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I=
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Advertisements not marked with the number of inner.
lions desired, will bo continued till forbid and charged ar
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. -
Ely 61,0bt.
HUNTINGDON, PA.
Friday, October 24, 1862.
) * l l V ' t g 00; 4 0
NOTICE.
We have not the time nor the incli
pation, to dun pe'rsonally, a largo num
.,er of persons who have unsettled ac
counts upomour books of 'several years
standing. We shall, tlerefore, from
day to day, without respect to persons,
place into the hands of a Justice for
collection, all accounts of over •two
years standing. All those who wish
to save expense, will do well to give
us a call.
k- kik§
A LECTURE
On the Crisis of the Nation,
DELIVERED BY
,TOHN G. MILES, ESQ,,
Before the Citizens of Huntingdon,
ON SATURDAY, OCT. 4, 1862.
[CONTINUED.]
VIE EVIOENC. OF THE CONSPIRACY.
Mr. Calhoun was the leading spirit
in it, and the master-mind employed
in the invention of means through
which regular approaches to the de
sired end wore to be made. Ile was a
Smith Carolinian, who had been edu
cated in all the, feelings and opinions
- which characterized the people of that
restless little State. In revolutionary
times they manifested a strong bias in
favor of aristocratic institutions and
principles. (Even since the organiza
tion of the Confederate Government,
Mr. Yancey, as its commissioner, in
his overtures to the authorities in Eng
land, tendered an alliance with the
British Government.) Four years af
ter 'the Declaration of Independence,
to wit, on the sth June, 1780, two hun
dred and ten of the principal inhabi
tants of the city of Charleston, present
ed a petition to the British authorities
headed and containing amongst other
things the following:
"'To their Excellencies, •Sir Henry
Clinton, Knight of the Bath, General
of his Majesty's forces, and Mariot Ar
buthnot, Esq., Vice Admiral of the
Blue, his Majesty's Commissioners to
restore peace and good government in
the several colonies in rebellion in
orth AmeriCa!
The humble address of divers in
habitants of Charleston :—The inhabi
tants of Charleston, by the articles of
capitulation, are declared prisoners of
war. on parole; but we, the underwrit
ten, having every inducement to re
turn to our allegiance, and ardently
hoping speedily to be re-admitted to
the character and condition of British
subjects, take this opportunity of ten
dering to your excellencies our warm
est congratulations on the restoration
of this capital and province to their po
litical connection with the crown and
government of Great Britain ; an event
which will add lustre to your Excel-
Jency's characters, and we trust enti
tle you to the most distinguished mark
of the, royal_ favor. Although the right
of taxing America in Parliament exci
ted considerable ferment in the minds
of the people of this province, yet it
may, with a religious adherence to
truth, be affirmed that they did not
entertain the most distant thought of
dissolving the union that so happily
subsisted between them and their pa
rent country ; and when, in the prog
ress of that fatal controversy, the doe
pine of independency (which originated
in the more Northern colonies) made its
appearance among us, our nature re
volted at the idea, and we look back
with the most painful regret on those
convulsions that gave existence to a
power of subverting a constitution for
which we always had and ever shall re
tain the most profound veneration, and
substituting in its stead a rank democ
racy, which, however carefully digest
ed in theory, on beinff b reduced into
practice, has exhibiteda system of ty
rank dominion only to be found ,
among the uncivilized part of mankind,
or in the history of the dark and bar
barous ages of antiquity," &e.
This petition entire is found embod
ied iu a! speech of Andrew Johnston, a
: 1 3emoeratte Senator from Tennessee,
'delivered in the Senate of the United
'States on the sth and 6th days of Feb
ruary,•lB6l. It shows that South Car-
Oliva did not originally g ive her heart
to the establishment and support of
this democratic government, because
she entertained a " most profound ven
eration" for the monarchical and aristo
cratic institutions of the British nation.
