The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, April 22, 1863, Image 1

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Cly 61fibt.
Friday, April 17, 1863,
4For Um Club° ]
•'t Where gr.tt4 Worgeorri a telt mould . riag stone
.And atones tliarosrlt a, to rain grown,
All gray and denth•like old."
To fancy one's selfstanding on some
iimmense rock in the midst of time's
ocean, watching the long, smooth
waves and the rough heaving billows
as they sweep alternately about its
base, creeping softly and slowly, like
the song of the flatterer around the
feelings of the credulous, or dashing
with angry - and frightful violence, like
the bitter invectives of the furious de
claimer upon the heart of the timid, is
the fitful contemplation of the feverish
existence of man. Scenes and circum
stances, varying as the winds that
blow over the earth, mark his history
with a continual succession of change.
At times, the smooth sea's quiet roll
invites him onward; mirrored in the
deep wave of the future are ten thou
sand beauties, hung like beacon lights
before the gaze of the anxious watch
er. Allured by the brightness and
brilliancy of the prospect, he rushes to
their ettioyment; reckless of the dark
clouds that drapery the horizon. be
them; ono by on.; he grasps his
fancied pleasures, and finds them hub
bies, that were bursting while he was
pursuing them. Scattered around hint
arc the fragments of his former hopes, !
and he sees them not ; his reducing
mirror isstill before him, and the cer
ttrinties of the present are left neglect
ed and unattended to, that his 1111:1!!111-
ation may feast upon Ale expectation
of fAire bliss. Again and again he is
disappointed, and again he pursues the
fleeting phantom. The teachings of,
experience, like the warning voice of
a careful monitor, arrests hint for a
moment, but with the -reality- passes
away the lesson, and he remains as
vulnerable as ever. " lie resolves and
re resolves, then dies the Same ; " his
dreams are too gay, too pleasant, to be
driven from his mind, and he hugs
them as closely to his heart as if his
being's end and aim depended on their
coming. Frailty is stamped upon the
very nature of man, and his most ex
;cited works must crumble into noth
ingness. Philosopher and fool must I
mingle in ono common wreck. The
man whose genius was like adamant,
with the multitude, who were of low
understanding, has passed away; alike
they have slumbered in the idiocy of
death, and their wasting mortality
proclaims to all the living the equality
to which they shall be reduced in the
The tall. the a iee. the reverend head,
Muit lie as low ns ultra."
Kingdoms, empires, and cities have
been reared, they have flourished for
a season, and where are they ? The I
works of the wise and the opinions of
the great have swam awhile the
ocean's tide, and where are they ?
Kingdoms have been destroyed, em
pires have been prostrated, and cities
leveled with the dust. The works
'find opinions of men have undulated, !
are undulating still, and during life's
change will continue to shift and
change and beat about, until bounded
by the distant shores of the eternal
world. Learning has made its way
over the world, supported by the
strong arm of power, and talent has
sometimes swayed the sceptre of an
tramreoled domination. Arel!tc :c t urc ,
has almost illereed 6c, ;lead to the
clouds, and science has winged her wi
dening way, and filled the world with
theory and speculation; but moral
earthquakes have se4ttered desolation
around, and wrapped in ruin the 'won-
Jest and most boasted works of human
- Wisdom. The mighty efforts of the
great have been buried in the tomb of
ages, and after years have dug them
up from their place of rest, and given
:thent with increased light and beauty
p their successors. Like the immense
;hecatombs of ancient times,.they dark
,ened the earth with the smoke of
. It.eir demolition ; and have only lain
for p.while buried in the rubbish of
years, t.ogather strength and 'be re
suscitatetT in dazzling splendor. Tal
ent, like the Phoenix, has arisen front
the fires that consumed her, and with
learning at her heels, .has hurried on
ward, like the flood of many waters,
breaking down everything that oppos
ed, and triumphing over every oppo
sition. Architecture, aided by the
light of science, has re-lit her waning
fires. She has lifted up her fallen
an4 i bpasted that her cap-stone
will ore long ho brought forth with
shouting, but what she will, be, time
.r.ust write. Once her prespeets wore
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WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
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buoyant as the hopes ofyouth, and she
fell, and her pride may again be hum
bled. Time mutilates the loftiest
works of human skill, and the pride of
man has perished amid its storms, or
wasted flko crumbling farms away in
its sluggish calms; its worn sea-tide
rests not a moment, it bears along
with equal force the giddy and the
gay, the weary and the disconsolate,
and ever and anon bides them, with
all their hopes and fears, in the depth
of its boundless and ever rolling billow.
