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President Lincoln on Arbitrary Ar-
MEE
The President, the Democracy, and ab
Vallandiyhain.
The President of tho United States,
in answer to a memorial of the
meeting held at Albany on the 16th
to protest, against the seizure and con
finement of Mr. Yallandigham, has
addressed a remarkable letter to Hon.
Erastus Corning and other representa
tives of the meeting. The resolutions
of this nide4.l.ng declare that Demo
crats aro detertitined, in spite of ad
verse and disheartening circumstan
ces, to devote every' energy to sustain
the cause of Unio4 and to secure
peace through ni(iwiy, but demand
that the Administration shall be true
to the Ccn z stitution, and everywhere
ontsid . of the lines of necessary mili
tary ,ceupation, exert all its powers
to 'maintain the supremacy of civil
Ver military law. The Presi
dent's reply, characterized by his well
known sincerity, answers tile question
of the necessity, constitutionality, and
patriotism of his acts :
EXI.CHTIVE CHAMBER,
WABHINGTON, June 12, '63.
lion. Erastus Corning and others :
GENTLEMEN : Your letter of May
18, inclosing the resolutions of a pub
lic meeting held in Albany New York,
on the 16th of the same month, was
received several days ago.
The resolutions as I understand them
are resolvable into two propositions—
first, the expression of a purpose to
sustain the cause of the Union. to se
cure peace through victory, and sup
port the Administration in every con
stitutional and lawful measure to sup
press the rebellion; and secondly
declaration of censure upon the admin
istration for supposed .unconstitutional
action, such as the making of military
arrests. And from the two proposi
tions, a third Ss deduced, which is that
the gentleman composing the meeting
are resolved on doing their part to
maintain our common Government
and country, despite the folly or wick
edness, as they may conceive, of any
administration. This position is emi-
Tiontly btrett, 1- tturrri
the meeting, and congratulate the na
tion for it. My own purpo,e is the
bailie, so that the meeting and myself
have a common object, and can have
no difference, except in the choice of
means or measures for effecting that
object.
And here I ought to close this paper,
and would close it, if there were no
apprehension that more injurious con
sequences than any merely personal
to myself might follow. the censures
systematically cast upon me for doing
- what, in my view of duty, I could not
forbear. The resolutions promise to
support mein every constitutional and
lawful measure to suppress the rebel
lion; and I have not knowingly em
ployed, nor shall knowingly employ,
any other. But the meeting by their
resolutions, assert, and argue that cer
tain military arrests, and proceedings
following them, for which I am ulti
mately responsible, are unconstitu
tional. I think they are not. The
resolutions quote from the Constitu
tion the definition of treason, and also
the limiting safeguards and guaran
tees therein provided for the citizen
on trials for treason, and on his being
held to answer for capital or other
wise infamous crimes, and in criminal
prosecutions, his right to a speedy and
public trial by an impartial jury. They
proceed to resolve " that these safe
guards to the rights
,of the citizen
against the pretensions of arbitrary
power were intended more especially
for his protection in civil commotions."
And, apparently to demonstrate the
proposition, the resolutions proceed :
" They were secured substantially to
the English people after years of pro
tracted civil war, and were adopted
into our Constitution at the close of
the Revolution." Would not the de
monstration have been better if it could
have been truly said that these safe
guards had been adopted and applied
during the civil wars and during the
'devolution, instead of after the one
and at the close of dm other? I, too,
am devotedly for them after civil war
•Itnd before civil war, and at all times,
"except in cases of rebellion and inva
.sion, the public safety may require
their suspension." The resolutions
proceed to tell us that these safeguards
"have stood the test of seventy-six
years of trial, under our republican
system, under circumstances which
show that, while they constitute the
foundation of all free government,
they are the elements of the enduring
stability of the Republic." No one
denies that that they have so stood
the test up to the beginning of the
present rebellion, if we except a cer
tain occurrence at New Orleans; nor
does any one question that they will
stand the same test much longer after
the rebellion closes. But these provis
ions of the Constitution have no ap
plication to the case we have in hand,
because the arrests complained of
were not made for treason ; that is
not for the treason defined in the Con
stitution, and upon the conviction of
which, the punishment is death; nor
yet were they made to hold persons
infamous
crimes;
any capital or otherwise
crimes; nor were the proceedings fol.
lowing, in any constitutional or legal
sense, " criminal prosecutions." The
arrests were made on totally different
grounds, and the proceedings follow
ing accorded with the grounds of the
Arrests ; Let us consider the real case
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WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
VOL. XIX.
with which we are dealing, and apply
to it the parts of the Constitution
plainly made for such cases.