John C. Calhoun, her leader in after
times, was educated in the feelings
and octrines confessed in that rover
ent petition so full of loyalty to the
British' crown, and of condemnation of
the doctrines of the Revolution, and of
"rank democracy." Ile showed the ef
fect of his training in a conversation
he had with Commodore Charles Stew
art, in December, 1812, as disclosed in
a letter from the latter to George 'W.
Childs of Philadelphia, dated the 4th
May, 1861, to be found at length in
the Ist Volume of Putnam's *hellion
Record, page 186. Amongst other
things sta t ed in 'that letter, Camino:
doro Ste Wart related a conversatioit
had at the early date above stated,
with*Nr. Calhoun in relation to the
of Southern ~o cie.tv and
EMI
JJ [jr
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
VOL. XVIII,
Southern institutions, in which Mr.
Calhoun said to him, " That we aro es
sentially aristocratic I cannot deny,
but we can and do yield much to de
mocracy. This is our sectional policy.
We are from necessity thrown upon
and solemnly wedded to that party,
however it may occasionally CLASH with
our feelings for the conservation of our
interests. It is through our affiliation
with that party in the Middle and Wes
tern States that we hold POWER; but when
we cease thus to control this nation thro'
a disjointed democracy, or any material
obstacle in that party which shall tend to
throw us out of that rule and control, WE
SHALL THEN RESORT TO THE DISSOLU
TION OF THE UNION. The compromises
of the constitution under the circum
stances, were sufficient for our fathers;
but under the altered condition of oar
country from that period, leave the
South no resource but dissolution; for
no amendments to the Constitution
could be reached through a convention
of the people under their three-fourths'
rule." Here 'AIr. Calhoun declares two
things of the South (indeed three) which
afford a key to the long series of sub
sequent acts done by himself and the
disciples of his school in reference to
the relations between the North and
the South : Ist, That the Southern
people were aristocratic in their feel
ings and habits. 2d, That they would
consent to remain in the Union so long
as they could rule the nation through
" AFFILIATION " with the democracy of
the North. 3d, That as soon as they
ceased to be able to do that, they
would dissolve it and break up the
government. The end is proposed, the
contingency, upon the happening of
which it was to be accomplished, and,
the circumstances under which the deed
was to be done, to wit : failure tln•ough
a " disjointed " democracy, to rule the
nation. The means were to be chosen
of course, as events occurred in the
history of the nation. The general
plan was agreed upon in the prosecu
tion of which a burning, rancorous ha
tred of the government and of the
Northern people, was to be created in
the South. That hatred was to be cul
tivated in such a way as to preserve
the affiliation with the democracy of
the North and serve the double pur
pose of holding the "power" of the
government and at the same time cre
ating excitement against it, to the end
that when the power could be held no
longer, the excitement, by previous
manipulation, should be such as to
cause the Rubicon to be passed-cotern
poraniously with the loss of the power.
Although Mr. Calhoun was not liv
ing when the final plunge was made,
yet it was made upon the happening
of the exact event and under the pre
cise circumstances indicated in his de
claration to Com. Stewart. That de
claration was too prophetic in its char
acter, of the precise circumstances un
der which the rebellion now in prog
rag Was inaugurated, to justify the
conclusion, that the time and the man
ner of its appearance, accidedally cor
respond with the event foreshadowed
by the Apostle and Prophet of the Se
cession school. This view is greatly
strengthened by the fact, that the fast
attempt was made under parallel cir
cumstances. It will be remembered
that during the latter part of the ad
ministration of James Monroe there
existed a kind of political millennium
in which party strife ceased. Oh !
that such a reign were permitted to
return ! In the election of his success
or John Quincy Adams, by Congress,
old party lines were broken up, and, du
ring his four year's term of office it
was very difficult to tell where the de
mocracy,- of the North would finally
laud. It had been at sea for a time
without chart or compass. Indeed, it
had lost its identity in the divisions
which took place between the four can
didates, Mr. Crawford, Mr. Clay, Mr.
