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cording to these terms.
Ely &Init.
HUNTINGDON, PA
Wednesday morning, Sept, 9, 1863,
Judge Woodward and Foreigners.
In the proceedings of" the Conven
tion of the Commonwealth of Penna.,
to propose amendments to the Consti
tution," setting at Harrisburg, on the
17th of November, 1837, we find, (pro
ceedings and debates, Vol. V. p. 443,)
" a motion was made by Mr. Magee
of Perry county, that the Convention
proceed at this time to the second read
ing and consideration of Resolution
N 0.48, in the words following, viz :
Resolved, That a committee be ap
pointed to inquire into the expedien
cy of so amending the Constitution of
Pennsylvaniii, as to prohibit the future
cmmigration into this State of free
persons of color and fugitive slaves,
from other States or territories."
"Mr. Thomas from Chester County,
moved to amend the same by insert
between the words " of" and " free,"
in the third line, the word " foreign
ers."
Mr. Woodward, moved to amend the
amendment by adding thereto the
words, "and that the said Committee be
also instructed to inquire into the pro
priety of so amending the Constitution
as to prevent any foreigner who may ar
rive in this State after the 4th of July,
1841 from acquiring the RIGHT TO VOTE
OR TO HOLD OFFICE in this Common-
wealth."
The Chair decided that the amend
ment of the gentleman from Luzerue
(Mr. Woodward,) could only be intro
duced by moving to strike out the
amendment of the gentlemen from
Chester county, and adding his own
proposition to the original resolu
tion."
Mr. Woodward stated that " he was
under the impression that he could
substitute his own proposition as an
amendment to the amendment." Mr.
Thomas,' with' a view to enable the
gentleman from Luzerne, to bring for
ward his proposition," withdrew his
amendment; and the amendment of
Mr. Woodward being thou before the
Convention,
Mr. Donnel of York county, said it
seemed to him that the amendment
of the gentleman from the county of
Luzerne Mr. Woodward would be out
of place if referred to a Committee,
and that itwas a matter for the action
of the Convention:'
Mr. Cox, of Somerset county, said
ho was not prepared, and he did not
believe that the members of This con
vention were prepared, to give their
sanction to such a proposition, as had
been brought forward by the gentle.
man from Luzerne county (Mr. Wood
ward.) If this country Was to be con
sidered, as it had hitherto been con
sidered, as an asylum for the persceu
cuted and the oppressed of all nations
the - people of other countries
choose to emigrate hither—to become
the naturalized citizens of our State,
willing to submit themselves to our
Jaws and to stand forward in defence
of our soil—if they become good citi
zens and intelligent and honest men ;
was it possible, ho would ask, that any
gentleman could rise in this body with
A serious intention of offering a pro
vision which should exclude them for
ever from holding office under this
Commonwealth, or that he could se
riously think of raising a committee
to make any inquiry on the subject?
Sir, said Mr. C. 1 trust not. I cannot
believe it possible that any gentleman
is serious in the introduction of such
a proposition, or that he can flatter
himself that it will meet with any
countenance from this body. It is en
tirely repugnant to the genius an& spi
rit of all our institutions. I trust that
no such proscriptive system will be
Adopted here; nay, I feel sure that it
;vitt not. 1 will not do such injustice
Jo the members of this convention, as
Ito suppose that they can be brought
to vote for its adoption. I entertain
a better opinion of their intelligence
And their liberality of principle. I trust
that, in the United States of America,
every man who behaves himself well,
svho is meritorious, intelligent and
honest, will still centinue to be enti
tled to the rewards of office, if he
chooses to aspire to them; and I hope
that the proposition of the gentleman
from Luzerne, will be put down by a
decided vote.
Mr. Woodward said, that he had not
Anticipated this morning that an op
portunity would be presented to him
to introduce this subject, to the no
tice of the convention; ho was not,
therefore, prepared at this time to say
more than a very few words ; although
it was a subject, which had been on
his mind fora long time past and had
claimed his serious consideration.
I HAVE LONG FELT A DESIRE,
said Mr. W., that SOMETHING should
be done in relation to it.-:,that the facts
should be investigated, and that some
proper and efteient, measures should
be adopted, if, upon amp investigation
it should turn out tilur, /uouGurou of
any kind were requisite.
Sir, I appreciate as much as any
plan living, the many political rights
privileges which I, in common
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EMI
' sr • • opri• .
