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HUNTINGDON, PA
Friday morning, September 11, 1863
Ivor the Globe.]
MR. EDITOR :—ln my remarks on
the subject of slavery, I am influenced
by no party, and I have no interests
; to serve but those of religion and hu
manity. As a man and a friend of
the human race, I have feelings for
my fellow-men however much reduced
and degraded they may be, by circum
stances over which they have no con
trol. As a Christian lam too highly
sensible of my own high privileges,
through the Gospel, not to wish them
shared by every son and daughter of
Adam. I have seen much of slavery
and often shudder at the thought of
what I have witnessed. By birth I
am a Pennsylvanian, but at a very
early age I lost my father; and my
uncle, who was a Southern planter
and owned over two hundred slaves,
took mo under his guardianship, and I
-was brought up and educated in South
Carolina; there I remained more than
fourteen years, and there I had every
opportunity to see and learn the evils
of slavery.
Having in a former communication
shown the condition of slaves under
the Mosaic covenant, I will now at
tempt to portray the condition of
slaves in the South.
The first remark I shall make on
their condition is, that the object of
the planters is to obtain the greatest
quantity of labor possible, though, I
imagine, and am quite certain, that
their object is in most instances de
feated; for the negroes are shrewd
enough to observe it, and it, is a com
mon observation with them "Not'ing
pleas, Massa, but work, work, work ;"
and under this impression they gene
rally take care not to put forth all
their strength in their daily labor, but
take it leisurely, and I have no hesita
tion in saying that if they were allow
ed an hour or even more every day,
and the afternoon of every Saturday
to themselves, the business of the
plantations would go on quite as well
and the produce be just as great:
This constant work, work, work,
is also a principal cause of one of the
greatest hardships in <horn slavery
—I mean the constant use of the whip;
for seeing that work is their only por
tion, they are inclined to be indolent,
and a driver is continually after them
in the field, to flog them with his hea
vy whip, if they do not work as hard
as ho thinks they ought. It is cer
tainly a most degrading sight to see
one fellow-creature following twenty,
thirty, or forty others, and every now
and then lashing them as he would 'a.
team of horses or mules. But this is
not all; if any ono offends more than
ordinarily, master driver, who has al
most unlimited power, takes him or
her from the ranks, and having seve
ral strong negroes to hold the offender
down, lays on twenty, or thirty or
forty lashes with all his might. I have
often seen black drivers lay on most
unmercifully, more than forty at a
time, whilst his fellow-slave was cry
ing for
. merey, so that he could be
heard a quarter of a mile from the
spot. Those daily punishments, for
indolence or other trivial faults, lose
their intended effect; for their fre
quency hardens the poor wretches,
and makes them less willing to exert
themselves; for after all their endeav
ors they are not certain of giving sat
isfaction. •
Slaves are so degraded and depressed
in the eyo of the law, as not to be con
sidered persons, but mere animals or
chattels; so that they can be sold, not
only at the will and pleasure of their
owners, to any person, but can bo
seized and sold for debt, by a writ of
execution, and exposed for sale at
public auction to the best bidder.—
'Many a bitter cry is heard when the
Sheriff's deputies aro sent to hunt
down and seize the victim or victims
ii,pd drive or drag them away to the
flail, till the day of sale arrives, which
is fp ,deprive them of their little homes;
this hardship is much increased when
the slaves are married, or have fami
lies, as the wqraan may be separated
from her husband, or parents from
ftietr children; for here the tenderest
ties of nature are broken in an instant,
and the wife, children, or n l ep l ee s
cries would not be in the least attend
ed to, nor heeded, any more than the
moans of so many animals.