Adams and General Jackson. In con
sequence of the liberal recommenda
tion of the latter named, to Mr. Monroe,
that his Cabinet should be formed by
the selection of an equal number from
the best men of the two parties into
which the people were then divided, to
wit: the Democratic and Federal, many
of the Federalists united with the party
that rallied upon that distinguished
General, whilst the Democracy divided
between him and the three other can
didates before named. No party had
strength enough to elect its candidate,
by the votes of the people. Congress
elected, and elected a Northern man.
This, of course, was not according to
the programme of Mr. Calhoun. This
was not keeping the power in the
hands of the South
through " ffilla
tion"
with the Northern democracy.
It had become "disjointed." What
then ? Measures are immediately put
in operation to accomplish a dissolution
of the Union, as stated by Mr. Calhoun,
would be done under such circumstan
ces. In the election ofMr. Adams, Mr.
Calhoun and his confederates saw, as
they supposed, the" sceptre departing
from Judah," and their house must be
put in order. Then comes the ques
tion, What means shall be employed?
They were agreed as to the general
means. Excitement, Storm, Tempest,
must be gotten up at the South ! ! But
the manner of getting it up, and the de
tails leading to it, were to be' settled.
There was no slavery dxcite Inca ex
isting. The Missouri COMpromise of
1820 had settled all questions affecting
the institution of slavery, and there
was a perfect calm on that subject.—
In laying the train by which the mag
izine was to be fired, no opportunity
Vas omitted of strew-ing combustible
matter all alOng its path, as circum
stances might enable the conspirators
to do, unsuspected by a confiding peo
ple. .3fr. Calhoun led the way, laying
hold of 'every event and every occur
rence in the legislation of the country;
out of which his sophistiCal mind could
eke anything with which to fire the
Southern heart; and he was followed
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 20, 1862.
closely in the same track by his disci
ples, the Rhetts, the MeDuffles and
others, known by the name of "fire
caters" They planted themselves up
on two popular democratic doctrines,
as they affected to consider them, to
wit: Ist, The States Rights doctrines
of 1798 and 1799 as promulgated (ac
cording to their interpretation) in the
Virginia anti Kentucky resolutions of
those years; and 2d, The doctrine or
principle of equality amongst the States.
Upon the first, they engrafted their
doctrine of Secession, claiming all pow
er and sovereignty or the States, and
giving a mere nominal sovereignty to
the National Government. The latter
doctrine, equality amongst the States,
was the great firing theme resorted to
upon all occasions. From that stand
point, almost any measure of govern
mental policy could be tortured into
an instrument of injury to the South,
and the Southern masses were kept,,
and intended to be kept, by these
alarmists in a constant state of excite
ment in regard to their supposed "sec
tional" interests. The most persistent
efforts were made to bring the govern
ment of the Union into discredit with
the Southern people, by ascribing to it
inequality of action in its bearing up
on the respective interests of the north
and the South. From its formation
down to the year 1828 the adjustment
of tariffs of duties upon imported goods
bad never assumed a political or patty,
aspect and the principle of discrimina
tion for the protection of domestic in
dustry had been fully recognized by
the government in all its departments.
South Carolina and John C. Calhoun
himself, down to 1816, were in favor
of the protective policy. Now Eng
land then was opposed to it. The
Southern States afterward, under the
lead of Mr. Calhoun, changed their
ground in reference to this policy and
assumed an attitude of bitter hostility
to it, making opposition to it the ral
lying cry for excitement in the South,
in pursuance of his plan for bringing
about a dissolution of the Union.—
They alleged that it taxed the South
for the benefit of the North and bore
unequally upon the two sections of the
Union. In the discussion of the tariff
bill of 1828 in the House of Represent
atives during the administration of Mr.
Adams it must be remembered, Mr.
McDullie gave an inkling of the de
signs of Southern politicians in' refet
ence to the Union in saying, " Sir, if
the Union of these States shall ever bo
severed, and their liberties subverted,
the historian who records these disas
ters will have to ascribe them to meas
ures of this description. Ido sincere
ly believe that neither this government
nor any free government, can exist for a
quartet of a century, under such a sys
tem of legislation."