VOL. XIX.
with the people of the United States,
are now enjoying; and it is my hon
est impression that we do but squan
der those privileges in confering them
upon every individual who chooses to
come and claim them. lie knew that
a great portion of those who came
among us from foreign countries, con
sist freq-nently of the very worst part
of the population of those countries,
that they are unacquainted with the
value of those privileges, and that,
therefore, they do not know how to
value them. I think that in thus con
fcring indiscriminately upon all, we
are doing injury to our liberties and
our institutions; and I believe that,
if the time has not yet come, it will
speedily come, when it will be indis
pensibly necessary either for this body
or some other body of this State or of
the United States, to enquire whether
it is not right to put some plan into
execution by which foreigners
should be prevented from controlling
our elections, and brow-beating -our
American citizens at the polls.
At the time the Constitution of the
United States was formed it was ne
cessary to promote emigration. The
population of our country was wasted
by a long war; and it was necessary
to hold out inducements to foreigners
to come here. But times have great
ly changed within the last few years.
The reason and the necessity for ex
changing this indulgence to emigrants
have ceased. Besides this, it is to be
considered that there are other induce
ments in the climate, and in the natu
ral advaraaces of the country to pre
vail upon them to come hero, without
adding to them the incentive of office.
In expressing these
,sentiments, Mr.
Chairman, 1 wish to be understood
that I cherish no prejudice against
foreigners, I entertain no feelings of
unkindness towards them, from what
ever part they may come, nor would
I do anything which should have a
tendency to proscribe them from com
ing. We have many very estimable
men among them; and I do not pro
pose in my amendment to take any
thing away from them. I merely
wish that a committee should inquire,
whether it is competent for us to in
troduce a provision into the constitu
tion of the kind I have mentioned, to
take effect after a certain date, so long,
distant that all future emigrants may
know what their privileges are to be,
before they leave their own country.
My proposition is not intended, nor .
will it operate, retrospectively; it af
fects no one nowhere, nor no one who
may be on his way here. It looks ex
clusively to the future. What valid
objection can there be to the inquiry.
Why should we throw open these
great political privileges to every spe
cies of character that may light on
our shores? Are these privileges of
so little value, that we do not deem
them worth protection or defence ?
Have they no claim upon our feelings
—no clidin upon our affections? Have
they not been won in many a bard
fought field ? Are all the treasure and
the blood which have been poured
forth for the attainments of those pri
vileges, to be regarded as nothing?
Have theyi not been bequeathed to us
by those who sacrificed all they had
on earth to secure them? Are they not
truly and emphatically our most pre
cious legacy ? And what claim have
foreigners from any country—aye, sir,
from any country, which is strong
enough to justify us In prostituting
our political privileges by confering
them carelessly and indiscriminately
on any individual who may reside
here for two or three years—become a
naturalized citizen—and then com
'hand our offices? There are very ma
ny of these emigrants who know no
thing of political privileges in their
own country when they emigrate to
this. The word is unknown to them,
or if they hear of it at all, they hear
of it as something in which they have
no participation. Is not this the fact?
Sir, we all know that it is; we know
that very many of these emigrants
never enjoyed any political privileges
themselves—that they have no knowl
edge of them—and, least of all, have
they any knowledge of our people, our
government, or our institutions. The
acquirement of this knowledge is not
'the work of a day. They have no
sympathy in common with us; they
have no gratifications to render them
fit recipients of these high political
rivileges. If any of us choose to pass
over to England, Ireland, or France,
and to settle ourselves there, what do
we gain by the change—l mean in a
political point of vievf? Nothing ; we
lose all. We are not suffered to ac
quire any political privileges such as
wo bestow upon .them. There is no
reciprocity—the advantage is all on
one side; and whatever we may give
to them, we ourselves can acquire no
thing of the kind ? Why should
be so ? Or, if the adoption of such a
system was necessary at one time,
why should it still be adhered to,
when everything in tile form of ne
cessity has long since passed away ?
I can discover neither wisdom nor po
licy in so doing. •
The idea, Mr. President, is simply
this—l would afford to all foreigners
who shall come to this country after
the date of my amendment, protection
in their per Son, their property, amd
all the natural rights which they could
enjoy under any civilized or well or
dered government. I would permit
them to acquire wealth; to pursue
objects of their own ambition; 1 would
in short, allow then to become iu all
respects equal citizens with us, except
only in tins one matter of political priv
ileges. All their natural and civil
rights, should be amply guarantied and
protected ; and they should become
citizens in common With us in relation
to all objects, EWEPT VOTING
and _HOLDING OFFICE, Aml do
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 9, 1863.
wo not hold out sufficient inducements
for foreigners to make this country
their home, oven if we take from - them
these political privileges ? Surely,
sir, we do—such, indeed, as no other
nation upon earth can proffer.
