The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, August 12, 1863, Image 1
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President Lincoln on Arbitrary Ar- MEE The President, the Democracy, and ab Vallandiyhain. The President of tho United States, in answer to a memorial of the meeting held at Albany on the 16th to protest, against the seizure and con finement of Mr. Yallandigham, has addressed a remarkable letter to Hon. Erastus Corning and other representa tives of the meeting. The resolutions of this nide4.l.ng declare that Demo crats aro detertitined, in spite of ad verse and disheartening circumstan ces, to devote every' energy to sustain the cause of Unio4 and to secure peace through ni(iwiy, but demand that the Administration shall be true to the Ccn z stitution, and everywhere ontsid . of the lines of necessary mili tary ,ceupation, exert all its powers to 'maintain the supremacy of civil Ver military law. The Presi dent's reply, characterized by his well known sincerity, answers tile question of the necessity, constitutionality, and patriotism of his acts : EXI.CHTIVE CHAMBER, WABHINGTON, June 12, '63. lion. Erastus Corning and others : GENTLEMEN : Your letter of May 18, inclosing the resolutions of a pub lic meeting held in Albany New York, on the 16th of the same month, was received several days ago. The resolutions as I understand them are resolvable into two propositions— first, the expression of a purpose to sustain the cause of the Union. to se cure peace through victory, and sup port the Administration in every con stitutional and lawful measure to sup press the rebellion; and secondly declaration of censure upon the admin istration for supposed .unconstitutional action, such as the making of military arrests. And from the two proposi tions, a third Ss deduced, which is that the gentleman composing the meeting are resolved on doing their part to maintain our common Government and country, despite the folly or wick edness, as they may conceive, of any administration. This position is emi- Tiontly btrett, 1- tturrri the meeting, and congratulate the na tion for it. My own purpo,e is the bailie, so that the meeting and myself have a common object, and can have no difference, except in the choice of means or measures for effecting that object. And here I ought to close this paper, and would close it, if there were no apprehension that more injurious con sequences than any merely personal to myself might follow. the censures systematically cast upon me for doing - what, in my view of duty, I could not forbear. The resolutions promise to support mein every constitutional and lawful measure to suppress the rebel lion; and I have not knowingly em ployed, nor shall knowingly employ, any other. But the meeting by their resolutions, assert, and argue that cer tain military arrests, and proceedings following them, for which I am ulti mately responsible, are unconstitu tional. I think they are not. The resolutions quote from the Constitu tion the definition of treason, and also the limiting safeguards and guaran tees therein provided for the citizen on trials for treason, and on his being held to answer for capital or other wise infamous crimes, and in criminal prosecutions, his right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury. They proceed to resolve " that these safe guards to the rights ,of the citizen against the pretensions of arbitrary power were intended more especially for his protection in civil commotions." And, apparently to demonstrate the proposition, the resolutions proceed : " They were secured substantially to the English people after years of pro tracted civil war, and were adopted into our Constitution at the close of the Revolution." Would not the de monstration have been better if it could have been truly said that these safe guards had been adopted and applied during the civil wars and during the 'devolution, instead of after the one and at the close of dm other? I, too, am devotedly for them after civil war •Itnd before civil war, and at all times, "except in cases of rebellion and inva .sion, the public safety may require their suspension." The resolutions proceed to tell us that these safeguards "have stood the test of seventy-six years of trial, under our republican system, under circumstances which show that, while they constitute the foundation of all free government, they are the elements of the enduring stability of the Republic." No one denies that that they have so stood the test up to the beginning of the present rebellion, if we except a cer tain occurrence at New Orleans; nor does any one question that they will stand the same test much longer after the rebellion closes. But these provis ions of the Constitution have no ap plication to the case we have in hand, because the arrests complained of were not made for treason ; that is not for the treason defined in the Con stitution, and upon the conviction of which, the punishment is death; nor yet were they made to hold persons infamous crimes; any capital or otherwise crimes; nor were the proceedings fol. lowing, in any constitutional or legal sense, " criminal prosecutions." The arrests were made on totally different grounds, and the proceedings follow ing accorded with the grounds of the Arrests ; Let us consider the real case . - .....