Man is perishable, and like himself are
all his works. Eternity is not his
gift, and all the operations of his arm,
though they may be beautiful while
they last, like the slimmer cloud, must
molt away. He stops upon the stage
of action, the proud lord of all created
nature, he erects his pillars of brass
and marble statues, that continue for
ages, and seem to bid defiance to the
ravages of the destroyer. He rears
up the towering monuments to perpet
! uate his greatness, and tells the tem
pest and storm to beat it down if they
be able; he sinks amid his glory, and
his sons and 'successors with tearful
eyes view the wasting away of all his
works. In the full tide of his zeal, he
builds a church and dedicatee it tb-the
living God. "Now," says he, " with,
the armies of Heaven upon my side,
my labor shall last forever," as though
he had entered the dwelling place of
Deity, and by his good works bribed
Him to
. sustain him. He exultingly
cries out to the destroyer, " Thus far
shalt thou come, but no farther; here
at this temple's base shalt thy proud I
waves he staved." But time ! trium
phant time ! t he comes, either in the
still small voice, or like an avalanche
from the eternal hills, and the proud
effort, together with the prince that
planned it. are buried in one uncere
monious waste. But more than these.
He has erected the temple of Fame,
and upon its heavenward arch he has
inscribed the burning letters of immor
telity ; he has blown up the enduring
flame of his own renown, and after ag
es have been illumined by its light; he
,climbOir the slippery steep of liter
ature, and from her wide-spread arena
has looked abroad into all the world;
he Las counted and named the stars,
scanned 09 orbits of a thousand plan
ets, and marked the revolutions of the
groat centre of the solar vstem, like a
blazing beacon, whose flame is gather=
ing fi:oni the four quarters of the
earth; his deeds are held out to the
gaze of the universe and the admira
tion of the celestial intelligence. But
to expire amidst the halo of his hard
earned glory is the consummation of
his highest hopes and the end of his
fondest expectations. He cannot res
cue from ruin one single performance,
or bring back the faintest breath to
life. All his days have been spent in
forming and fashioning anew the won
derful works of an all powerful Crea
tor, and the best operation he ever ac
complished was nothing more than the
transformation.-of the material placed
into his hands. One jot or one tittle
has not been added since the Almigh
ty spoke from chaos this mundane fab
ric. Perfect, then, in all its parts, for
ming a wondrous whole. So it has re
mained, and through the changes of
six thousand years, and the decompo
sition over and over again, of the
flowers and herbs and fruits and ani
mals-that lived and glowed and died
upon its surface, the rolling away of
the tides, and the bursting of volca
nods, the evaporation of fluids and
melting of clouds, it has continued the
same in quantity, and the untiring ef
forts of man though repeated and con
tinued through every hour slue its
creation, has mutilated its surface
comparatively but little deeper than
his own grave shall be. But the con
clusiou of the whole ineitee is, the
worm shall feed upon man's mortality
and then turn itself to the dust from
whence man was taken. Where, then,
is the boast of human greatness ? the
pride and power of the arm that
wrought such stupendous operations ?
The worm has it all, for he banquets
upon the brain thaUconceived, and the
hand that executed the astonishing de
sign. And where are to be liquid all
these mighty efforts of human skill ?
Alas for them ! History's page is all
that tells that ever they had been !
Shall we search among the desolations
of Thebes for her hundred gates of
brass, of iron and of wood ? Where
are her chariots, her - horsemen, and
her million warriors ? Where aro the
Babel worshipers, with their high and
haughty determinations,—they whose
resolveit was to raise a temple to the
skies, whoSo summit should peer into
some planetary world, to bring down
to earth the tidings of the doings of
the celestial spheres—where are they
now? they who dared to defy the very
Deity Himself, and attempted to mea
sure powers with the Lord of Hosts?
Where are Borne and Greece, and
Babylon, arid Tyre and Syria, and Si
don-and Persia? Where Is Jerusalem,
with' her costly temple and brazen
gates ? and Egypt with her twenty
thousand c4ies ?—Alas! Time, the de
stroyer, hat lUid his hand and his scythe
upon them' all, and the' 'Oho' o'f" the
question bats reverbiwitte'd through ag
es of the past—whore are they ? • 4.0
future years will 'only roll on the
sound—where are they?