But, Mr. President, it is not my de
sign to enter into the discussion of
this matter at the present time; and
owe an apology to the Convention
for having said so much in regard to
it. I HAVE A STRONG PEELING
on the subject; though I confess
that I entertain doubts whether this
convention has the power to act. I
am well aware of the nature of the
provision in the Constitution of the
United States, and which has been re
ferred to by the gentleman from the
county of Philadelphia, (Mr. Martin.)
I would do nothing in contravention
of that provision; I Merely wish that
the question should be referred to a
committee, that they may inquire
whether this convention has the pow
er to act at all in the premises; and
if it has the power, whether it be ex
pedient to act. I am, however, .sur
rounded by many valued friends whose
opinions and judgment I appreciate;
and it appears that they are unani
mous in thinking that I should with
draw it. I, therefore, yield MY OWN
JUDGMENT to their's, and, _having
explained MY VIEWS, I withdraw
the amendment.
This is Mr. Woodward's proposition
and the whole of his speech in favor
of it, as found in Vol. 5, page 444, of
the Proceedings and Debates of the
Convention. These proceedings and de
bates were taken down by Secretaries
and Reporters employed by the Con
vention, published in 13 volumes, and
in both English and German, and of
course at an expense of many thous
and dollars, by the State, twenty-five
years ago, and can be found in some
library in every county town in this
Common wealth.
In 1852, fifteen years afterwards,
when Mr. Woodward was a candidate
for office, and when he wanted votes, he
wrote, we are aware, for publication,
a letter in which he makes a most
lame and impotent effort to escape the.
odium of having introduced and advo
cated a proposition to disfranchise for
eigners. Ho had far better have left
it undone. Far better would it have
been to have said, that what be did
in the convention, was in the ardor
and zeal of his earlier patriotism, and
that (if such was really the case) his
more mature reflection, had changed
his Views; " for honesty is the best
policy." Instead of this, he denies
that ho was then in earnest; or that
ho meant, or intended what he then
wrote and said ! He does not deny,
as he could not deny, that he offered
the amendment ; but he says in sub
stance, that it was offered for another
purpose than it expresses. But why,
the inquiry must arise unbidden in
every mind--why did he afterwards
advocate it? Why did he make his
speech in favor of it, and in favor of
it in the very - shape it was worded by
himself? Even after it had been as
sailed, and scouted, and denounced by
Mr. Cox of Somerset, ho made a long,
earnest, and able speech in support of it.
And, by following the debate through,
we find that he refused to take back
anything, upon the demand of Mr.
Cummen -of Juniata, who denounced
the speech " as one of the most exclu
sive and aristocratic arguments ever
submitted to a republican assembly,"
—and " as a gross Insult upon the Irish
and other foreign population of this
State "
Nor does Mr. Woodward deny, as
he colds! not deny, that he made a
speech " in explanation of his amend
ment ;" but he says the speech print
ed in the hook, was not Submitted to
him for revision, and "is not a fair re
port ;"—II.O does not venture to state
in what particulars. That would not
do. 'lie could not revise or correct
it merely, so as to get rid of the senti
ment and argument running through
it. To do that he would have to ex
punge it. A report might be incorrect
in some, or in many sentences, or ex
pressions; but the very' warp and woof,'
the spirit and argument of this entire
speech, front beginning to end, is in the
spirit and sentiment of his amendment,
and in perfect keeping with it. The at
tempted explanation does not, there
fore, aid him, unless we could suppose
that the speech is an entire fabrication;
which no ono could think for a mo
ment, and which Mr. Woodward does
not nor dare not allege. Indeed, it is
impossible for any one to read the re
port of the proceedings as we print
them, and as found in the book, without
feeling and believing that Mr. Wood
ward, instead of playing the hypocrite,
as he would sooner have us think, was
then honest and in earnest in offering
and advocating his amendment, what
ever his views may be now. If he
had candidly said so, and that he has
since changed his views (If he has) we
would have more reason to believe
him in earnest and honest now, Some
would believe him; though many
would be likely to question the shim.-
ity of such an avowal made by a can
didate, at the Ow for popular suffrage.