&.;?4 , 4,0‘..,:15 , - , a-Z , ,k , ',--14,,.„,., ~, ... •-;',': ,'- / , ' i /,' "/ , 1 11:••• ~ • - 4,';..„ , , - 07 , ra, ' , :ar..i.:-•') f .',4- , ''' • ''' , ' , . , m , \,•- .•,•,.•• 7 ,- //' ... . ..•;7, . • 1 • i,. ; , ..\ ,-, l :ki" -- W.C•PC;7- . .V, , • 4 '-' 4 6_'''''' , ~,,,,, .; '‘'',.: , ••'s. - •• , ..'•,.'- - •'•••, ..,,,.. • .-... '-. ''.. -, • •- • - • - ii..ikt. , ;: : ;,..;,\01.i-lt .7,- .. , •1 ,- ,,,,,•,..,, c ;›• , `,.14,•-, ,•.. ~.,, -„,. .. ,,,, : t.„ ; _. ._ ..„,--....„,.,,,:... ~.. , -•-. ' , 4f,ic ''; .. .., 7 , .____. ~._.,, . --<0• ~., M W''„ , MN , -• . ''. N . ~.:- , t.4..' 7 -- ,- - - . - '-'"• -.. - .-,---' - 1.4 3 i, t• 1 , _ .-_,..../ . ~. ..,: „„.._ .„ „.. ... ._. „.. i ..„,. .. ~: .„,,,,,, ~...,„ ~,,„ --- <r -- --- , -:::. -- -_:...g,:.,.,,,,,,, : „45',_ : , - ,- .•,,,,,, - A- , ,,,.-- , „.„.., -- i,-.„,,,,.„.,,,,,,,_.;! , ...:-.;-,,;: :::,,:; ,,,, ;... " ,; :,, , ,... ,. ...„ ,.: ..,,.,.. :. .... ,:. .: , .... 4 E_ ,.. . : ,! , _:.: 7, ..,:7 07 - ..., ,,,,,,:, ,.. ; . ,,,!..„:".-",~ ,,:, -;,,,..-1 _ : . ..,.: , : . ,.. ~. , 1 i f 1 -..-......,.: ( .... :3?.. .:.i 4 . .., ID - .... ..... ,et .. 4 ,, 0-; , ;-: "t....., e. /Ltri , / 1 \ - z4 2A, , . , 6 , -- , ‘, 4' ... , f,' . rn WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor. VOL. XIX. with which we are dealing, and apply to it the parts of the Constitution plainly made for such cases. Prior to my installation here it had been inculcated that any State had a lawful right to secede from the nation al Union, and that it :would be expe dient to exercise the right whenever the devotees of the doctrine should fail to elect a President to their own liking. I was elected contrary to their liking; and, accordingly, so far as it was legally possible, they had taken seven States out of the Union, had seized many of the United States forts, and had fired upon the United States flag, all before I was inaugura ted, and, of course, before I had done any official act whatever. The rebel lion thus begun soon ran into the pre sent civil war; and, in certain res- poets, it began on very unequal terms between the parties. The insurgents had been preparing for it more than thirty years, while the Government bad taken no steps to resist them. The former had carefully considered all the means which could be turned to their account. It was undoubtedly a well pondered reliance with them that in their own unrestricted efforts to destroy Union, Constitution, and law, all together, the Government would, in a great degree, be restrain ed by the same Constitution and law from arresting their progress. Their sympathysers pervaded all depart ments of the Government and nearly all communities of the people. From this material, under cover of " liberty of speech, liberty of the press, and habeas corpus," they hoped to keep on foot amongst us a most efficient corps of spies, informers, suppliers and Rid ers and abettors of their, Rause in a thousand ways. They knew that in times such as they were inaugurating by the Constitution itself, the habeas corpus might be suspended; but they also know that they had friends who would make a question as to who would suspend it; meanwhile their spies and others might remain at large to help on their cause. Or if, as has happened, the Executive should sus pend the writ, without ruinous waste of time, instances of arresting innocent persons migllt occur, as are always likely to occur in such cases; and then a clamor could be raised in regard to this, which night be, at least of some service to the insurgent cause. It needed no very keen perception to dis cover this part of the enemy's pro. gramme, so soon as by open hostili les their machinery was fairly put in motion. Yet, thoroughly imbued with a reverence for the guaranteed rights of individuals, I was slow to adopt the strong measures which by degrees I have been forced to regard as being within the exceptions of the Constitu tion, and as indispensible to public safety. Nothing is better known to history than that courts of justice are utterly incompetent to such cases. Civil courts are organized chiefly fur trials of individuals, or, at most, a few individuals acting in:concert, and this in quiet times, and on charges of crimes well defined in the law. Even in times of peace bands of horse thieves and robbers frequently grow too nu merous and powerful for the ordinary courts of justice. But what compari son in numbers have such bands ever borne to the insurgent sympathisers, even in many of the loyal States? Again, a jury too frequently