92..% • w-,..-V,174-'%;.4.., ,/ •
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44 ' 84
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Delivered in the House of Representa
tives, on Thursday, April 2, 1863, on
the State of the Union.
Mr. Benedict. Mr. Speaker, we have
fallen upon strange times. It becomes
my duty to open the discussion upon
the- resolutions now before this House
upon their final passage. In doing so,
I can at the outset do nothing better
perhaps than cast my eye backward
over the history of the present session
and see what has been done; perhaps
then we shall not wonder at what is
now being done. Sir, I have seen in
the halls of this House an ambassador
of my blessed Saviour, whose commis
sion, if he has one, says, " go preach
my gospel to every creature;" I have
seen by his side those who, like me,
worship at the common altar of a com
mon Saviour—who sit down round His
table and partake of the emblems of
Flis broken body and Ehed blood—l
have seen them,, Mr. Speaker, in the
hall of this House, declare that they
do not believe that the free air of Penn
sylvania should be breathed by a re
(teemed son of that Saviour, if his skin
is not colored like their own I They,
Hr. Speaker, with the master of the
negro, with the white man and the
slave, will one day be summoned to ac
count, when all the nations shall be
around the Final Judge. These black j
witnesses will be jewels in His crown I
of glory—diving witnesses to say ; " I
was a stranger and ye took me not in."
The answer may be, and doabtless
will, "when were you a stranger, and I
we took you not in?" But the reply
will be, "Inasmuch as ye did it not un
to one of the least of these my children,
ye did it not unto me." I ask those
who preach that gospel—those Who
assemble round that blessed board—
how they will greet their colored bra- j
Gwen on the other side of' Jordan.—
[Laughter on the Democratic side.]—
Gentlemen may laugh ; but there will
be a day when laughing will not an
swer. I bear no commission to preach
the gospel of my . God ; but let the pro
fessed Christians on that side turn and
look at those who laugh at God's gos
pel truth when it is told to them.—
They may laugh; laughing will not
answer. Is it a wonder, Mr. Speaker,
that when such a question is before the
ll(mse, men who profess the religion
of Christ confess that on that day they
did not vote for their God—is it a won
der that there may be days in their
history when they will - not vote for
their country? 44 N0, Mr. Speaker, no!
Party prejudice, party harness, party
caucus have crushed the life out of
men who had not boldness enough to
stand up and say, "I will not submit
to your rule." That is the record and
that is the truth.
I know, Mr. Speaker, that there are
men here who have recorded their
names on that single - subject to which
I have referred, who are ashamed of
themselves when on their knees with
their Maker. I dare any one of them,
in my Muster's name, to go into the
presence of their God, and say to him,
"When any fleeing, suffering son of
Jesus Christ, comes to the line that di
vides this State from another, and asks
admission, I will refuse hi in admittance
into the blessed free air of my own
State." Do they refuse these fugitives
a place in Pennsylvania. Thank God,
they cannot refuse them a place in
Mr. Rex. I call the gentleman to
order. '
Mr. Benedict. Let the gentleman
attend to his own affairs. I know
what I am about.
The Speaker. The gentleman from
Montgomery will elate hip point of or
Mr. ilex. It is that the ne -re busi
ness is not now boron the House.
The Speaker. The gentleman from
Huntingdon will proceed.
11.1 r. Benedict. As that matter
grates harshly upon the ean3 of some
gentlemen it is perhaps well enough
to let it go.
Mr. Ilex. The gentlemen will allow
me to explain. Ills remarks do not
affect me. .
Mr. Benedict. N il o, sir; I did not
think they did; I did not suppose that
the gentlemen from Montgomery had
any sensibility on the question.
The Speaker. The Chair is obliged
to inform the gentleman from Hunting
don that the resolution, so far as the
Chair has any .reeollection, does not
end:W:lo e tl itikvtird on excluding negroes
from Pynnsylvania. Still the Chair is
disposed to allow latitude in debate
q u ite as liberally- as any gentleman on
the floor. The gentleman will proceed.
Mr. Benedict. Mr. Speaker, you
know, and I know, and the nation shall
know, how those resolutions had birth.