No one would expect Mr. Woodward,
POLITICIAN as he is, to be "foment"
W 1 )91-1 he WiP l 4 6 09if voles I
-PERSEVERE.-
[For flio Globe.]
Many persons have attempted to
justify negro slavery from scriptural
precedent, but no two things on earth
can be more-unlike, both in principle
and practice. Servitude among the
Jews was always voluntary, or else
inflicted as a judicial punishment. It
was, in either circumstance, only tem
porary, and was in every ease cancel
led by gross ill usage. The civil and
religious privileges of slaves in Judea,
whether Hebrews or strangers, the'
different, wore yet equally assured to
them. The law of God assured to
slaves equally with masters, a full par
ticipation in every religious and civil
privilege belonging to their class. The
state of servitude implied no personal
degradation; but servants and free
men formed ono social body, the mem
bers of which were continually inter
changing.
The inhabitants of Palestine con
sisted, under tho Jewish theocracy, of
two classes of persons; who though
equally under the protection of the
civil law, and equally invited to the
worship of the one true God, were yet
totally distinct as to their political
privileges and. their religions obser
vances.
The first were the Hebrews; under
which term wo comprehend all per
sons, either derived from the original
stock of Israel, or engrafted into it by
the rites of proselytism. These per
sons were the lords of the soil, and
were alone eligible to the post of su
preme rule, either in the State, Tribe,
or City.
The second class were, the strangers
within the gates, or bondsmen, or bond
servants, for all these terms were alike
applied to Them. They were the rem
nants of the seven nations of the Ca
nattites and of the five lordships of the
Philistines, whom Joshua conquered.
In every respect, excepting in cir
cumstances arising from the distinc
tion of the Hebrews being within the
pale of the peculiar Jewish covenant,
and being lords of-the soil, they appear
to have been perfectly equal. There
was- one law to the Hebrew and to the
strangers within the gates. There
were rich individuals of both societies,
and there were poor members belong
ing
to both. There were servants of
each and masters of each. The bonds
man and :bondservant, or strange•
within the gates, was simply so deno
minated from being subject in the sin
gle article of tribute, or furnishing a
quota of service from which the He
brew was free; nod sojourning in a
land in whose soil he could acquire no
property. In every other respect,
both classes were equally free ; and in
dividuals belonging to both were equal
ly liable, from the same cause, to for
feit their liberty. The Hebrew might
become a slave to the oppulent stran
ger, as well as the stranger to the op
pulent
Hebrew.
It is absolutely necessary to the un- I
derstrnding, of Jewish servitude, to
bear in mind. that the distinction of
Hebrew, and that of bondsmen, or strait
gers within the gates, implies no signi
fication in the least analogous to free,
in opposition to enslaved ; but that it
simply indicates lords of the soil, with
in the pale of the mosaic covenant—
in contradistinction to tributaries with
out the pale of that peculiar covenant.
Purchased servitude amongst the
Jews was either, like hired servitude,
voluntary on the part of the servant,
or else the deprivation of liberty was
a punishment annexed by the Jewish
Law to certain offences,
First, liberty was lost by a voluntary
surrender. When a person in reduced
circumstances or temporal difficulties,
but of education and habits superior
to the lower class, wished an occupa
pation in which skill and fidelity might
be expected, and consideration and
participation in his former comforts
might be retained, he sold himself vol
untarily, either to oneof his Hebrew
brethren, or to ono of the oppulont
strangers within the gates. 'Both in
stances of such voluntary surrender
are contemplated by the Mosaic Law
(Lev. 25, 39-47, and Isaiah 50, I.
Under this head wo also include that
of a father burthened with a large fam
ily of small children, and selling them,
which ho might do, till they were of
age. Bxed. 21, 7. A boy amongst the
Jews is considered: of ago at thir
teen, a girl at twelve; beyond that
age the parent-could not sell them.
Secondly, liberty was forfeited by a
judicial sentence, inflicted under the
following circumstances :
Insolvent debtors were sold by their
creditors to defray their own debts;
(Matt. 18, 25;) or those of their pa
rents, if maintained by them (Matt.
13,, 25 ;) or if their parents being dead
they inherited his property, (2 'Kings
4, 7-7, and Isaiah, 50, 1.