has at least one member more ready to hang the panel than to hang the traitor. And yet, again, he who dissuades one man from volunteering, or induces one soldier to desert, weakens the Un ion cause as much as he who kills a Union•soldier in battle. Yet this dis suasion or inducement may be so con ducted as to be no defined crime of which any civil court would take cog nizance. Ours is a case of rebellion—so called by the resolutions before me—in fact, a clear, flagrant, and gigantic case of rebellion; and the provision of the Constitution that " the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be sus pended, unless when, in case of rebel lion or invasion, the public safety may require it," is the provision which spe cially applies to our present case. This provision plainly attests the un derstanding of those who made the Constitution, that ordinary courts of justice are inadequate to " cases of re bellion;" attests their purpose that, in such cases, may be held in custody whom the courts, acting on ordinary rules, would discharge. Habeas cor pus does not discharge men who are proved to be guilty of defined crime ; and its suspension is allowed by the . Constitution on purpose that men may be arrested and held who cannot be proved to be guilty of defined crime, " when, in cases of rebellion or inva sion, the public safety may requite it." This is precisely our present case, a case of rebellion, wherein the public safety does require the suspension. Indeed, arrests by process of courts, and arrests in cases of rebellion, do not proceed altogether upon the same ba sis. The former is directed at the small percentage of ordinary and con tinuous perpetration of crime, while the latter is directed at sudden and ex tensive uprisings against the Govern ment, which, at most, will succeed or fall in no great length of time. In the latter case, arrests are made; not so much for what has been done, as for what probably. ould be done. The latter is more for the preventive and and less for the vindictive than the former. In such cases the purposes of men are much more easily undet stood than in cases of ordinary crime. The man who stands by and says no thing when the peril of his Govern ment is discussed, cannot be misun derstood. If not hindered, he is sure to help the enemy ; much more, if ho talks ambiguously, talks for his coun try with " buts" and "ifs" and "ands." HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 12, 1808. Of how little value the constitutional provisions I have quoted will be ren dered, if arrests shall never be made until defined crimes shall have been committed, may be illustrated by a few notable examples. Gen. John C. Brecainridge, Gen. Robt. E. Lee, Gen. Joseph D. Johnston, Gun. John B. Magruder, Gen. William B. Preston, Gun. Simon B. Buckner, and Commo dore Franklin Buchanan, now occupy ing the very highest places in the re bel war service, were all within the power of the Government since the rebellion began, and were nearly as well known to be traitors as now. Unquestionably, if we had seized and held them, the insurgent cause would be much weaker. But no one of them had committed any crime defined in the law. Every one of them, if arrest ed, would have been discharged on ha leas corpus wore the writ allowed to operate. In view of these and simi lar cases, I think the time not unlikely to come when I shall be blamed for having made too few arrests rather than too many. By the third resolution the meeting indicate their opinion that military ar rests may be constitutional in locali ties where rebellion actually exists, but that such arrests are unconstitu tional in localities where rebellion or insurrections do not actually exist. They insist that such arrests shall not be made " outside the lines of necessa ry military occupation, and the scenes of insurrection." Inasmuch, however, as the Constitution itself makes no distinction. lam unable to believe that there is any such constitutional distinction. I concede that the class of arrests complained of can be con stitutional only when, in cases of re bellion or invasion, the public safety may require them; and 1 insist that in such eases, they are constitutional wherever the public safety does re quire them ; as well in places to which they may prevent the rebellion extend ing, as in those where it may be alrea dy prevailing; as well where they may restrain mischievous interference with the raising and supplying of armies to suppress the .rebellion, as where the rebellion may actually 'be; as well where they may restrain the enticing men out of the army, as where they would prevent mutiny in the army, equally constitutional at all places where they will conduce to the public safety, as against the dangers of rebel lion or invasion. Take the particular case mentioned by the meeting. ft is asserted, in substance, that Mr. Val landigham was, by a military com mander, seized and tried, "for no oth