Prior to my installation here it had
been inculcated that any State had a
lawful right to secede from the nation
al Union, and that it :would be expe
dient to exercise the right whenever
the devotees of the doctrine should
fail to elect a President to their own
liking. I was elected contrary to
their liking; and, accordingly, so far
as it was legally possible, they had
taken seven States out of the Union,
had seized many of the United States
forts, and had fired upon the United
States flag, all before I was inaugura
ted, and, of course, before I had done
any official act whatever. The rebel
lion thus begun soon ran into the pre
sent civil war; and, in certain res-
poets, it began on very unequal terms
between the parties. The insurgents
had been preparing for it more than
thirty years, while the Government
bad taken no steps to resist them.
The former had carefully considered
all the means which could be turned
to their account. It was undoubtedly
a well pondered reliance with them
that in their own unrestricted efforts
to destroy Union, Constitution, and
law, all together, the Government
would, in a great degree, be restrain
ed by the same Constitution and law
from arresting their progress. Their
sympathysers pervaded all depart
ments of the Government and nearly
all communities of the people. From
this material, under cover of " liberty
of speech, liberty of the press, and
habeas corpus," they hoped to keep on
foot amongst us a most efficient corps
of spies, informers, suppliers and Rid
ers and abettors of their, Rause in a
thousand ways. They knew that in
times such as they were inaugurating
by the Constitution itself, the habeas
corpus might be suspended; but they
also know that they had friends who
would make a question as to who
would suspend it; meanwhile their
spies and others might remain at large
to help on their cause. Or if, as has
happened, the Executive should sus
pend the writ, without ruinous waste
of time, instances of arresting innocent
persons migllt occur, as are always
likely to occur in such cases; and then
a clamor could be raised in regard to
this, which night be, at least of some
service to the insurgent cause. It
needed no very keen perception to dis
cover this part of the enemy's pro.
gramme, so soon as by open hostili
les their machinery was fairly put in
motion. Yet, thoroughly imbued with
a reverence for the guaranteed rights
of individuals, I was slow to adopt the
strong measures which by degrees I
have been forced to regard as being
within the exceptions of the Constitu
tion, and as indispensible to public
safety. Nothing is better known to
history than that courts of justice are
utterly incompetent to such cases.
Civil courts are organized chiefly fur
trials of individuals, or, at most, a few
individuals acting in:concert, and this
in quiet times, and on charges of
crimes well defined in the law. Even
in times of peace bands of horse thieves
and robbers frequently grow too nu
merous and powerful for the ordinary
courts of justice. But what compari
son in numbers have such bands ever
borne to the insurgent sympathisers,
even in many of the loyal States?
Again, a jury too frequently has at
least one member more ready to hang
the panel than to hang the traitor.
And yet, again, he who dissuades one
man from volunteering, or induces
one soldier to desert, weakens the Un
ion cause as much as he who kills a
Union•soldier in battle. Yet this dis
suasion or inducement may be so con
ducted as to be no defined crime of
which any civil court would take cog
nizance.
Ours is a case of rebellion—so called
by the resolutions before me—in fact,
a clear, flagrant, and gigantic case of
rebellion; and the provision of the
Constitution that " the privilege of the
writ of habeas corpus shall not be sus
pended, unless when, in case of rebel
lion or invasion, the public safety may
require it," is the provision which spe
cially applies to our present case.
This provision plainly attests the un
derstanding of those who made the
Constitution, that ordinary courts of
justice are inadequate to " cases of re
bellion;" attests their purpose that, in
such cases, may be held in custody
whom the courts, acting on ordinary
rules, would discharge. Habeas cor
pus does not discharge men who are
proved to be guilty of defined crime ;
and its suspension is allowed by the .
Constitution on purpose that men may
be arrested and held who cannot be
proved to be guilty of defined crime,
" when, in cases of rebellion or inva
sion, the public safety may requite it."
This is precisely our present case, a
case of rebellion, wherein the public
safety does require the suspension.
Indeed, arrests by process of courts,
and arrests in cases of rebellion, do not
proceed altogether upon the same ba
sis. The former is directed at the
small percentage of ordinary and con
tinuous perpetration of crime, while
the latter is directed at sudden and ex
tensive uprisings against the Govern
ment, which, at most, will succeed or
fall in no great length of time. In the
latter case, arrests are made; not so
much for what has been done, as for
what probably. ould be done. The
latter is more for the preventive and
and less for the vindictive than the
former. In such cases the purposes
of men are much more easily undet
stood than in cases of ordinary crime.
The man who stands by and says no
thing when the peril of his Govern
ment is discussed, cannot be misun
derstood. If not hindered, he is sure
to help the enemy ; much more, if ho
talks ambiguously, talks for his coun
try with " buts" and "ifs" and "ands."
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 12, 1808.
Of how little value the constitutional
provisions I have quoted will be ren
dered, if arrests shall never be made
until defined crimes shall have been
committed, may be illustrated by a
few notable examples. Gen. John C.
Brecainridge, Gen. Robt. E. Lee, Gen.
Joseph D. Johnston, Gun. John B.
Magruder, Gen. William B. Preston,
Gun. Simon B. Buckner, and Commo
dore Franklin Buchanan, now occupy
ing the very highest places in the re
bel war service, were all within the
power of the Government since the
rebellion began, and were nearly as
well known to be traitors as now.
Unquestionably, if we had seized and
held them, the insurgent cause would
be much weaker. But no one of them
had committed any crime defined in
the law. Every one of them, if arrest
ed, would have been discharged on ha
leas corpus wore the writ allowed to
operate. In view of these and simi
lar cases, I think the time not unlikely
to come when I shall be blamed for
having made too few arrests rather
than too many.
By the third resolution the meeting
indicate their opinion that military ar
rests may be constitutional in locali
ties where rebellion actually exists,
but that such arrests are unconstitu
tional in localities where rebellion or
insurrections do not actually exist.
They insist that such arrests shall not
be made " outside the lines of necessa
ry military occupation, and the scenes
of insurrection." Inasmuch, however,
as the Constitution itself makes no
distinction. lam unable to believe
that there is any such constitutional
distinction. I concede that the class
of arrests complained of can be con
stitutional only when, in cases of re
bellion or invasion, the public safety
may require them; and 1 insist that
in such eases, they are constitutional
wherever the public safety does re
quire them ; as well in places to which
they may prevent the rebellion extend
ing, as in those where it may be alrea
dy prevailing; as well where they may
restrain mischievous interference with
the raising and supplying of armies to
suppress the .rebellion, as where the
rebellion may actually 'be; as well
where they may restrain the enticing
men out of the army, as where they
would prevent mutiny in the army,
equally constitutional at all places
where they will conduce to the public
safety, as against the dangers of rebel
lion or invasion. Take the particular
case mentioned by the meeting. ft is
asserted, in substance, that Mr. Val
landigham was, by a military com
mander, seized and tried, "for no oth
er reason than words addressed to a
public meeting, in criticism of the
course of the Administration, and in
condemnation of the military orders
of the General." Now, if there be
no mistake about this; if this as
sertion is the truth, and the whole
truth; if there was no other reason
for the arrest, then I concede that the
arrest was wrong. But the arrest, as
I understand, was made for a very
different reason. Mr. Vallandigham
avows his hostility to the war on the
part of the Union; and his arrest was
made because he was laboring, with
some effect, to prevent the raising of
troops; to encourage desertions from
the army, and to leave the rebellion
without an adequate military force to
suppress it. lie was not arrested be
cause he was damaging the political
prospects of the Administration, or
the personal interests of the command
ing General, but because he was dam
aging the army, upon the existence
and vigor of which the life of the na
tion depends. He was warring upon
the military, and this gave the milita
ry constitutional jurisdiction to lay
hands on him, If Mr. Vallanili,gbain
was not damaging the military power
of the country, then his arrest was
made on mistake of ilia, which I
would be glad to correct on reasona
bly saiisfactory evidence.
I understand the meeting, whose
resolutions I am considering, to be in
favor of suppressing the rebellion by
military fbree—by armies. Long ex
perience has shown that armies can
not be maintained unless desertion
shall be punished by the severe penal
ty of death. The case requires, and
the law and the Constitution sanction
this punishment. Must I shoot a sim
ple-minded soldier boy who deserts,
while I must not touch a hairof a wily
agitator who induces him to desert?
This is none the less injurious when
affected by getting a father, or broth
er, or friend, into a public meeting,
and there working upon his feelings
till he is persuaded to write the sol
dier boy, that he is fighting in a bad
cause, for a wicked Administration of
a contemptible Government, too weak
to arrest and punish him if he .shall
desert. I think that-in such a case,
to silence the agitator and save the
boy is not only constitutional, but
withal a great mercy.
If I be wrong on this question of con
stitutional power, my error lies in be
lieving that certain proceedings are
constitutional, when, in cases of rebel
lion or invasion, the public safety re
quires them, which would not, be con
stitutional when, in absense of rebellion
or invasion, the public safety does not
require them; in other words, that the
Constitution is not, in its application
in all respects the same, in cases of re
bellion or invasion involvi6g the pub
lic safety, as it is in times of profound
peace and public security. The Con
stitution itself makes the distinction ;
and I can no more be persuaded that
the Government can constitutionally
take no strong measures in time of re
bellion, because it can ho shown that
the same could not be lawfully taken
in time of peace, than I can be persua
ded that a particular drug is not good
medicine for a sick man, because it
can be shown to not bo good food for
4 well ono. Nor am I ok) to appro.
-PERSEVERE.-
ciate the danger apprehended by the
meeting that the American people will
by moans of military arrests during
the rebellion, lose the right of public
discussion, the liberty of speech and
the press, the law of evidence, trial by
jury, and habeas corpus, throughout
the indefinite peaceful future, which, I
trust, lies before them, any more than
I am able to believe that a man could
contract so strong an appetite for emet
ics during temporary illness as to per
sist in feeding upon them the remain
der of his healthful life.
In giving the resolutions that earn
est consideration which you request
of me, I cannot overlook the fact that
the meeting speak as "Democrats."
Nor can I, with full respect for their
known intelligence, and the
fairly
presumed deliberation with which
they prepared their resolutions, be
permitted to suppose that this occur
red by accident, or in any other way
than that they preferred to designate
themselves "Democrats" rather than
" Amercan citizens." In this time of
national peril, I would have preferred
to meet you upon a level one step
higher than any party platform; be
cause I am sure that, from such more
elevated positions, we could do better
battle for the country we all love
than we possibly can from those low
er ones where, from the force of habit,
the prejudices of the past, and selfish
hopes of the future, we are sure to ex
pend much of our ingenuity and
strength in finding fault with, and aim
ing blows at, each other. But since
you have denied me this, I will yet be
thankful, for the country!s sake, that
snot all Democrats have done so. He
on whose discretionary judgment 311..
Vallandigham was arrested and tried
is a Democrat, having no old party af
finity with me, and the judge who re
jected the constitutional view express
ed in these resolutions, by refusing to
discharge Mr. Vallandigham on habeas
Corpus, is a Democrat of better days
than these, having received his judicial
appointment at the hands of President
Jackson. And still more, of all those
Democrats who are nobly exposing
their lives and shedding their blood on
the battle-field, I have learned that
many have approved the course taken
with Me. Vallandigham, while I have
not heard of a single one condemning
it. I cannot assert that there are
none such. And the name of Presi
dent Jackson recalls an ingtance_of
pertinent history. After the battle of
New Orleans, and while the fact that
the treaty of peace had been conclu
ded was well known in the city, but
before official knowledge of' it had ar
rived, Gen. Jackson still maintained
martial or military law. Now, that
it could be said the war was over, the
clamor against maraial law, which had
existed Prom the first, grew more furi
ous: Among other things, a Mr. Lou
allier published a denunciat3ry news
paper article. Gen. Jackson arrested
him. A lawyer by the name of Morel
procured the United States Judge
Hall to order a writ of habeas corpus
to relieve Mr. Louallier. Gen. Jack
son arrested both the lawyer and the
Judge. A Mr. Hollander ventured to
say of some part of the matter that
"it was a dirty trick." Gen. Jackson
arrested him.• When the officer under
' took to serve tte writ of habeas cor
pus. Gcn Jackson took it front him
and sent away with a copy. Holding
the judge in custody a few days the
General sent him beyond the limits of
the encampment, and set him at lib
erty, with an order to remain until the
ratification of peace should be regular.
ly announced, or until the British
should have left the Southern coast.
A day or two more elapsed, the rati
fication of the treaty of peace was reg
ularly announced, and the judge and
others were fully liberated. A few
days more, and the judge called Gen
eral Jackson into court and fined him
a thousand dollars for having arrested
him and others named. The General
paid the fine, and there the matter
rested for nearly thirty years, when
Congress refunded principal and inter
est. The late Senator Douglas, then
in the House of Representatives, tool:
a leading part in the debates, in which
the constitutional question was much
discussed. - I am not prepared to say
whom the journals would show to bare
voted for the measure.
It may be remarked : first, that wo
had the same constitution then as now;
secondly, that we then had a case of
invasion, and now we have a case of
rebellion : and thirdly, that tho per
manent Wright of the people to public
discussion, the liberty of speech and of
the press, the trial by jury, the law of
evidence, and the habeas corpus, suf
fered no detriment whatever by that
conduct of General Jackson, or the
subsequent approval by the American
Congress.
And yet, lot me say, that, in my own
discretion, I do not know whether I
would have ordered the arrest of Mr:
Vallandigham. While I cannot shift
the responsibility from myself, I hold
that, as a general rule, the comman
der in the field is the better judge of
the necessity in any particular case.
Of course, I must practice a general
direciory and revisory power in the
matter.
One of the resolutions expresses the
opinion of the meeting that arbitrary
arrests will have .the effect, to divide
and distract those who should be uni
ted iu suppressing the rebellion, and I
am specifically called on to discharge
Mr. Yallanligham. I regard this act
as, at least, a fair appeal to me, on the
expediency of exercising a constitu
tional power whi6h I think exists. In
response to such appeal I have only to
say, it gave me pain when I learned
that Mr. Vallandigham had been ar
rested—that it, I was pained that that
there should have seemed to be a ne
cessity for arrestsng him—and that it
will afford me great pleasure to dis-
charge him sb soon as I can, by any
means, believe the public safety will
not suffer by it.
1 further say, that as the war pro
gresses, it appears to me, opinion and
action, which were in great confusion
at first, take shape and fall into more
regular channels, so that the necessity
for strong dealing with them gradu
ally decreases. I have every reason
to desire that it should cease altogeth
er, and far from the least is my regard
for the opinions and wishes of those
who, like the meeting at Albany, de
clare their purpose to sustain Govern
ment in every constitutional and law
ful measure to suppress the rebellion.
Still I must continue to do so much as
may seem to be required by the public
safety.
A. LINCOLN
A Fighting Democrat on Vallandig
ham and the Copperhead Tribe.
Gen. John A. Logan, a well known
Illinois Democrat., connected wtill the
army, of General Grant, is home on a
short visit to his friends. In passing
through Cairo the people gathered
around him,
.and 'he made a few im
promtu remarks, which wo give be
low. General Logan, it will be re
membered, was strongly opposed to
coercion. Afterthe attack upon Sum
ter, and when there was a hope that
the difficulties might be settled by
compromise, he went to Richmond to
talk to the leading politicians there on
the subject. He was told that if the
Administration would give them a
sheet of while paper, and allow them
to make their own terms, they would
not accept the offer short of a dissolu
tion of the Union. Logan then made
up his mind that the Union could only
be saved by war; he abandoned his
anti-coercion ideas, came home and
girded on the sword. He has since
been serving his country in the army.
This is the man who speaks as follows:
"it makes no difference whether
yon call Mc Democrat, Republican or
Abotitionist— as some have of late nam
ed me. It does not change my feel
ings—does not alter my action. lam
for my - .coanti y e very z time—for my
country first, last and always; and I
am fighting for the right of that coun
try to be numbered among the honor
ed nations of the earth. Until that is
brought about, and this rebellion crush
ed out, I am but an American citizen.