Thieves, who had pot wherewith
to make full - restitution, both of the
thing, and also of the legal fine, which
was in many cases quadruple its value,
became - by that means insolvent debt
ors and were sold by the magistrate.
(Exod. 22, 4 1-3; and 1-3; also, 2
Sam. 12, 8.)
Thirdly, in case of war. If the gar
risen of a city, and its male inhabit
ants, had been destroyed by tho He
brews, they were bound to adopt the
daughters of that city, unhiss Canaan
itos, into their households, as hand
maidens. (Dent. 20, 14.)
FOurthly, Children whose mothers
were slaves, remained so themselves
till the Sons were thirteen and the
daughters twelve; when both children
and mother were free. Thus masters
were compelled to maintain and pro
vide for their handmaidens and chil
dren, till they were of an age to main
tain. themselves. Children amongst
the Hebrews always followed the mo
ther's condition.
There was also another ease in which
slavery partook both of a judicial sen
tence and a voluntary choice. This
was when persons had become slaves
,by a judicial sentence, or by birth, but,
after their legal period of servitude ex
pired, chose still to remain'in the fam
ily which they in truth considered as
their own. This in fact was the case
with most Hebrew servants. Thus
we - trace-Eleazar, the home-born slave
of Abraham, for sixty years in his fam
ily-. Again we hear of Abraham's
three hundren and eighteen home-born
servants who bore arms. All these
persons would be by the Mosaic law,
and must then probably have been, by
custom, free at thirteen.
The acquisition of slaves by any
other means than those above described,
viz: voluntary choice or judicial sen
tence, was termed man-stealing. And
under the Jewish law, man-stealing
was punished by death; Jarchi says,
by strangulation. This law applied
equally to the m,an who stole a He
brew, or a stranger and foreigner :
"If a man be found stealing any of his
brethren of the children of Israel, and
mali,-,eth merchandise of him, or selleth
tncn that thief shall (lie; and thou
shalt put away the evil from amongst
you."---Deut. 24, 7. And again (Exod.
21, 10) "He that stealeth a man, and
selleth him, or if he be found in his
hand, he shall surely be put to death."
By the first of these laws, the stealing
of a Hebrew, or using one unlawfully
acquired, as a servant, which is meant
by the expression "making merchan
dise," or the selling him, is visited by
death. By the second, the same pun
ishment is denounced on whoever not
only steals any man, but even has in
his possession a man originally stolen.
Accordingly, St. Paul includes men
stealing in the catalogue of the most
heinous and abominable crimes which
can brutalize human nature.-1
1, 0-10.
All slavery amongst the Jews was
temporary. No Hebrew could be held
in servitude for a longer period than
until the return of the sabbatical year,
be that when it would : consequently,
the very longest period for which sla
very could be imposed upon a Hebrew
was six years.—Deut. 15, 12-18. At
the expiration of that time the master
was not only to send out the slavefree,
but was not to send him away empty,
but to furnish him liberally from his
flock, his floor and his wine-press;—
Dent. 15, 12-14; and if the slave was
married when ho entered his master's
service, he went out with his wife and
children—Exodus 21, 1-3.
If, however, the slave, at the end of
six years, will not go away, because
he loves his master and his house, and
is comfortable there; (Dent. 15, 16-17)
or if his master had given him a wife
after he entered his service, and that
the wife was not entitled to quit; the
man, if he was attached to his wife,
and cud not wish to divorce, was to
tell his master he did not wish to quit
him; and they both wont together hp
fore the spiritual elders of the place in
which, they resided; and the master,
in their presence, bored the ear of the
slave with an awl to the door-post;'
after which he was bound to servo his
master forever; (Dent. 15, 16-17; Ex.
21, 5-6;) that is, as the Jewish ex
pression is defined (Lev. 25, 10) until
the next jubilee, when all the family
was to go out frceLev. 25, 41.
Thus slavery under tho Mosaic cov
enant was a highly benevolent institu
tion, and consequently bears no re
semblance to negro slavery, which has
justly been - styled "the sum of villain
ies." I have never seen or hoard an
upin - ma - 4, drawn from Scripture in
support of negro slavery, of which
sound learning and criticism ought not
to be ashamed. In my next I will
testify what t have seen and knew of
negro slavery. ; v ILnERrUR~E.
Birmingham,
Hunt. co., Sept. 2, 1863. I
TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance.
Our Army Correspondence.