er reason than words addressed to a public meeting, in criticism of the course of the Administration, and in condemnation of the military orders of the General." Now, if there be no mistake about this; if this as sertion is the truth, and the whole truth; if there was no other reason for the arrest, then I concede that the arrest was wrong. But the arrest, as I understand, was made for a very different reason. Mr. Vallandigham avows his hostility to the war on the part of the Union; and his arrest was made because he was laboring, with some effect, to prevent the raising of troops; to encourage desertions from the army, and to leave the rebellion without an adequate military force to suppress it. lie was not arrested be cause he was damaging the political prospects of the Administration, or the personal interests of the command ing General, but because he was dam aging the army, upon the existence and vigor of which the life of the na tion depends. He was warring upon the military, and this gave the milita ry constitutional jurisdiction to lay hands on him, If Mr. Vallanili,gbain was not damaging the military power of the country, then his arrest was made on mistake of ilia, which I would be glad to correct on reasona bly saiisfactory evidence. I understand the meeting, whose resolutions I am considering, to be in favor of suppressing the rebellion by military fbree—by armies. Long ex perience has shown that armies can not be maintained unless desertion shall be punished by the severe penal ty of death. The case requires, and the law and the Constitution sanction this punishment. Must I shoot a sim ple-minded soldier boy who deserts, while I must not touch a hairof a wily agitator who induces him to desert? This is none the less injurious when affected by getting a father, or broth er, or friend, into a public meeting, and there working upon his feelings till he is persuaded to write the sol dier boy, that he is fighting in a bad cause, for a wicked Administration of a contemptible Government, too weak to arrest and punish him if he .shall desert. I think that-in such a case, to silence the agitator and save the boy is not only constitutional, but withal a great mercy. If I be wrong on this question of con stitutional power, my error lies in be lieving that certain proceedings are constitutional, when, in cases of rebel lion or invasion, the public safety re quires them, which would not, be con stitutional when, in absense of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does not require them; in other words, that the Constitution is not, in its application in all respects the same, in cases of re bellion or invasion involvi6g the pub lic safety, as it is in times of profound peace and public security. The Con stitution itself makes the distinction ; and I can no more be persuaded that the Government can constitutionally take no strong measures in time of re bellion, because it can ho shown that the same could not be lawfully taken in time of peace, than I can be persua ded that a particular drug is not good medicine for a sick man, because it can be shown to not bo good food for 4 well ono. Nor am I ok) to appro. -PERSEVERE.- ciate the danger apprehended by the meeting that the American people will by moans of military arrests during the rebellion, lose the right of public discussion, the liberty of speech and the press, the law of evidence, trial by jury, and habeas corpus, throughout the indefinite peaceful future, which, I trust, lies before them, any more than I am able to believe that a man could contract so strong an appetite for emet ics during temporary illness as to per sist in feeding upon them the remain der of his healthful life. In giving the resolutions that earn est consideration which you request of me, I cannot overlook the fact that the meeting speak as "Democrats." Nor can I, with full respect for their known intelligence, and the fairly presumed deliberation with which they prepared their resolutions, be permitted to suppose that this occur red by accident, or in any other way than that they preferred to designate themselves "Democrats" rather than " Amercan citizens." In this time of national peril, I would have preferred to meet you upon a level one step higher than any party platform; be cause I am sure that, from such more elevated positions, we could do better battle for the country we all love than we possibly can from those low er ones where, from the force of habit, the prejudices of the past, and selfish hopes of the future, we are sure to ex pend much of our ingenuity and strength in finding fault with, and aim ing blows at, each other. But since you have denied me this, I will yet be thankful, for the country!s sake, that snot all Democrats have done so. He on whose discretionary judgment 311.. Vallandigham was arrested and tried is a Democrat, having no old party af finity with me, and the judge who re jected the constitutional view