When that right shall have been as
serted, then, should we find that there
is something wrong in the fiLbrie that
our fathers reared, something we de
sire to change, it will be time enough
to come up and demand the change.—
Nolo we have this acurscd rebellion to
root out. It, must be rooted out. I
am for using every means and ALL
means for putting it to an end. If the
people at the North would use the
same force Jeff. Davis and his minions
use—and were as unanimous as they
are—for in the South force of arms
compels every man to act as though he
sanctioned the rebellion, whether ho
feels inclined or not—this war would
be suceessfidly terminated in less -than
six months.
"Every mother's son who is opposed
to the war, should he compelled eith
er to take up arms against us or for us.
Then there would be no talk of peace
here in the North, no talk of resist
ance, no such men as Vallandigham, Ito
such cowards as those who support all
such men, and say these things.
"Vallandigham says he has travel
ed over the Confederacy—using the
term "Confederacy" --not the phrase
"so called Confederacy" (for I do not
acknowledge the existence of any au
thority or government in America
aside from that of the United States)—
and has not met a man, woman or
child who does not sustain the war,
and who is not determined to fight it
out to the death or the bitter end.—
Vallandighain here simply lieS. He
tells what is not true, and he knows it.
Vallandigham, aside from the leading
men—Jeff. Davis, Toombs and Ste
phens—did not, I venture to say, speak
with a dozen persons while taking his
involuntary trip through Dixie. Had
lie done so, his report would have been
of a different color.
"The people who are fighting against
this Government—the poor whites
composing the rank and file of the re
bellion—nine-tenths of them do not
know what they are fighting against.
A majority of them do not know any
thing, and hundreds never saw the
American flag in their lives until .they
saw it march into Vicksburg in tri
umph. They do not know the Fourth
ofJuly, or anything else that is good.
But poor and ignorant as they are, let
them express their own free minds,
and they will, most to a man, demand
a speedy termination of this war—
would almost submit to anything ra
ther than Tight ono day longer as they
have been fighting. It is only by the
force of bayonets that their army is kept
together. Even that cannot prevent
their deserters from flocking into Jack
son by hundreds, to take the oath of
allegiance or to join the Union ranks
And I tell you what I know when I
say that it will not be many days ore
the entire States of Mississippi and
Tennessee will be knocking loudly for
re-admission to a Union which not
long since they thought their puny
efforts could quickly dissolve. They
aro talking of it oven now.
"Speaking of being united, I toll
you, by the Eternal God, there was
never a more truthful soutenco than
that of Douglas: "Those who are not
with us are against us." and I reiterate
it and add that those who are not with
us should be hung or should be with their
TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance.
Southern brethren, fighting with them.
"Let them either aid the Govern
ment. or go whore they can bolster up
the tottering fortunes of rebeldom.—
Better have a dozen foes in the field
than one fighting us behind our backs.
"To all copperheads, peace men, ag
itators, anti-war men—be they Repub
licans or Democrats—for we have them
here pretending to be both—l have a
word to say on behalf of our bravo
soldiers. And you have undoubtedly
been told that the war has its opposers
in . the ranks of the Union army. It is
an accursed and foul aspersion upon
the fair fame of men who are willing
to spill their blood, give thoir lives
for their country. They aro for our
Union. They fight for the people and
their country, for the suppression of
the rebellion. Let mo say to all op
posers of the war: The time will come
when men composing this army will
come to their homes. They have
watched the progress of events with
interest. They have had their' eyes
upon these unmitigated cowards, these
opponents of the country and the Ad
ministration—(and the Administration
I contend, is the country)—and when
they return it will do the soul of eve
ry true loyal man good to see the sum
mary manner in which they will cause
these sneaks and peace agitators to seek
their holes."
- 'For a few moments tbo crowd that
gathered around was deeply absorbed
in what their "fighting general," as
many called him, said, and his -I.e
-marks, though given on the spur of
the moment, struck home to the hearts
of all who listened. Could Logan make
the leaders of our people feel as he
speaks, this war could not last three
months. It woulebo crushed out by
force of numbers alone. After ex
pressing himself somewhat warmly
against copperheads and sneaks, Gen
eral Logan concluded with th . o follow
ing characteristic apology:
"You will excuse me gentlemen, if,
in saying what I Intro said, I have been
rather profuse and heavy in the way
of emphasis. Two years away from
civilization, with my men, has made
me rather emphatic in all my thoughts
and words in regard to certain things.
I speak emphatically because I em
phatically feel that which my tongue
finds to say."
Anecdotes of General Grant.
We find the following in the Detroit
Free Press :
A gentleman of this city, who was
an early friend of General Grant, furn
ishes the following reminiscences of
the brave General who has so insepar
ably linked his name with the victo
ries of the Western armies:
"General Grant is of a Methodist
family, of Ohio, and married a daugh
ter of a Methodist local preacher, and
a grand-daughter of the pioneer of
Methodistism in Western Pennsylva
nia, of the name of Wrenshall. When
not much over twelve years of age he
was at school, and had as a schoolfel
low his own natural cousin, whose pa
rents were British subjects of Canada.
Young Grant was taught to forgive
injuries, as a divine precept, and to do
good not evil to others, and his father
had impressed his mind with love of
country and reverence for the name of
Washington. The Canadian had been
otherwise educated, and believed Wash
ington to be a rebel. On one occasion
a discussion arose between the boys
as to love of country and duty to a
king, when John said: "U. S. (Grant
bad been nicknamed U. S.) your Wash
ington was a rebel and fought against
the king."
"Grant replied : "Jack, you must
stop that or I'll flog you. I can for
give you for abusing me, but if you
abuse our Washington off coat and
fight, though you are cousin Jack, and
mother may lick me for not forgiv
ing?" The boys fought. Jack got
the worse of it; but U. S. was about
being whipped at home for fighting,
when his fhther interposed and saved
him, saying, "The boy who will fight
for Washington will prove himself a
man and a Christian, if God spares him
for twenty years."
"Some few years ago, the boys, now
men grown, met in Canada, and recur
ing to school days. Jack said: "U. S.,
do you remember the licking you
gave me for calling Washington a reb
el?"
"Yes, I do; and, Jack, I'll do it again
under like provocation. Washington
is my idol, and to me it is more insult
ing to speak disrespectfully of Wash
ington or my country than to de
nounce myself. Mother's maxim does
very well in private quarrels, but it
don't apply where one's country is de
nounced, or its goods. Washington is
first in the American pantheon, and I
could not rest easy if I permitted any
abuse of his name."
"Such was and is 4 qlnconditio:nal
Surrender Grelit."
THE TRUE town meeting
was held in Cape Elizabeth; Maine, to
see if the town would vote three hun
dred dollars to each drafted man. In
stead of doing this, the town voted to
pay three hundred and fifty dollars to
every man of the quota drafted from
that town, not exempted by the con
scription act, who goes to the war
himself or procures a substitute, but
not a dollar for a man to stay at home.
Tut: NATIO\AG FINANCES.-4225,-
000,000 of the five-twenty loan, have
alroadye been subscribed. The loan
has chiefly been taken by loyal Amer
icans, who wish to insure the stability
of the Republic.
THE G-2_1033P,
JOB PRINTING OFFICE.
MBE "GLOBE JOB OFFICE" is
tho moat complete or any to the count:7, and root
/Jesse, the most ample f.teilitiee for promptly executing
the beet otyl, oh cry variety of Job Printing, eliCh fl 9
HAND BILLS,
PROGRAMMES:
/3LANKS,
rOSTERS,
CARDS,
CIRCULARS,
BALL TICKETS,
• BILL HEADS,
LABELS, &C., &C., &C.
NO. 7.
CALL AND EXAMINE EPECIDENS Or WORD,
AT LEWIS' BOOK, STATIONERX & MUSIC STORE.
Sentiment of the Army.
The New York Post says :—The fol
lowing is from a letter written by an
officer in the regular militarY service,
now in the field under General Ateade,
Re is a desceialant of one of the most
distinguished of the founders of the
Republic:
"Dear You see by the above
that wo have crossed the Rubicon for
the third time in my experience, and
Heaven grant that it may be the last,
for I am in hopos that this campaign
will give the finishing stroke to the re
bellion, and add a now victory to the
glorious succession that has marked
this memorable month of July,lBB3.