Headquarters Twelfth Army Corps, 1
August 28th, 1863.
GLOBE :—The enemies of the Gov
ernment in the North begin to see the
dawn of the flay of restoration. • Their
eyes have opened in the early morn
that precedes the rising sun of peace
and unity, and it draws from them a
reluctant acknowledgment of its daz
zling brightness. !Too brilliant, indeed,
does it appear to be for their disorder
ed vision. They 'already attempt to
east a shadow over the, place whore
its light, so cheering to all but them
selves, has fallen.
Their friends in the South are per.
baps not much blinder, and may also
soon perceive the inevitable waning of
the rebellion, and the renewed glories
that aro to attend the Union restored.
The bold front which they still assume ,
must surely yield to the progress of
events. Further disasters to their
arms must speedily bring the same
convictions to them that have in the
North attended our past successes,
among, not only the loyal, but those
also who aro the most bitter in their
enmity to the interests of the country.
There are already strong intimations
from four of the rebel States of the
breaking up of their hopes in the Con
federacy, add as this dissolution con
tinues, as the disintegration becomes
noun-ecimplaCi - 11 - 0 may look for sepa
rate action on the part of the States—
each making an effort to secure peace
on the best possible terms for itself.—
But it is reasonable to suppose that in
pursuing such a course, they will have
considerations for none but themselves.
Their object having been the deetrac , -
tion of the Union, wo may predict that
they will have but little concern for her
honor in the conditions of their return.
There is a new question produced
by this state of affairs. What part
are the Copperheads to play in the
work of reconstruction ? They have
labored with a vigor and a zeal which
might have characterized the re
bellion in its brighter days, always,
however, restrained by the loyal influ
ences which surrounded them. The
result has been that they aro a few
days in advance of their Southern
compeers in discovering that the Un
ion is inseparable. They therefore
take the lead in concocting terms of
settlement. Having from the first
played into the hands of the traitors,
they show no inclination to desert
them in their despairing hour. The
last wail from one of the rebel organs
is an appeal for foreign intervention,
and a supplication to the "conserva
tive masses of the North" to rise in
"determined and successive opposition"
to the Government. What are we to
understand from this prayer that
comes up from the heart of rebellion ?
By those to whom it is addressed it
will not be unheeded, although they
know how loudly it speaks of expiring
energy. Conservative masses of the
North ! The Copperheads call them
selves conservative. I thank the
Richmond Whig . for teaching me the
meaning of that word. It is synony
mous in the language of treason North,
and of rebellion South. It means op
position, "determined and successive,"
to the Government.;
Whether this appeal will undeceive
the few adherents of that party, or
whether the "masses of the North"
will follow in the path proposed for
them by the rebels, remains to be de
cided at the coming election, It is
evident that traitors in arms look for
ward to the result with an interested
and a jealous eye. They would regard
the success of the Copperhead candi
dates as a victory for themselves and
their unholy cause, They_ would see
iu it an inauguration of the opposition
for which they have offered up their
pitiful petitions. It would be an
event which they would consider as
offsetting, in a great degree, the oth
erwise irreparable defeat of Gott,ys
bnrg, or Vicksburg, or oven the more
humiliating disaster• that is impending
over them, or perhaps, before this, has
fallen upop them, at, Charleston.
At the same time, there is another,
looking in the same direction, who has
perhaps less reason to fear the result,
but who is no less vigilant. It is the
Pennsylvania soldier. He has confi,
deuce in those who aro to vote at the
election. He believes in their deter
mination and ability to save his fair
State from the polluting tread of an
administration, whose success is solic
ited by his enemies in the field. He
entertains the hope that his earnest
prayer will bp heard over the sacrile
gious supplications of the minions of
treason. In Om present Chief Magis
trate ho recognizes one who has been
his friend through all the vicissitudes
of R, pritel war. He implicitly aske
the r'e•election of ANDREW G. CURTIN.
M. S. Ti.
G - 4.0a3=
JOB PRINTING OFFICE.
T""OLOBE JOB OFFICE"
the meet cordplote of ally In the rouptry, sod pee:
senses the most ample factllttee for promptly sqemiittlig
the best style s every variety of Yob rilatirig, took 118
4AND BILLS,
- lILANKS )
VOSTRS,
OARDS,
C.IBOUTuARfI,
BALL TICKETS,
BILL HELM,
LABELS, &C., &C., &CI,
NO. 11.