Another great, and to themselves
dreadful, evil is, that t , 14.67 are denied
f)y the statute law the sacred right of
testimony against a white mat, and
thus rendered helpless against tbp
brutal but logical results of slave:
ry. I do not say it would be
nplitie, or even just, whilst they have
[jr
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
VOL, XIX.
so little sense of religion as at present
to allow their evidence equal weight
with a white man ; for, independent
of their ignorance of the true nature
of an oath, it would bo dangerous to
allow slaves to swear against their
masters in all cases; as to obtain free
dom, many of them, would, I fear,
without scruple, perjure themselves;
yet, in a few cases, such as murder and
very ill treatment, some weight, (es
pecially when agreeing with circum
stantial evidence,) ought undoubtedly
to be allowed their testimony. Were
all masters and mistresses humane, the
loss of this right would not be great;
but unfortunately for them, there aro
many white savages in the South who
have no more feeling than a dog, and
who take every advantage to gratify
their worse than Turkish disposition
by cruelly flogging them for small of
fences, and even causing death with
out fear of punishment. This last is a
strong assertion, but I will mention an
instance or two to confirm it. A Mr.
Latta (a professor of religion) who
lived in Darlington district, seven
miles from my uncle, was in the habit
of cruelly punishing his slaves. At
busy seasons, his cruelty was beastly
and devilish. On one occasion a
young woman, upon whom be bad in
flicted the most heartless punishment,
for no reason, unless physical debility
can be called an offence; took refugo
in the woods, and after remaining
there several weeks, was compelled by
hunger, &c., to return to her brutal
master. She sought an intercessor in
the person of a Mr. Cannon, her mas
ter's neighbor. As the poor thing
staggered into his presence, lifted her
scarred hands before his face and
plead his interposition with her mas
ter, in her behalf, his heart was
moved by the tearful and eloquent
plea. Mr. Cannon went; he stated
her case, and plead for favor for her.
But Latta was deaf; his heart was ada
mant. It only kindled the passion of
the wild beast—it sharpened his appe
tite for blood. It was the poor lamb's
bleat of distress in the ear ,of the wolf.
"limself and overseer mounted their
horses, with their whips in their hands
—the weapons that slave drivers use
to scar the " human form divine," and
were soon at Mr.. Cannon's. The wo
man was called with a gruff voice and
ordered home. And now the sight l—
it beggars all description; "0, my
soul, come not thou into their secret."
Bending forward in her weakness, she
urges homeward, screaming out her
agony at every step, under the strokes
of the heavy whips that fell on her
scarred and bloody back. For more
than a mile they drove her, for more
than a mile she bled and toiled on with
still fainter step. They come to a
ditch—she leaps, but tumbles into the
mire. They left her there, with an or
der to be home at a given hour. But
the hour comes without the poor slave.
The master.• returns, she still lies in
the ditch. Thank God, it is over.—
She is dead. Beaten, helpless girl,
rest. God is Judge; "His justice will
not slumber forever."
This is no isolated case. It is com
mon. It is the fruit *that comes of
that tree of hell. Every slave com
munity has its bloody witness. This
is the interpretation of slavery—the
meaning of the "sum of all villianies."
This man was not tried. Ab, no,
the slave has no rights the white man
is bound to respect. He is a chattel.
To say he has rights is to acknowledge
his manhood. That would undo slave
ry. Slavery says "he is a thing"—buy
him, sell him, whip him, kill him, and
that makes the "divine institution"
whose holy beauty has charmed this
nation—for which Southern slavedri
vers are waging war, and their filthy
Copperhead minions of the North aro
crawling on their snaky bellies to per
petuate.
I will relate another incident : a man
of the name of Do Boise, who was the
owner of slaves, was also a servant to
his own uncontrolled temper and cruel
disposition. On ono occasion, falling
into a passion with ono, of his slaves for
a trivial offence, he ordered several
others to seize him, when the unfeeling
inhuman man, compelled them to lay
his head on a block and with an gain he
severed it from the body. His case
was brought before a court ofjustice.—,
The Judge was an excellent man, but
there could bo found no law to convict
the murderer of slaves, and De Boise
was acquitted. Acquitted, to return
to his home to dwell in peace. But
epßld pope fold her white unsullied
wings and take up her abode in his bo-
Boni? Ah, his heart must have been
More th4r} adamant and his conscience
seared as with a liqt, icon, qr the closing
address of the excellent Judge Wile},
would have rung in his ears and haunt
ed by day and night, until ho
would have been ready to cry out in
his agony, "my punishment is greater
HUNTINGDON, PA., WUNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 16, 1863.
than I oan bear." Well do I remember
that address, and will hero give you a
short extract. Looking the guilty cul
prit full in the face he said : "The
laws of my country do not demand
your blood, and I am sorry for it, but I
will remind you of another trial, when
the hands of your mutilated slave, will
rise in judgment against you.
You will hoar prom me again on this
subject. WILI3E4FORCE.
Birmingliatn,
Hunt. co., Sept. 9, 1803.
Address of the Union State Central
Committee,
To the People of Pennsylvania :
The day is rapidly approaching up
on which you will be called to choose
between rival candidates for the high
office of Governor of the Common
wealth, and Judge of its Supreme Ju
dicial tribunal. To the one is to be
committed the executive power of our
great and noble State, and to the oth
er a weighty voice in deciding ques
tions closely affecting your most sacred
rights of persons and of property,
To an intelligent exercise of your
right of suffrage, it is very necessary
that you should clearly understand
the difference between the parties
whose nominees aro Andrew G. Curtin
and Daniel if. Agnew, and the parties
whose nominees are George W. Wood
ward and Walter H. Lowrie. It is
therefore, in obedience to a custom,
wise and time-honored, that you aro
addressed by the official representa
tives of each organization in behalf of
their respective principles and candi
dates.
It is not vague commonplace but so
lemn truth - to say, that there never
was a political contest in America
whose issues were so important and
so vital to the life of the Republic as
are those involved in the pending can
vass. In other days wo prudently oc
cupied our minds with questions of
State:polley, local alike in their inter
est and their influence; but to day
the people of Pennsylvania ascend to
the higher and broader ground where
on the nation strunles forits
the ballof - 8 of tredinen were never more
weighty with great conoquences than
those now resting in their bands, con
taining, as they probably do, not only
the question of civil war at our own
homes, not only .the fate of our consti
tution and Union, but the destiny of
freegovernment throughout the world.
It is a source, therefore, of profound
gratitude with all reflecting men, that,
while all the gentlemen in nomination
bear characters alike honorable and
tiithout stain, thus entitling them to
the fullest presumption of honest mo
tives and conscientious convictions, yet
the lines of division are drawn with
such distinctness, the policy proposed
is so plainly different, and the princi
ples avowed so radically hostile, that
no man of ordinary intelligence need
hesitate in his choice.
Tho history of America before tho
civil war began is read and known to
all men. In the years of our coloniza
tion WO were obedient to the plain
purpose of God in reserving this con
tinent as a theatre whereon the capa
city of the human race for self-govern
ment should be fully and fairly tested;
and the mon to whom was entrusted
the great experiment in civilisation
fitly builded their infant States upon
the principles of civil and religious li
berty.
When the condition of colonial de
pendency ceased to protect these prin
ciples, tho scattered settlements came
together in the presence of a com
mon danger, and in the interest of hu
man freedom declared their indepen
dence. Joseph Warren, proto-martyr
of the Revolution, writing, just before
his death, to Quincy, says : " I am
convinced that the true spirit of liber
ty was never so universally diffused
through all ranks and conditions of
men on the face of the earth as it now
is through all North America."
In this spirit and for this cause our
fathers endured seven weary years of
unequal warfare, and that their chil
dren to the third and fourth genera
tion should understand the purposes
of the great struggle in the calm peace
which followed victory, they solemnly
engraved it above the entrance to the
sources of the fundamental law, decla
ring it to be, " to secure the blessings
of liberty to the tipple and their pos
terity.
The Goverment of the United
States, thus plainly established to pre
serve the liberties of its people, con
tained an ehnnent of wealinessand die
cord in the recognition of the legal
existence of slavery. It was believed
however, that this evil votild soon dis
appgar, aro JefTersgq vied with Frank
lin in his efforts to secure a result ear
nestly desired by all good men. In
the course of a few years it, was cou-
-PERSEVERE.-
fined nominally, as it had long really
been, to the States lying South of the
line of Mason and Dixon; and patri
ots of all parties rejoiced in the hope
of its speedy and total disappearance.
This reasonable hope was destined
to disappointment. In 1820, the first
great concession was demanded by the
slaveholding interest at the hands or
the National Legislature, and for . the
sake of harmony Missouri was admit
ted into the Union . as a slave State.
Then followed other . and greater de
mands in favor ofslavery, urged with
increasing arrogance; and notwith
standing the wonderful prosperity
which, like a benediction, attended the
North, and the stagnation and decay
which began to cover and cling like a
curse to the lands tilled by enforced
and unpaid labor, a party, small in
numbers but great in intellectual
powers of its leaders and devoted to
the defence and propagandism of Ame
rican slavery, by the free and alternate
use of flattery and threats, wrung obe
dience to its requirements from the
unwilling hands of American States
men.
What followed is a thrice-told tale.
The admission. of new slave States;
the annexation of Togas; the war
with Mexico; thcconscquent ac
cession of great territories in the
Southwest; the - compromise legis
lation of 1850, including the Fu
gitive Slave Law; the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise; tho lawless
invasion of Kansas by the ruffians of
the Southern border, with its attendant
slaughter of peaceful Northern settlers
and the culminating efforts of the Ad
ministration of Buchanan, to force by
the bayonet a pro-slavery Constitution
whose provisions were disgraceful to
civilized human nature, upon the he
roic people of that devoted Territory.
What were all these but the success
ive stops in the long and painful des
cent, whereby the conservative, law
abiding people of the North vainly at
tempted to appease and even to satis
isfy the constant aggressions of their
ilaveholding brethren
The political history of America fur
forty years - is Weitteti - ln this brief
statement of concessions to slavery.
We had done much to please its friends.
We had surrendered, almost without
the forms of protest, the chief execu
tive offices of the nation to their keep
ing. They were filled either by them
selves, or by those Northern gentle
men whom they graciously selected for
merit 'of prompt and unquestioning
obedience to their commands. The ju
dicial branch of the government, en
trusted with the construction of the
Federal charter, and the consequent
abrogation, when necessary, of all
laws, State and national, was compo
sed of judges of their choice. Tho re
presentatives of the nation at the
Courts of Europe bad been trained
with their training. The conserva
tive branch of the National Legisla
ture was unquestionably under their
control.
We had parted with many plain
rights to satisfy them. We endured
the utter denial of free speech, and
even ofunmolested travel in the South
ern States. We waved the protection
of the Federal law,, which should have
covered us as with aEL.C.- hi ld
, every
where beneath the Federal flag, and
consented to receive instead the juris
diction of ruffianly mobs, bred and fos
tered in slavery. We saw without
complaint the North made avast bunt
ing ground for fugitives from bondage.
Aire accepted with meekness the con
stant taunts of our social and political
inferiority. We permitted our repre
sentatives to be threatened with per
sonal violence in the streets of the ca
pital- We stifled - our just and sacred
wrath when a Northern Senator, gra
ced with all generous culture, and bear
ing the commission of a free Common
wealth, was beaten by slaveholders to
the verge of death qn the floor of the
Semite, for words spoken for liberty in
debate. Enduring all in patience, for
the sake of peace and union we sat in
quiet obedience to the law, unwilling
but submissive pupils, receiving log
sonsofuhivalrichonor from Mr. Brooks
and of chivalric manners from Mr.
Wigfall, of loyalty from Mr. Davis,
and of honesty from Mr. Floyd.
At last,, in the year of grace in 1860,
the Constitution afforded to the citi
zens of the land the privilege of again
expressing by their votes their choice
of national rulers. They exercised
that right, quietly, peaceably, and in
perfect obedience to the fooin a pd
of all our laws.
•The lawful discharge of this high
duty, imposed upon all good men by
their country, was declared by a fa*
bold men tq ue just cause of civil
mg. This proposition inyolved, of
course, the startling doctrine that
Northern men must vote in the inter:
( qttlitte.
est of slavery, or its friends would ap
peal from the ballot to the bullet, des
troy the Constitution, dissolve the
Union, and deluge all the land with
its most precious blood.
It must be remembered that the Se
nate, without whose consent no law
can be enacted, was pro-slavery. The
Supremo Court, against whose judg
ment no law, if enacted, could avail
was pro-slavery. There was, there
fore no danger possible to the institu
tion ; and it was simply because once
in forty years the people had lawful
ly chosen a President who was believ
ed to bo opposed to further conces
sions to slavery, that an embittered and
malignant faction, who had been long
nursing their treason, declared their
purpose to eau's() to flow all the terri
ble evils following in the train of this
cruel war, which has wasted our sub
stance, and placed our chiefest trees
ores beneath the seals of clay. The
utter groundlessness of their com
plaints, and the want of even a decent
pretext for their threatened crime
against their country, was placed in
ful light before the world when Alex
ander H Stephens spoke to the peo
ple of Georgia those memorable words
which history will always remember,
sealing with the seal of lasting con
demnation this wicked and causeless
rebellion :
" What right has the _Worth assailed ?
TVhat interest of the South has been in
vaded ? What justice has been denied?
Or what claim founded on justice or
right has been withheld ? Can either of
you to-day name one governmental act of
wrong deliberately and purposely done • by
the Government at TVashington of which
the South has a right to complain ?
challenge an answer!"
While the ablest statesmen of the
South wore endeavoring with words
like those to stay the hands of traitors
raised to dishonor our flag to destroy
the Government, and to afflict us with
the awful sufferings of civil Strife, the
Hon. George W. Woodward, then and
now a judge of the Supremo Court of
Pennsylvania, deliberately disrobed
himself of Lis ermine,_and_walking
-frcual—tha-cant-vr-judgmet 6 to the—p+at—
form of a great meeting assembled in
Independence Square ground sacred to
freedom, spoke, and over and beyond
his audience to the maddened parti
sans of slavery, ripe for revolt and bat
tle, these words of sympathy with
their baseless and pretended wiongs:
"Everywhere in the South the people are
beginning to look out for the means of
self-defence. Could it be expected that
they would be indifferent to such scenes '
as have occurred?—that they would stand
idle and see such measures concerted and
carried forward for the annihilation,
sooner or later, of thir property in slaves.
Such expectations, if indulged, are not
reasonable."
And these words of encouragement
exaggerating the source of strength of
whi3h they boasted most : " 'When
you combine all in one glowing picture of
national prosperity, remember that -cot
ton, the produce of slave labor, has been
one of the indispensable elements of all
this prosperity—it must be an indispensa
ble element in all our future prosperity.
I say it must be."
And these sad words, sounding like
an invitation to treason :
" The law of self-defence includes
rights of property as well as person, and
it appears to me there must be a time in
the progress :of this conflict, if it in
deed is irrepressible, when slaveholders
may lawfully fall back on their natural
rights, and employ in defence of their
property whatever means of pro#ection
they possess o 1 can command. They
who push on this conflict have convinced
one or more Southern States that It has
come."
And these sadder words of attempt
ed consecration of that fearful ' combi
ning of crimes against God and all his
creatures which is called American
slavery :
" The providence of that good Being
who has watched over us from the begin
ning"and saved us from external foes, has
so ordered our internal relations as to
make negro slavery an incalculabe bless
ing to us. Whoever will study the Pa
triarchal and Levitical institutions, will
sec the principle of human bondage di
vinely sanctioned if not divinely ordained.
The address thus delivered went
forth with the added weight of judici
cial sanction, and, aided by many
others of kindred import, produced its
legitimato effect in convincing the trai
tors who had hesitated that a large
and influential portion of the North
ern people wore heartily with them
in spirit s and only awaited rating op
pqrfatnity tp become active accompli
ces in their treason. 'Then flailpwed
in necepsary sequence the bombard
ment, el Fort Sumter, and the open
ing of that great historic drama
whose shadow, after two weary years
TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance
of sacrifice of treasure and of life, still
darkens all our land; whose sorrows
have reached all our hearts, and whose
terrible consequences to the cause Of
Amorican democracy, and of Christian
civilization itself, yet we very dimly
comprehend.
For those words, and only fdr those
words, thus early, publicly, and dis
tinctly spoken;tendering sympathy,en
courgaement, invitation, consecration
oven, to the cause of the rebellion,
Judge Woodward has.been placed in
nomination as a candidate for Govern
or of Pennsylvania, and the opinions
there expressed have been distinctly
reaffirmed, and made the present plat
form of his supporters: the lion. C.
J. Biddle, their official representative,
in his recent address to the people of
the State, declaring, " this speech
. to
have been vindicated by subsequent events
as a signal exhibition of statesmanlike sa
gacity.
The faction in Pennsylvania wear
ing the livery of the good old Demo
cratic party to aid rebellion waged in
the interest of an aristocracy of slave
holders, thus openly avows its opinions
and in manifold ways, by speech and
press—by the secret oaths of a treas
onable conspiracy—by appeals to the
prejudices of ignorant men—by calum
nies against our bravo soldiers and sail
ors—by denial of their rights of suf
frage, and by constant misrepresenta
tions of the aims and results of the
war, endeavors to attain its purpose
of assisting the armed traitors who are
striking deadly blows at the heart of
the Republic.
Our"opponents well know that the
only strength of the rebellion consists
in its military power. Therefore, they
oppose every measure which tends to
strengthen the national armies, and
they support every measure which
tends to weaken them. If the Gener
al Government proposes to require
white men to render military service,
they oppose it as unconstitutional,and
favoring negro equality. If tho Gen
eral Government proposes to require
red men to render military son vice,
.they-opposit-as unconstitutional and
-contrary - to - the usage of civilized war
fare ; and they have thus far failed to
discover among the races of mankind
and people whose skin is of the proper
constitutional color to permit the Gov
ernment to use them to shoot rebels
and traitors. •
Our opponents denounce the arrest of
disloyal persons as violating personal
liberty. They denounce the suppres
sion of disloyal practices as indicating
military tyranny. They thwart the
needed reinforcements of our wasted
armies, and the collection of the na
tional revenue by base appeals to the
basest impulses of mon, and in the in
auguration of riot, rapine, and murder,
bringing the terrors of civil war to our
very hearthstones. Thus, by paraly
sing the strength and vigor of the mail
ed hand of the nation, they give es
sential aid and comfort to the nation's
enemies. Their cardinal principle is
to embarrass the Federal Administra,
tion in all measures for the vigorous
prosecution of the conflict, for the
prompt Suppression of the rebellion,
and the swift punishment of traitors.
It is needless to ssy that their tri
umph in the pending canvass would
prolong the war. It is confessed at
Richmond that the only relief afforded
to the darkness and disasters which
enshroud the rebel capital, and the
only encouragement to continue a
hopeless contest, conies with the occa
sional gleams of successes of their
Northern allies.
On all other sides despair awaits
them. They see two-thirds of their
territory conquered and held in sub
jection; New Orleans returned to its
allegiance; the Mississippi open; all
their harbors blockaded ; Charleston
assailed; Roscerans and Burnside mo
ving in triumph, and the groat struggle
which embraced more than half the
Union narrowing to Georgia, South
Carolina, and portions of North Caro
lina and Virginia. The end is not dis•
taut. It can only be delayed; and the
way to it piled With the bodies of the
brave men who willingly taste death
for their country, by the triumph of
Northern sympathizers with treason
at the approaching elections. Such
triumph lyould revive the desperate
and drooping fortunes, inspirit their
demoralized and deserting armies, and
persuade their rulers to renewed efforts
to gather and hurl new levies upon
our defenders in the field.
It follows necessarily that the tri
umph of our opponents, by prolonging
the war, will render necessary renewed
conscriptions and inFrease the burdens of
taxatiOn. Ono way only loads to a
short war and a 'lasting peace, and
that is the glorious path along which
RosecranS is marching, and Banks,
and Grant, and Meade. Everything
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which tends directly or indirectly to
weaken or embarrass these blessed
peace makers is comforting to the ene
my, inducing them to refuse submis
sion to the laws, and to continue to
waste more of our treasure and murder
others of our sons. The future will
lay the responsibility of lengthening
this horrible conflict, with whatever of
sacrifice its continuance involves, upoq
those Northern men who supply its
want of bullets by their ballots, hnd
by their sympathy nerve its ,rRn for
further blows. -
To these principles, to this policy,
to the results they so plainly involve,
of a long war, of other drafts, and of
more heavy taxes, as well as to the
candidates who represent them, the
loyal men of Pennsylvania are irre:
coneilahly opposed.