I will tell of those who gavo them
birth ; it is part of this day's work to
state how these resolutions came into
being. They have running:Ulm' them
that vital curd,oras my medical friend
from Green (Mr. Patton) would call it,
the umbilical cord, which shows that
their birth was of treason. Now, Mr.
Speaker, let us turn our attention for
a short time (fur do not' purpose to
detain the lloblie very long) to these
resolutions now under discussion.—
They aro joint resolutions on the con
dition of the country ; and permit inc
to say that it is somewhat strange that
these resolutions upon the state of the
country contain no word of hope to
the army; to the million of men who
have gone forth with their lives in
their hands to save this country from
the assaults Of: rebels—ndt one word.
In all Wiir resolutions about the state
of the' 'country,' our friends on the
abet , 'side' Way() forgottOn: that they
haVd a•million of brettrOp whose lives
are upon their:finger-ends, stretching
out to save this country from the at
tacks of rebels in arms—and, I may
say, of traitors at home. Is it not
wonderful that in framing these reso
lutions on the state of the country,
such a thing should have been forgot
ten. I would hardly have believed it
could bs so; yet it is too true. So
trivial a matter as this has been en
tirely forgotten ! I suppose the reason
was that there arc other subjects near
er the heart that engendered these re
solutions; and a prominent subject
doubtless was the triumph of the De
mocratic party. The success of the
Democratic; party is of vastly more
importance than the success of our ar
mies in the field I Who cares what
becomes of the poor !fildiers, if we can
only take care of the Democratic par•
ty? If we can only caucus. and drill
up our men to put through a set of re.
solutions of this kind, who cares for
the country, who cares for the Ciovern-
'ilea? "Not we," say the gentlemen 1
who have given bring to these resoln
The first resolution raniCS among the
assailants on the institutions of this
land, the very Government itself. I
trust, Mr. Speaker, that no man here
after Nvill say that the nuthora and
abettors of these resolutions are not
opposed to the government. The gov
ernment, as I understand it, is engaged
in a momentous contest before the
world, and 1 think 1 may be permitted
to call it the contest of the world—the
Government of the United States of
America and her people on the one
side, with her enemies on the other.—
Now, I know no other sides to this
contest. I look upon the contest as
one which involves all of human liber
ty—all of free government.
So much for the first resolution.—
The next resolution was supported by
the unanimous voice of this House—
very properly, for it speaks of the pa
triotism. of Pennsylvania. Nobody
doubts it. Her sons at hoine and her 1
sons abroad attest it. And more es
pecially do the resolutions of Our sol
diers in the field, which every day I
Come booming up from the ranks of
the array, tell us that patriotism is
fresh among the soldier's.
The next resolution, Mr. Speaker,
defines or avers a difference between
the Administration and the Govern
ment. Nobody doubts it. We voted
cheerfully for that resolution. Why ?
Because the Administration, Substan
tively speaking, is composed only of
the particular. men-holding a
given I into; the Government comprises I
the institutions and the people them-
selves. It is our whole country that 1
makes the Government. Nobody
doubts this distinction ; and we voted
cheerfully for this resolution.
The next resolution is a protest
against the Proclamation, and a pro- I
test against emancipation. Now, in
passing I would ask, Mr. Speaker, is
it not strange that in all this contest,
which is shaking this country and the
Old World, and has sent to their rest
place so many thousands of our I
loved ones—is it not staange that eve
ry act of this Administration, from its.
inauguration until this day, has re
ceived rebuke front the gentlemen who I
propose, advocate, urge and vote ler I
these resolutions. No act of the Ad
ministration has received their support
—not one of the acts of this Govern
ment—not one of all the efforts of this I
Administration—of all the efforts of
our soldiers in the field. Not one sin
gle solitary word of praise is cast upon
anything they 'mike ever done. These
resolutions upon the state of our coun
try are bat a miserable curse upon all
that has been said and done for oar
country. Not one thing has been well
done. Now, I think but little of that
man, no matter who he may be--tho'
his mother may he guilty of many bad
acts, though she may have done many
very injudicious or very wicked things
—I think very little of that man, who
when his mother's mane is the subject
of conversation, has nothing to talk
::bout bill the bad trails of her charac
ter. Now, Mr. Speaker, in all these
resolutions, oar country receives no
word of kindness, our Administration
no word of support. In all these res
olutiops, there is' not one word
which implies that those who framed
them purpose aidiUg thin Gov
ernment in the critical struggle
in whiqii it is now engaged. Here
is our Government, standing up a
gladiator among the nations of the
earth, fighting for human freedom,
fighting for the best government the
world ever saw; and an organized
party, assembled to develop), promul
gate and vote for resolutions, no ono
of which contains ono word of encour
agement for the Government in its
struggle for life.