CALL AND MILIIIELNI SPIMMILII os iroo4
AT LEWIS' 11001{, STATIONSIIT k MUSIC! kTORM
[For the Globe.]
DESERTIONS IN TUN AuAnr.—No
my which has ever boon mustered, in
ancient or modern days, for the Pur
pose of conquest or for national defence,
has suffered as much materially from
desertions as has ours. In all eemn,
tries and in all times have troops
which enlisted for any period been
compelled to serve out their time--un
less sooner discharged; when found
deserting they would -be emost strictly
and summarily dealt with—death be
ing the general punishment. Bat ever
since our forces have boon in the field
the loathesome eastern of deserting
has been carried on. No efforts at ar
resting it have been attempted—or if
it was attempted it was done in suck
a manner that no benefit could be del
rived therefrom. Fortunately, how,
over, the War Department has looked
into the wants of the army, and find s
ing that it has been .greatly reduced
.by so many desertions, have adopted
the one great remedy— death; which
heretofore has proved so beneficial in
all the -warlike campaigns of the world's
history. Alas, for the Department,
its measures in this respect have been
put in operation too late. Hundreds
have deserted from the different brig
ades, and it may with truth be said,
that at least one-third of our once im
mense army has deserted. Thousands
1 of soldiers, who bad enlisted and after
wards deserted, have remained at
home, living in apparent-peace and se.
curity, "while their brethren—whom
they were sworn to assist in aiding
the Government to put down this no,
cursed rebellion—wore battling against
their foes, amid the groans of their
-won ndoct_and_clying s_ovith„.—
their own lives in the utmost jeopardy;
not knowing what moment may come _
the deadly messenger to send — tharr -
souls into eternity. Yes, while .
(the deserter) knows such to be the
case, he stays from the field, leaving
his companions to struggle on, never
deigning to raise his arm and boldly
declare, "I will revenge my slaughOr
od comrades." Ho, perhaps, gets the
papers, and after every battle, roads
the list of the killed and wounded.—
Ho finds that many of his old compan
ions have bade adieu to this world, and
that many more havo received ghastly
wounds, the marks of which they will
carry with them to their graves. Bat
what cares he ? His name is not there.
Tho melancholy thoughts which he
passes in regret for the loss of his
bravo comrades are soon forgot, and
ho lives on .with apparent unconcern,
outwardly ; but feeling within, a deep
sense of remorse and fear. Such char
acters as these, especially those 'who
desert through cowardice, should re
' ceive the scorn and contempt of the
public; yea, be shamed back from
whence they came.
There is groat confidence to be
placed in the adage, "It is never too
late to mend." The policy now being
exercised by the army, of strictly deal
ing with all deserteis will prove of
great benefit. It will prevent those
who were previously desirous of leav
ing from transgressing the regulations
which have been adopted, for fear of
the consequence; and it will add con
siderably to the dread of him who has
deserted - the ranks. To enforce the
fulfillment of regulations such as these
will soon cause the soldier to know
and do his duty more earnestly, and
increase his attachment to; and create
an inclination for, a soldier's life.—
When such becomes the case our army
Will be possessed with a new vigor,
the discipline will ascend to a higher
standard, and deeds of warlike daring
and courage will be enumerated which
the pen of the historian has never yet
revealed, nor the mind of man con
ceived. UNION.
Tann are hundreds of ways in
which a man may be disloyal. Ho
may speak against the Government,
he may write against the Government;
ho may inculcate resistance tn its
authority by precept and by example;
he may endeavor to depreciate its fi
nancial credit; he may screen and pro
tect its enemies; ho may be disloyal
by silence as well as by speech; he
may occupy a responsible public po
sition, and, by refusing to throw the
weight and influence of that position
in favor of the Government, may bo as
truly disloyal as though he should
openly contend that the dissolution or
tho Union is proper, and that the
States should be allowed to go peace :
ably; he may be disloyal by sustaining
partisan organizations at a time when
the country needs the services of all
its citizens; ho may be disloyal by
endeavoring to disfranchise the soldiers,
or by endeavoring to create a feeling
of prejudice against, citizens of foreign
birth. These are a low of the many ways
in which a man may show himself
disloyal. There is but one way in which
a man can show himself to be loyal—,
by supporting unconditionally the Go :
vern men t which protects him,and main
taining the supremacy of the laws
enacted for its presorvllioo: