, but, however that maybe, it is in the keeping with others relattid, of the old gentleman; - "It seems that Col. D.,--L=liad,iLtnii. , , understanding with the two gentlemen alluded to, and was not on speaking terms with them, although . all,Of the three were profeisionally riding the circuit pretty much, together'. young ones; being well . smai.c;:oft the: Colonel's irascible nature; deterMia ed, as they left one of bb , cOartallire another, to have some sport athiii ex.- ‘ pence by the way. They accordingly got about half an hour's'staxt ixt.lefiver ing, and presently they arrived dark, broad stream, that looked might be' a dozen feet deep, but which in reality was hardly more thari many inches. Creasing it they alight ed, pulling off their coats and boots„_ and sat dow'n quietly to watch for the, old 'Tartar' came. "logging along, at length, :up the old fellow. lie looked first at the youngsters who were gravely draiving on their boots and 'coats', ,us, if.they: just had' a swim and then'he looked, at the broad creek that rolled before : . him like a fluent; tritnsliaeOt The Col. was awfully puzaied. , "Is this croak swi r nithing growled after a pause of • a few reo, ments. "No reply was made—the youpg• men simply mounted their horses;aud. rode off sortie little distance, and stop,. ped to watch our hero." "The Colonel slowly divested hin2:,. self of boots, coats, • - pantelifions' and , drawers. Those he neatly tied up i;r;, his handkerchief, and hung thorn oil: the horn of tho saddle. Th134'1,14 mounted, and as was a fat, short - maa t , with a paunch of inordinate. 3 . * ) raths-. or inadequate logs, a face like a with ered apple, and a biown wig, therOfitl no doubt that he made an interesting : picture as he bostrodo his steed, the 'breeze holding goatko e clailtanc with the extremitieg, of 14,1 only, gar A inept. "Slowly and - cautiously, did ; I t he, cddi man and his horse take the croak.; Half at lligth—and the water-was not, fetlock deep. Here the; horde stopped to drink. A length. and a half the,. stream no deeper. Thirty fest.farther l , and a decided shoaling. _ ' • "Hero Gol. orlinre sai.d he, '1; 0 -" 11 of* swift channel between this aid the: bank—see how the yaps?. will dash through !' ‘ , 4 sharp lash made the horse . spring over the 'watery waste - and &nettle,* carried the horse and rider safely to> the opposite :hank. The creek howherek hsras more than a foot, deep "A wild yell from the yo,une nue announced thei r , apprepilitioq n,• tbo: sport as they.gallopscl LTV : "I'll catch you, you--0 1 f setqVit#1 ground out between Col. teeth—and away be. galloped* Alum, suit, mlittering dreadful vengeance prt. • , his foes. . , S ( 011—on--,they speed l pursuer song; pursued. the youngsters laughed, yet,' led and screamed-the Colo,nel. damn.. ed . with mighty emphasis, , while hie shirt floated and, crackled.in thirair 4: like a lopse flying jib ! "On—on—and the pursued reached a karm house on the road Side. , Theiu passing started a flock 9 f. ge e se a fenee corner, which as 'tile Colon dashed up, met him With 014914344 wings, elongated neck; and hisiee dirO, His horse swerved suddeply, Kid in, a moment tlie colonel was upon gymmd, in a most unioniantielheap, i l t with bis bi;Wii wig by tie side,.and s, hig btmdlo 0144439 scattered. "The white headed children of :the house .came out first, took a distant . view Pf the llvriat?r — A B it seetild tQ them—and then returned to report , pro . grass: After a little the father of thki 4., • , family came,`and: the Afrah. being plained, assisted the Colonel in mit king his toilette; this Colonel, sTsar: ing and the countryman laughing all. the while. "Dressed and remounted, the old, hero started off with a waPil was soon out of sight'." /30'100 Imople are a little shy of religion. They gioFki i..l:llEiy itself, and make it a atrftngep tik,the other' six. '• BILL M3ADSi
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