Of course the interpretation of this
language is, that a protective tariff was
unconstitutional because of its alleged
violation of one of the great principles
before mentioned—equality amongst
the states. The very policy that Mr.
:genuine's own State (South Carolina)
had advocated and assisted in forcing
on New England, had then become
unconstitutional. The threat of a dis
solution of the Union was for thoughts
to dwell upon at home. The condem
nation of the principle of the Legisla
tion discussed, was to produce excite
ment at home. The bill was passed,
however, notwithstanding Mr. Mt:Duf
fle's denunciation of it. Under the
operation of the tariffs of 1816, 1820,
1824 and 1828, and the influence of
the system of free labor, adopted in
the North, the free States advanced
rapidly in population, wealth, and in
all the arts of civilization, whilst the
Southern States, under their system of
slave labor, stood still, or retrograded.
And how could it be otherwise under
these opposite systems ? The South
ern people cannot make mechanics,
except of the simplest kind, ship build
ers or sailors, out of their slaves, and
they will not labor themselves.—
Therefore they cannot engage in man
ufacturing, ship building, or in the
carrying trade. This all must fall in
to the hands of Northern men, and
one kind of business begets another.--
There must, then, from the very laws
of trade, be great inequalities of con
dition between the free and slave
States. The South being so wedded
to their system of slavery and their
aristocratic pride, admitted by Mr
Calhoun, not allowing them (the
whites) to labor with their own hands,
they must of necessity Dill behind the
Northern men in all the industrial
pursuits which cause a healthy growth
of a people. Diversity of employ
ment and pursuit is necessary to a
sound condition of entire communities.
If all are agriculturists, who, beyond
those immediately engaged in tilling the
ground, aro to be their consumers ? ,
Hall are manufacturers, who shall
feed theta? all ale merchants,
where shall their stocks of merchand
ise come froni? Uncle]: a system of
free labor every variety of Pursuit is
open fcir the • honor:Me, life-giving
strife of' inventive Man. Not so un
der the opposite'system of slave la
bor. There, all must follow that bu
siness alone with which slaves can be
entrusted and for the management of
which they can be fitted. Hence, the
pursuits of' slave owners are likely to
run into ono general channel.
From this tendency the pursuits of
slave owners of the South are mainly
agricultural—engaged in the culture of
cotton and breadstuff's. Under such a
system they have no market at home.
In seeking a market for their produc
tions they must go abrOadl 'Those
productions and what they receive
abroad in exchange for thorn, must be
burdened by the cost Of transpatation
both - ways, for which they aro in no
way compensated; for as before stated,
the business of transportation must be
conducted by other bands. In almost
au ehrll. , r variety of fortm- the c,-).wrier,
-PERSEVERE.-
of slave labor must be the sufferers,
and must, from necessity, bo iu a
state of dependence upon the
results of free labor abroad.—
The present rebellion has il
lustrated this in the 'het that the very
buttons with which the uniforms of its
officers are ornamented, and the badg
es they wear have to be procured
from abroad. low unequal then aro
the results of free and slave labor?—
Whilst the one system advandes the
other retards, in all the business ef
life. This is proved by all the statis
tics of the Free and Slave States.—
Take those of New York and Virginia
as examples. In 1790 New York con
tained 840,120 inhabitants. At the
same time the population of Virginia
was 748,308, being more than twice the
number of the population of New York.
In 1850 Now York had a population
of 3,097,394. At the same time the
population of Virginia was only 1,421,-
661, less than half the number of, that
of New York. In '1791 the exports of
New York amounted to $2,505,495;
the exports of Virginia to 83,130,805.