'"We were alarmed by rumors which
were circulated in the army to the ef
fect that the Administration had stop
ped the conscription on bearing of the
opposition in Now York. This cannot
be true, as such a measure would be
the proof of weakness that would soon
result in the overthrow of not only the
Administration, but of the Govern
ment it represents.
"I think by this time we have come
down to the cold, calm view of the-is
sues at stake, uncolored by excitement
or the glorious romances of success
that we all dreamed of before the war
first broke out.
"The war has become a sort of mo
notonous background to the life of the'
people at home, and its existence is
only brought to their minds by the
few wounded soldiers, the military ac
coutrements in the shop windows, and
the big letters in the newspapers. At
first it was' a splendid vision of glory
and conquest; and now a long, dead
ening tax on their patience and pock
ets. It was an excitement which the
politician laid hold of, like that of the
Japanese, or the visit of the Prince of
Wales. It was a novel sensation to
find a spark of real patriotism in his
selfish breast—rather pleasant than
otherwise. He attended meetings,
and voted resolutions; hung out a huge
piece of bunting, and declared his in
tention to stand by the constitution of
his forefathers. Of course it was not
necessary to go and fight—his neigh
bor could do that, and he was not
needed; and with a compound of false
patriotism and genuine selfishness he
awaited the result.—____ _ .
,"But the reliult-Was-I,Verpfar:offiand
the excitement waned gradually away;
thousands of brave fellows went to
their long account,- and their places
must be filled—filled by a draft; and
then the situation is changed. Every
one is liable to go, and the wheel of
the Provost Marshal, stern and inex
orable as the wheel of Fate, may roll
to every man's fireside and take him
away; and then the politician comes
out in his true colors, and says: "The
peoplb are their own rulers; the draft
is unconstitutional, the people can car-
ry on the war or not, just as they
please." I have sometimes felt like
saying, 0! for a Napoleon, a Freder
ick, or a cromwelll—a man stern and
strong—even unprincipled, if necessa
ry—but still a tyrant—for wo have
come to that pass.
"We have come to that terrible re
ality, that we must fight for our !vim;
and NATIONALITY, as the stern old
-Netherlands fought the good fight, un
til- the canals ran with red Dutch
blood, which cemented the foundation
of a free, brave, uneompromised pod
ple.
"Wo must learn that the man who
shoulders his musket !s doing a rAvon
to the country, as the volunteers seem
to think—but OBEYING A RIGHT which
the Government has, to sacrifice eve
ry drop of American blood, if necessa
ry, and then call for the women when
the husbands aro dead. We must
learn that other nations have done it
before, in a far less glorious cause, and
that the conscript is more . the soldier
in every sense of the word than the
bravest volunteer that ever drew
breath.
"I should like to have had a regi
ment of drafted men, for with proper
treatment, and good organization, they
can be brought on a par with oven our
regular army."
The following is extracted from a
speech, as found in the report of the
public meeting at Manchester, Eng
land, in relation to "War Ships for the
Southern Confederacy :"
"I want to explain the meaning of
the word "Copperhead," which I have
used. You are aware that the lion,
and the unicorn, and the rose, are the
national symbols of England, as the
thistle is-of Scotland, etc., and that the
spread eagle is the symbol of the Un
ion and America. S'ow, South Caro
lina--the first State to secede, and
which has always bean the very hotbed
of secession--when
_ph° hoisted her
standard of rebellion, put upon it, as
her symbol, a rattlesnake. It is an
interesting fact is natural history, that
this reptile, in sloughing its skin, is
subject to tempprary blindness, and in
this state of helplessness, when it is
unable to pursue its prey, it is helped
by a friendly snake called a "copper
head," who kindly brings it food du
ring the period of its blindness.
Now, the Democratic organization
of the North have manilefited much
sympathy with the slave States (tho'
I am glad to say that a very signifi
cant reaction has taken place,) and the
Republicans of the North have given
to the (such?) Democrats, who are
peace•at-any-price mon, and who would
gladly compromise the principles •of
liberty in order to be restored to the
South, the name of "copperheads."—::
NoW,I think we have a good many
“copperbeads" in England."
"Oopperhead."