express ed in these resolutions, by refusing to discharge Mr. Vallandigham on habeas Corpus, is a Democrat of better days than these, having received his judicial appointment at the hands of President Jackson. And still more, of all those Democrats who are nobly exposing their lives and shedding their blood on the battle-field, I have learned that many have approved the course taken with Me. Vallandigham, while I have not heard of a single one condemning it. I cannot assert that there are none such. And the name of Presi dent Jackson recalls an ingtance_of pertinent history. After the battle of New Orleans, and while the fact that the treaty of peace had been conclu ded was well known in the city, but before official knowledge of' it had ar rived, Gen. Jackson still maintained martial or military law. Now, that it could be said the war was over, the clamor against maraial law, which had existed Prom the first, grew more furi ous: Among other things, a Mr. Lou allier published a denunciat3ry news paper article. Gen. Jackson arrested him. A lawyer by the name of Morel procured the United States Judge Hall to order a writ of habeas corpus to relieve Mr. Louallier. Gen. Jack son arrested both the lawyer and the Judge. A Mr. Hollander ventured to say of some part of the matter that "it was a dirty trick." Gen. Jackson arrested him.• When the officer under ' took to serve tte writ of habeas cor pus. Gcn Jackson took it front him and sent away with a copy. Holding the judge in custody a few days the General sent him beyond the limits of the encampment, and set him at lib erty, with an order to remain until the ratification of peace should be regular. ly announced, or until the British should have left the Southern coast. A day or two more elapsed, the rati fication of the treaty of peace was reg ularly announced, and the judge and others were fully liberated. A few days more, and the judge called Gen eral Jackson into court and fined him a thousand dollars for having arrested him and others named. The General paid the fine, and there the matter rested for nearly thirty years, when Congress refunded principal and inter est. The late Senator Douglas, then in the House of Representatives, tool: a leading part in the debates, in which the constitutional question was much discussed. - I am not prepared to say whom the journals would show to bare voted for the measure. It may be remarked : first, that wo had the same constitution then as now; secondly, that we then had a case of invasion, and now we have a case of rebellion : and thirdly, that tho per manent Wright of the people to public discussion, the liberty of speech and of the press, the trial by jury, the law of evidence, and the habeas corpus, suf fered no detriment whatever by that conduct of General Jackson, or the subsequent approval by the American Congress. And yet, lot me say, that, in my own discretion, I do not know whether I would have ordered the arrest of Mr: Vallandigham. While I cannot shift the responsibility from myself, I hold that, as a general rule, the comman der in the field is the better judge of the necessity in any particular case. Of course, I must practice a general direciory and revisory power in the matter. One of the resolutions expresses the opinion of the meeting that arbitrary arrests will have .the effect, to divide and distract those who should be uni ted iu suppressing the rebellion, and I am specifically called on to discharge Mr. Yallanligham. I regard this act as, at least, a fair appeal to me, on the expediency of exercising a constitu tional power whi6h I think exists. In response to such appeal I have only to say, it gave me pain when I learned that Mr. Vallandigham had been ar rested—that it, I was pained that that there should have seemed to be a ne cessity for arrestsng him—and that it will afford me great pleasure to dis- charge him sb soon as I can, by any means, believe the public safety will not suffer by it. 1 further say, that as the war pro gresses, it appears to me, opinion and action, which were in great confusion at first, take shape and fall into more regular channels, so that the necessity for strong dealing with them gradu ally decreases. I have every reason to desire that it should cease altogeth er, and far from the least is my regard for the opinions and wishes of those who, like the meeting at Albany, de clare their purpose to sustain Govern ment in every constitutional and law ful measure to suppress the rebellion. Still I must continue to do so much as may seem to be required by the public safety. A. LINCOLN A Fighting Democrat on Vallandig ham and the Copperhead Tribe. Gen. John A. Logan, a well known Illinois Democrat., connected wtill the army, of General Grant, is home on a short visit to his friends. In passing through Cairo the people gathered around him, .and 'he made a few im promtu remarks, which wo give be low. General Logan, it will be re membered, was strongly opposed to coercion. Afterthe attack upon Sum ter, and when there was a hope that the difficulties might be settled by compromise, he went to Richmond to talk to the leading politicians there on the subject. He was told that if the Administration would give them a sheet of while paper, and allow them to make their own terms, they would not accept the offer short of a dissolu tion of the Union. Logan then made up his mind that the Union could only be saved by war; he abandoned his anti-coercion ideas, came home and girded on the sword. He has since been serving his country in the army. This is the man who speaks as follows: "it makes no difference whether yon call Mc Democrat, Republican or Abotitionist— as some have of late nam ed me. It does not change my feel ings—does not alter my action. lam for my - .coanti y e very z time—for my country first, last and always; and I am fighting for the right of that coun try to be numbered among the honor ed nations of the earth. Until that is brought about, and this rebellion crush ed out, I am but an American citizen. When that right shall have been as serted, then, should we find that there is something wrong in the fiLbrie that our fathers reared, something we de sire to change, it will be time enough to come up and demand the change.— Nolo we have this acurscd rebellion to root out. It, must be rooted out. I am for using every means and ALL means for putting it to an end. If the people at the North would use the same force Jeff. Davis and his minions use—and were as unanimous as they are—for in the South force of arms compels every man to act as though he sanctioned the rebellion, whether ho feels inclined or not—this war would be suceessfidly terminated in less -than six months. "Every mother's son who is opposed to the war, should he compelled eith er to take up arms against us or for us. Then there would be no talk of peace here in the North, no talk of resist ance, no such men as Vallandigham, Ito such cowards as those who support all such men, and say these things. "Vallandigham says he has travel ed over the Confederacy—using the term "Confederacy" --not the phrase "so called Confederacy" (for I do not acknowledge the existence of any au thority or government in America aside from that of the United States)— and has not met a man, woman or child who does not sustain the war, and who is not determined to fight it out to the death or the bitter end.— Vallandighain here simply lieS. He tells what is not true, and he knows it. Vallandigham, aside from the leading men—Jeff. Davis, Toombs and Ste phens—did not, I venture to say, speak with a dozen persons while taking his involuntary trip through Dixie. Had lie done so, his report would have been of a different color. "The people who are fighting against this Government—the poor whites composing the rank and file of the re bellion—nine-tenths of them do not know what they are fighting against. A majority of them do not know any thing, and hundreds never saw the American flag in their lives until .they saw it march into Vicksburg in tri umph. They do not know the Fourth ofJuly, or anything else that is good. But poor and ignorant as they are, let them express their own free minds, and they will, most to a man, demand a speedy termination of this war— would almost submit to anything ra ther than Tight ono day longer as they have been fighting. It is only by the force of bayonets that their army is kept together. Even that cannot prevent their deserters from flocking into Jack son by hundreds, to take the oath of allegiance or to join the Union ranks And I tell you what I know when I say that it will not be many days ore the entire States of Mississippi and Tennessee will be knocking loudly for re-admission to a Union which not long since they thought their puny efforts could quickly dissolve. They aro talking of it oven now. "Speaking of being united, I toll you, by the Eternal God, there was never a more truthful soutenco than that of Douglas: "Those who are not with us are against us." and I reiterate it and add that those who are not with us should be hung or should be with their TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance. Southern brethren, fighting with them. "Let them either aid the Govern ment. or go whore they can bolster up the tottering fortunes of rebeldom.— Better have a dozen foes in the field than one fighting us behind our backs. "To all copperheads, peace men, ag itators, anti-war men—be they Repub licans or Democrats—for we have them here pretending to be both—l have a word to say on behalf of our bravo soldiers. And you have undoubtedly been told that the war has its opposers in . the ranks of the Union army. It is an accursed and foul aspersion upon the fair fame of men who are willing to spill their blood, give thoir lives for their country. They aro for our Union. They fight for the people and their country, for the suppression of the rebellion. Let mo say to all op posers of the war: The time will come when men composing this army will come to their homes. They have watched the progress of events with interest. They have had their' eyes upon these unmitigated cowards, these opponents of the country and the Ad ministration—(and the Administration I contend, is the country)—and when they return it will do the soul of eve ry true loyal man good to see the sum mary manner in which they will cause these sneaks and peace agitators to seek their holes." - 'For a few moments tbo crowd that gathered around was deeply absorbed in what their "fighting general," as many called him, said, and his -I.e -marks, though given on the spur of the moment, struck home to the hearts of all who listened. Could Logan make the leaders of our people feel as he speaks, this war could not last three months. It woulebo crushed out by force of numbers alone. After ex pressing himself somewhat warmly against copperheads and sneaks, Gen eral Logan concluded with th . o follow ing characteristic apology: "You will excuse me gentlemen, if, in saying what I Intro said, I have been rather profuse and heavy in the way of emphasis. Two years away from civilization, with my men, has made me rather emphatic in all my thoughts and words in regard to certain things. I speak emphatically because I em phatically feel that which my tongue finds to say." Anecdotes of General Grant. We find the following in the Detroit Free Press : A gentleman of this city, who was an early friend of General Grant, furn ishes the following reminiscences of the brave General who has so insepar ably linked his name with the victo ries of the Western armies: "General Grant is of a Methodist family, of Ohio, and married a daugh ter of a Methodist local preacher, and a grand-daughter of the pioneer of Methodistism in Western Pennsylva nia, of the name of Wrenshall. When not much over twelve years of age he was at school, and had as a schoolfel low his own natural cousin, whose pa rents were British subjects of Canada. Young Grant was taught to forgive injuries, as a divine precept, and to do good not evil to others, and his father had impressed his mind with love of country and reverence for the name of Washington. The Canadian had been otherwise educated, and believed Wash ington to be a rebel. On one occasion a discussion arose between the boys as to love of country and duty to a king, when John said: "U. S. (Grant bad been nicknamed U. S.) your Wash ington was a rebel and fought against the king." "Grant replied : "Jack, you must stop that or I'll flog you. I can for give you for abusing me, but if you abuse our Washington off coat and fight, though you are cousin Jack, and mother may lick me for not forgiv ing?" The boys fought. Jack got the worse of it; but U. S. was about being whipped at home for fighting, when his fhther interposed and saved him, saying, "The boy who will fight for Washington will prove himself a man and a Christian, if God spares him for twenty years." "Some few years ago, the boys, now men grown, met in Canada, and recur ing to school days. Jack said: "U. S., do you remember the licking you gave me for calling Washington a reb el?" "Yes, I do; and, Jack, I'll do it again under like provocation. Washington is my idol, and to me it is more insult ing to speak disrespectfully of Wash ington or my country than to de nounce myself. Mother's maxim does very well in private quarrels, but it don't apply where one's country is de nounced, or its goods. Washington is first in the American pantheon, and I could not rest easy if I permitted any abuse of his name." "Such was and is 4 qlnconditio:nal Surrender Grelit." THE TRUE town meeting was held in Cape Elizabeth; Maine, to see if the town would vote three hun dred dollars to each drafted man. In stead of doing this, the town voted to pay three hundred and fifty dollars to every man of the quota drafted from that town, not exempted by the con scription act, who goes to the war himself or procures a substitute, but not a dollar for a man to stay at home. Tut: NATIO\AG FINANCES.-4225,- 000,000 of the five-twenty loan, have alroadye been subscribed. The loan has chiefly been taken by loyal Amer icans, who wish to insure the stability of the Republic. THE G-2_1033P, JOB PRINTING OFFICE. MBE "GLOBE JOB OFFICE" is tho moat complete or any to the count:7, and root /Jesse, the most ample f.teilitiee for promptly executing the beet otyl, oh cry variety of Job Printing, eliCh fl 9 HAND BILLS, PROGRAMMES: /3LANKS, rOSTERS, CARDS, CIRCULARS, BALL TICKETS, • BILL HEADS, LABELS, &C., &C., &C. NO. 7. CALL AND EXAMINE EPECIDENS Or WORD, AT LEWIS' BOOK, STATIONERX & MUSIC STORE. Sentiment of the Army. The New York Post says :—The fol lowing is from a letter written by an officer in the regular militarY service, now in the field under General Ateade, Re is a desceialant of one of the most distinguished of the founders of the Republic: "Dear You see by the above that wo have crossed the Rubicon for the third time in my experience, and Heaven grant that it may be the last, for I am in hopos that this campaign will give the finishing stroke to the re bellion, and add a now victory to the glorious succession that has marked this memorable month of July,lBB3. '"We were alarmed by rumors which were circulated in the army to the ef fect that the Administration had stop ped the conscription on bearing of the opposition in Now York. This cannot be true, as such a measure would be the proof of weakness that would soon result in the overthrow of not only the Administration, but of the Govern ment it represents. "I think by this time we have come down to the cold, calm view of the-is sues at stake, uncolored by excitement or the glorious romances of success that we all dreamed of before the war first broke out. "The war has become a sort of mo notonous background to the life of the' people at home, and its existence is only brought to their minds by the few wounded soldiers, the military ac coutrements in the shop windows, and the big letters in the newspapers. At first it was' a splendid vision of glory and conquest; and now a long, dead ening tax on their patience and pock ets. It was an excitement which the politician laid hold of, like that of the Japanese, or the visit of the Prince of Wales. It was a novel sensation to find a spark of real patriotism in his selfish breast—rather pleasant than otherwise. He attended meetings, and voted resolutions; hung out a huge piece of bunting, and declared his in tention to stand by the constitution of his forefathers. Of course it was not necessary to go and fight—his neigh bor could do that, and he was not needed; and with a compound of false patriotism and genuine selfishness he awaited the result.—____ _ . ,"But the reliult-Was-I,Verpfar:offiand the excitement waned gradually away; thousands of brave fellows went to their long account,- and their places must be filled—filled by a draft; and then the situation is changed. Every one is liable to go, and the wheel of the Provost Marshal, stern and inex orable as the wheel of Fate, may roll to every man's fireside and take him away; and then the politician comes out in his true colors, and says: "The peoplb are their own rulers; the draft is unconstitutional, the people can car- ry on the war or not, just as they please." I have sometimes felt like saying, 0! for a Napoleon, a Freder ick, or a cromwelll—a man stern and strong—even unprincipled, if necessa ry—but still a tyrant—for wo have come to that pass. "We have come to that terrible re ality, that we must fight for our !vim; and NATIONALITY, as the stern old -Netherlands fought the good fight, un til- the canals ran with red Dutch blood, which cemented the foundation of a free, brave, uneompromised pod ple. "Wo must learn that the man who shoulders his musket !s doing a rAvon to the country, as the volunteers seem to think—but OBEYING A RIGHT which the Government has, to sacrifice eve ry drop of American blood, if necessa ry, and then call for the women when the husbands aro dead. We must learn that other nations have done it before, in a far less glorious cause, and that the conscript is more . the soldier in every sense of the word than the bravest volunteer that ever drew breath. "I should like to have had a regi ment of drafted men, for with proper treatment, and good organization, they can be brought on a par with oven our regular army." The following is extracted from a speech, as found in the report of the public meeting at Manchester, Eng land, in relation to "War Ships for the Southern Confederacy :" "I want to explain the meaning of the word "Copperhead," which I have used. You are aware that the lion, and the unicorn, and the rose, are the national symbols of England, as the thistle is-of Scotland, etc., and that the spread eagle is the symbol of the Un ion and America. S'ow, South Caro lina--the first State to secede, and which has always bean the very hotbed of secession--when _ph° hoisted her standard of rebellion, put upon it, as her symbol, a rattlesnake. It is an interesting fact is natural history, that this reptile, in sloughing its skin, is subject to tempprary blindness, and in this state of helplessness, when it is unable to pursue its prey, it is helped by a friendly snake called a "copper head," who kindly brings it food du ring the period of its blindness. Now, the Democratic organization of the North have manilefited much sympathy with the slave States (tho' I am glad to say that a very signifi cant reaction has taken place,) and the Republicans of the North have given to the (such?) Democrats, who are peace•at-any-price mon, and who would gladly compromise the principles •of liberty in order to be restored to the South, the name of "copperheads."—:: NoW,I think we have a good many “copperbeads" in England." "Oopperhead."