It may be, gentlemen, that this is to
you a subject of laughter; it is to me
one of gravity. One of the direst ca
lamities that to-day - attends the calam
itous condition of' our country is that
men who, I believe, love their country,
have so far forgotten their affection to
her, as to scramble for the rewards
and the successes of party, forgetting
tte interests of their country. The
day may come when they may have
uu country,and they will treed no party.
The next resolution, Mr. Speaker, is
against compensatory emancipation.—
That subject has been dismissed here
totbre, and I shall not consume time
in its consideration. The nextresolu
tioo is ippinst martial law and milita
ry necess sty against the declaration
of martial law, as it` is said, in •States
where war does not prevail. Now,
Mr. Speaker, T. said on g former occa
sion, not long ago, t.bat martial law is
everywhere whore the soldiers of our
cquntry .pro required to he. You can
Send no recruiting sergeant into the
most secluded retreat of your State
whore' lie recruits a Soldier, but whets
ho has reeruit,ed that' soldier the grip
of martial law seizeairn. That grip
of martial law is felt everywhere.—
Military law is everywhere despotism,
and it is nothing else. He who wish
es to carry on military operations and
make military conquests without mili
tary despotism, seeks to battle against
the wind; ho can do nothing. The
very ‘organization of military law is
imperious, unchanging and unflinching.
It operates everywhere where soldiers
are needed. - It must operate every
where, or you cannot get thorn. I toll
you, Mr.- Speaker, that if the spirit
which pervades this resolution should
prevail throughout our land, the red
hand of war, with its fiery torch, will
sweep over the fair fields of Pennsyl
vania, and leave them as blighted and as
scorched us the most desolated part of
Virginia is to-da d •. I think, Mr. Speak
i that hePore lam one.,'T shall sat-
isfy every calm mind that the purpose
of these resolutions, as declared in the
plainest possible language, is that from
this time forward, the authors of the
rcsolu lions and those who sustain them,
are determined to give no aid to this
war of the nation. If Ido not prove
this to be i,vritten in these resolutions
:IS plainly as Anglo-Saxon can write it,
then my work to-day will be but half
Now, : 1 / 2 1r. Speaker, the seventh res.
olution hails with delight the return of
the seceded States, and declares that
we would welcome them Wok, and
give them all their former guarantees
of peace and security, or new guaran
tees. Now, Mr. Speaker, I have heard
a great deal said about the "Constitu
tion as it is." With " tl,e Constitution
as it is," what new guarantees of
peace are you going to give to the
States now engaged in rebellion ?
" The Constitution as it is" has been
your cry. What new guarantees do
you expect give ?
You will welcome them hack—will
you ? You will receive into your arms
the traitors who have perjured their
souls a dDousand times over within
the last two years--the traitors, who,
with an oath upon their lips,r'reshly tak
en, pledging theiradhesion to theConsti
tut ion of the United States as " the su
preme law of the land." hat-e retired
and declared that it is not the supreme
law of the land ? What new guaran
tees of peace arei you going to get
from such gentlemen- as those? You
will Nvolcomo them 'back to your arms,
will you ? You will go into the Sen
ate of the United States and sit by the
side of that arch traitor, Jefferson Da
vis, will you, and welcome him back?
Are you in favor of' that? I suppose
you are; some of your, I have no doubt,
Mr. Speaker, the next resolution is
a very pathetic and very sad one. It
is a sort of epitaph upon our soldiers,
thanking them for what they have
done, and assuring them that they shall
be handsomely buried, if they get
killed—that they shall have good mon
uments erected over them, if they
should ever die in battle, and that you
will remember them a good while.—
But have you told them that you
would aid thorn in the struggle which
now involves in peril their own lives
and the life of the nation ? Have you
even insinuated that3 - on would stretch
forth a hand to assist them in their
hour of trial ? ! No ! All you say
is, in the words of the dirge—
"Close his eyes, his work is done;
What to him is friend or foemen,
Rise of moon, or set of sun,
Hand id' man, or kiss of woman ?
Lly him low, lay bins low,
In the clover or the snow ;
What cares he? he cannot know ;
Lly him low."
"Leave him to God's watching eye,
Trust him to the hand that made him,
Mortal lore weeps idly by ;
G , ),1 alone bath power to aid him.
Lay bins low, lay him low,
•Neath the clover or the snow ;
What caves he? he cannot know;
Lly him low."
That is all you have to say for the
soldier. You declare thatyou will bury
him and mourn over him, but that you I
will give him no help to the living sol
diers in the field— no more support, no
more bread, no more money, no more
soldiers—nothing ; you will leave them
unassisted to the red hand of war; and
if they should die you would bury them
decently : That is all you have to say.
What more do you say ? Your next
resolution'is of such a peculiar kind,
that it should be carefully road, and
well understood and digested. Let me
read it; I think perhaps it may refresh
the memory of some gentlemen when
Ido so. Doubtless the man who wrote
it, knew what ho meant; but I do not
think that all those who voted for it
thought Nyhllt it Meant. I hope they
will explain it so that they can say
that they did understand it:
" Xi/Wt.—That Pennsylvania will
adhere to the Constitution and the Un
ion, as the best, it may be the last,
hope of popular freedom; and for all
the wrongs which may have boon com
mitted and all the evils which may ex
ist, will seek redress under the Consti
tution and within the Union, by the
peaceful but powerful agency of the
suffrages of a free people."
Mark the language of this resolu
tion; it is peculiar. This resolution
was voted for by some gentlemen who
claim to be " war Democrats." Bless
my soul ! what a " war Democrat"
any man voting for this• resolution
must be.' " For all the. wrongs which
have been committed "--mark, you
qualify it r.ot:—" for all the wrongs
which have been committed, we will
seek redress "—how—" by the suttra
ges of a free people!' For time assault
upon Sumter--for tearing doW'ri our
flag—for the seizing of our forts—for
the thOtisands of Our slain— r -for the
tramplingg upon the ConStitution—for
the murderous attack upon this 'nation
TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance
and upon our national life—all that we
ask for these, is the redress which we
may obtain at the ballot box! What
a beating we will give those offenders
at the ballot box--,wont we ? [Laugh
ter.] When your soldiers ask for re
inlirceinents you will tell them I sup
pi 0, "No; we have resolved in the
Legislature of Pennsylvania that we
would give you no more aid; but, that,
for all the wrongs of this intilmons re
bellion—for all the devilish destruction
that is sweeping over our Itrid like a
whirlwind, we will give you—not sol
diers, but the peaceful and powerful
remedy of the ballot box.' You ask
for soldiers, we will send you votes;
you ask for iron dads, we will give
I you ballot boxes." Maik yen, there
are no exceptions ;,there is no qualifi
cation. There is no aid tendered to
the country, except through the agen
cy of the ballot box. Take your reso
lutions to pieces, inch by inch, and
I you can find in it no element of
otism—no word in favor of this war—
no pledge on the part of Democrats
that they will lend a hand to the sol
dier who in this hour of trial is fight
for his country.
Gentlemen, take the honor you have
won in voting for a resolution like
that. Let it be treasured up, and han
ded down to your children. Frame
this resolution and hang it over your
altars, so that hereafter it may be said
that when your nation was bleeding
at every pore—when the cries of our
wounded soldiers came from every
battle•fitild asking for help, you told
theni, "No I you shall have 110 help
from us; we will vote it all right sonic
day, if you will let the Democratic par
ty get into power." Take the honor
you have won; wear it nearest your
heart; and when Sou go to your graves,
leave it to your
.children ; for it will
:-.tick—stiek like the shirt of Nes'siis.—
You have resolved that by the ballot
box alone you will seek redress for all
the wrongs which have been commit
ted, or which may exist. This war
cannot go on any further by your aid. •
You have no money to proffer to the
soldiers ia the field ; you have no more
soldiers to give; you will vote no more
reinforcements; you have resolved,
first in the caucus of the Democratic
party, and lastly in the halls of the
Pennsylvania - Legislature, that no
more aid shall be given to our soldiers,
except such as you can give at the bal
lot boxes.
Now, Speaker, I appeal to the learn
ed geritlemen on the other side, with
all their Atstukeness r and with, alt their
cunning, to tell me what this resolu
tion means, wherein is concealed its
purpose and its thoughcif not in the
language as I have interpreted
The man who wrote these resolutions
practiced doubtless upon the maxium
of Talloyrand that " words should be
used only to 'conceal thoughts;" but
ho has failed of his purpose, at least in
this one resolution; for it says what
it means. It speaks in plain English;
a•nd no cunning, no astuteness can es
cape the conclusion that the gentle
men on the other side, whO voted for
these resolutions have declared as their
purpose, and their only purpose, resis
tance to this war—so much resistance
as the refusal to aid can be resistance.
Let me read this resolution again;
for I desire that it shall be well di
gested and well understood. I hope
that every loyal editor in the land
will keep it standing in glaring capitals
at the head of his paper, and in con
nection with it the name of everyman
who voted for' it. If the honor is
worth anything let them wear it.
" That Pennsylvania will adhere to
IA Constitution and the Union as the
best, it may be the last, hope or popti=
lar freedom, and for all the wrongs
which may have been committed and
all the evils which may exist, will seek
redress under the Constitution, and
within the Union, by"—mark the lan
guage—noother means are proposed—
"by the peaceful and powerful agency"
of the ballot-box.
I know very Well, Mr. Speaker, the
efficacy of the ballot-box the certain
purposes; but ballot-boxes have done
but very little in battle. I have 'lnver
heard that the dead who fell on the
field where ballot-boxes determine the
victory, earned many laurels. If our
enemies be never .slain—if our Gov
ernment be never preserved—if our
national flag be never protected, ex
cept by the aid which this resolution
proffers—our armies aro in a sad eon
dition—our Government is in terrible
peril, and human frcednin is without
I leave that resolution, Mr. Speaker,
"to be carefully digested by those who
voted for it. I leaye At to be read, I
trust, by every loyal man in this and
in every other loyal State in the Uni
on. I leave it, Mr. Speaker, to curse
the inventors in all time to come.
The next reselution, Mr. Speaker,
relates to the late elections, the sup
porters of the resolution declaring
that they have been remarkably suc
cessful in beating the rebels. It may
have been " a big thing ;" but I i" did
not see it?' It is possible that with
the gentlemen whq •conceived that res
olution, the elections of last ralkyore an
earnest of how they are going to fight
the battles in the South, with ballot
boxes; but lam free to say, I do not
see it.
The eleventh resolution declares in
favor of a,national convention. ti na
tional convention forsooth ! For what?
Why, you can hardly read the smallest
speech of the pettiest pettifogger in
the whole tribe lo4f those who assail the
present National Government, but
you,will find the declaration that ho is
for'the " Constitution it is." Why,
then, do you want; h national conven
tion to change the Corkstitation, if you
are in faliOr Of "the Constitution - as it
is ?"
.1 AM for it as it is, and am for
itas it: Will bp. why do yoOlant a
national convention t Let sothe one
T-1 - IM -- ca-Lop - m
JOB PRIbeIEING - 01 7 1 1 1Q.E.
. •
the most comnlete of any hi th 4 tountry, and pot ,
tanaoathpF moo ample facilities for prou)ptlyeAervrins iu
the Zest style, every 'variety of .TO, Printing, alleluia
" , "4.
LABELS, &C., &C., &C.' •
NO. 45.
of those who - have lAen'detlaring that
they are in favor of" the-Constitution
as it is," toll us why they want' it na
tional convention to change it. Sure
ly that part of the argumeut.has been
forgottett. These gentlinum - -,:t r re-.not .
for " the Constitution as itlei".
are for it only as they will_mitkeit,if
they get a chance to fi --
The SPEAKER. They"inight,
in a clause to prevent secesSlOM.:'_l".
BENEDICT. .Would not that a
good thing to restrain these felloiinil;
who keep, their oaths so we11 7 ,-thoso
men demon in "Dixie," Whose"bathe
are "false as •dieers?" Yes, 'bring
them in and swear them over/again:—
swear them on a beot—swear
on a boot! [Laughter:] • Yes . lot
tho'se men who ran off with thenatien
al prOperty, be sworn pn nothingehie.
Who expects such men to keep any
oaths of national fidelity? •
The twelfth resolution condemnsre
helliQu ancl secomion:aad declares that
those who support that resolution.arg
going to use their power and infiu6hce
to overcome both, Now,. whatik*tho
" power " which they expect. to -nag
''The ninth resolution shows you 'what
that powor is going to be. What la
the " influence?" The influence, I
think, will be that exerted bya Dern
ocratic caucus, or What they calla De
mocratic caucus.- Permit me hero to
make one qualification. • I deny that
the Democracy of the United States
are now organized in the shape dap
losition to the National GOvernenent.
deny it. The Dorpocracy, were- al
ways the war party. The ,history pf
our ration from its birth, sheWtthat
the Democrats, the true Degtocras,
the Democrats whq loyed' their coun
try better than they did their party --1;
who loved the nation More than they
hated the ne,gro,who, loved liberty
more than they did slavery--46re al
ways on the side of any war in which
the Government might he engaged.-: 1 -
But I am now referring to the so-call
ed Democratic party.' I read often on
.the door of this hall, a notice that "
Democratic caucus will he held ;" and
1 must call things by their names by
which they are known.
But they are going tti use their
"power and iufluence." The influence
is to be exerted in the shape of resoln
tions • the power is to be in • the .shape
of ballots, and ballot-boxes, and is to
be exerted en election grounds.
The thirteenth resolution commen4 .
the laws of, the State. Now, 4 r .
Speaker, there is another peculiarity
about these resolutions and ,:that is,
that in the wh - ole of tfieni,llierels not
ono word in favor of sustaining the
laws of Abe Union—not one 8y110.4.
They avoid every allusion to the su
pyomacy of the National Constitution.
Now the Constitution of the United
States declares that "this Constitittion
and the laws which shall be made in
pursuance thereof shall . be the supremo
law of the land." Yet here aro reso
lutions which contain not one word,
not one syllable in favor of sustaining
the laws of our National Governinent.
Mr. Speaker, I have done. The fate
of this rebellion is as fixed es the doom
of the damned; and its aiders And
Abettors, Its actors and its sympathi
zers, will 'go down to' everlasting
shame and disgrace - ; and their epitaph
will be Ivritton—"Enomies to consti
tutional hay! enemies to the best Gov
ernment on earth ! enemies to lihertx'l
enemies to numl enemies to God !"
The following bill pass.ed , We House
last week; it will no doubt become n
An net to provide for the paymey4
of the militia called into service by the
proclamation ()Nile tioverndr and' th 6
order of the eleventh day of Septembei
last :
Whereas, the military of this- . State,
to the number of twority- five thousand
mon, promptly and gallantly'
dod to the prochomation of the Gover
nor and the order of September feet,
and rendered most important eerviet4
in defence of the State arid . in aid of
the Army of the Potomaa . ; hnd cvtiere
es, these mon aro . justly entitfed to
some remuneration thy their
tures and services : therefore, •
SECTION 1. Be it educted-by ,the"47l:.
ate and House of Representatives Or the
of Pennsylvania
end Assembly,inet, and it it hereby enac
ted by the authority of the ,same, That
the officers, non-commisr.ioned officers,
and privates of the militia called into
the , service of this State and the pit
ted States by the preclamation. of thio
Governor, and the order of the:Alley
°nth day of September-last, shall each
be entitled to receive one month's pay
at the same rate pi' nionth us is pit
scribed by the act of Congress. fpr the
payment of' the regulars and volun
teers in the service of the United Stiite6.
SEC. 2. That the Adjutant General
of the State shall ascertain and report
to the Auditor General from.thctlls
of the respective companies mustered.
into service, according to the pr4Tisfons
ofthe first section of thiS act, the fittfnel
of the officers, non-commissioned offi
cers, and privates thus mastered: into
service, and shall draw his warrants.
upon the. State Treasurer in lavor,pt.
each person entitled asloresaid, ati4
foi the amounts herein directed to be
paid out of anyy, moneys in the State
Treasury rat dthdikvise appropriated :
Provided, That the warrants lamed by
the Adjutant General aforesaid shalt
first be countersigned and approv44 ii
the Auditor General"; • •
SEC. 3.. That the Governor is hereby.-
authorized to receiVe from the Ti..ealif•
ury of the :United States thb
appropriated by an . aCt•Of fhb litte qua
grees of the . ppited ,States,:pr'Wew..,
and subsikteticil of t,hphilftniAneinusi
teed into - 660ibe, and:te .accept
Same in tu'lf of such '"pay and' initials
ten oe, ' Mit of syl an i
by assuming to pay •the' same
ding f%.• 'provisions of this act.
tertpeß47.4g4, 2::
• . •Ar 4 .24K.9.
I .
Pay of the Militia.