Our platform is brief and plain and
comprehensive. We believe that the
will of the people, lawfully expressed,
is the supreme law; that no appeal
can be permitted from votes to bayo
nets, and that when such appeal is
made, the only hope for the Republic
is to crush it by force of alms. We
therefore support the war without lim
itations or conditions, as the only
means of preservihg the national integ
rity.
We honor and sustain our heroic
brethren in arms on land and sea, the
unselfish heroism of whose daily lives
surpasses all that is written in the
knightly romance of the middle age.—
They deserve well of their country,
and we desire that the banner of tho
Union shall carry to its defenders,
wherever they may bo, the right of
suffrage—the inestimable privilege of
freemen.
We heartily sustain Abraham 14in :
coin, the President of the United
States, in his efforts to suppress this
wicked revolt against the laws he has
sworn to enforce.
For the vigorous use of all men and
all means permitted by the usages of
civilized nations, to reach peace
through'victory ; for the unequalled
maintenance of the national credit,
without parallel in history• ' for the
admirable frankness with which the,
President counsels- with the people,
and for the successes which are every
where crowning our arms, the Federal
Government deserves and receives the
'gratitude of all who 100 their- •
It alone, Niith . the help of Providence,
can save the life of the Republic. It
alone, with the same aid, can preserve
us as a nation. If, therefore, anything
is left undone, which sonic think ought:
to have been done, or anything has
been clone which some think should
have been left undone, we reserve
these matters for more opPortuno dis
cussion in the calmer days of peace.—
To day, while armed rebels threaten
the Federal capital and trample flag
and law and Constitution under their
feet, we come together without distinc
tion of party, in loyal union," and
pledge to the Administration, which
represents the Government of our
fathers, our earnest and Ilp,conditip,nal
support.
These are the principles and this is
the policy of the loyal men of Pennsyl
vania. To represent it they offer to
your suffrages our present Governor,
Andrew G. Curtin. He needs no
eulogy, for ho has so borne himself in
his high office that his name is known
and honored through all the land, win
ning the love of the soldiers and the
respect and confidence of a patriotic
constituency. His great services to
the cause of the Union in its most
deadly peril, his constant solicitude
and care for the bravo men he sent to
battle, his foresight, Lis energy, his
faithfullness in the discharge of every
duty, impelled a grateful people to
disregard his deeljnation, w and place
onoo more the banner of the Union in
his tried and trusty hands.
In the Honorable Daniel 11. Agnew
a candidate is presented worthy of the
support of all men who desire to main
tain the high character for ripe and
varied loaning, for unsuspected loy
alty to the Government, and for ad
herence to the duty of declaring, not
making, the law,
which our supreme
judicial tribunal won and wore in
other days. Judge Agnew is an no
complishod lawyer,is now the presiding
judge of his district, and his elevation
to the bench of the Supreme Court will
give additional security to the rights
of persons and property.
Freemen of Pennsylvania: The issue
is thus distinctly presented in which
the single question is that of loyalty
to the Government under which yen
live and the triumph of whose arms
alone can give you peace, and again
open to you the avenues to that oncost:
miraculous prosperity which attracted
the wondering gaze of the nations.
It only remains for all good men to
perfect the local organizations of the
friends of the Union, to secure fuLt
discussion of the questions in dispute,
to bring every loyal vote to the pollt:,
and to use all proper ofroril in their:
power to secure our success. If thiSi•;.
done, Pennsylvania, is saved to the
Union, and. the Union is saved to iv ,
and to our posterity. Thus we gathe;.
for the contest around wort* bearer;
of a 'worthy standard, written all over
with unconditional loyalty; and unde;,:
their good leadership we march forwar, t
with the faith and hello of chriStia
men, to the victoiy, which waits tho
cause ofjustice and of freedom.
In behalf of the Union State Central
Committee.
.11.011,_-') ; ,.C r II, Chairman
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