In 1852, the exports of New York
amounted to $87,484,456; those of Vir
ginia during the same year amounted
to only .$2,724,657. In 1790 the im
ports of Now York and Virginia were
about equal. In 1853 the imports of
New York amounted to the sum of
$178,270,999, while those of Virginia
amounted to the sum of only 099,-
004. In 1850 the products of manu
factures, mining, and the mechanic
arts in Now York, amounted to $237,-
597,249; those of Virginia amounted to
only $29,795 1 387. • It - is impossible to
close the' eyes against such results as
these. Virginia has a more'congenial
climate than New York for all the em
ploymonta of labor—she has bettor
land and vastly more mineral wealth
in the bowels of her " sacred soil :"
A harbor that is little behind that of
New York; and yet see how the one
has outstripped the other in all the
arts of civilized life ! And this is only
a sample of the comparison that might
be instituted between the statistics of
any free and slave state, showing the
same kind of results. These differenc
es in the progress of the North and
South, commencing with the state of
things existing under their colonial
condition, and tracing it down to any
given point of time after the abolition
of slavery in the Northern States—
could not and did not fail to be obser
ved by Mr. Calhoun and his coadjutors,
but being determined to preserve the
institution Of slavery, they were un
willing to let the-masses
know the true causes of the differenc
es in the career of the free and slave
States, and being determined to be
separated from a connection under
which the evil working of the slave
system was, by comparison, becoming
more and more apparent every day,
they made the very inequality tracea
able to that system, the ground for
their application of the principle of
" equality " amongst the States. They
charged this inequality to the action
of the National Government and the
tariff laws passed by Congress and
sanctioned by it. They sounded the
alarm upon this theme—showed that
in our colonial condition, statistics
placed the South ahead of the North
in all the trade and commeece of the
colonies—and then they exhibited the
reverse conditioq muler the National
Governmeht, careful however, not to
state the fact that slavery had exist
ed in all the colonies at the time to
which reference was made. Thevice in
their own system being charged upon
the Government, and the Southern
mind worked up to the point of resist-
ance, then they invoked the State
rights doctrines of 1798 as the remedy.
This was disclosed and assumed first
in the great debate between Daniel
Webster and Senator Hayne, of South
CarJlina, Mr. Calhoun then being Vice
President and bating no right to speak
on the floor of the Senate, Mr. Ilityne,
a very talented man, was put forward
as the champion understood, (as assor
ted by Mr. Benton,) to be speaking
the opinions and doctrines of the for
mer. That debate took place in 1829,
the next year after the passage of the
tariff bill of 1828, and in it the doc
trine of nullification was first publicly
announced. In the course of that de
bate, Mr. Rayne said : " The gentle
man has called upon us to carry out
our scheme practically. Now, sir, if I
am correct in my view of this matter,
then it follows, of course, that the
right of a State being established, the
Federal Government is bound to acqui
esce in a solemn decision of a State,
acting in its sovereign capacity at least
so far ae to Make an appeal to the peo
ple for an amendment to the Censtita
tion. This solemn decision of a Statb,
made either through its Legislature, or
a Convention, as may be supposed. to
be the proper organ of its sovereign
will, a point I do not propose now to
disease, binds the Federal Government
under the highest constitutional obli
gation not to resort to any means of
coercion against the citizens of the
dissenting State." It will be seen
here, that paramount sovereignty is
claimed for it State, and that in a con
flict of power and jurisdiction, the Na
tional Government must yield. That
is the very creed of the rebels in the
present rebellion. Mr. Webster con
elusivelydisprnVed this doctrine, so
destructive, if true, of the nationality
of the Government of the Union. Ho
:treted that the doctrine had no found
atione,
either in the, Constitution or in
the Virginia resolutiege-:—that the
•Constitution makes the Federal Gov
ernment an upon eflizens* Within 'the
States, 'and nab apon the Slates thdln.-
delves—that 'Withia their Constitution
al limits the laws of Congress were
supreme, and s pat it was treasonable
to resist therit'With' force: Further
, snoio. that thC , I 'i lion of their con-
NM=
(tti ~
~.10•-x)roi.,1. •
,- - :-0'.:,:1e.
~
stitutionality was to be decided by the
Supremo Court.
I have shown the wicked design con
ceived; tho cunning means adopted to
cover it up in the disguises of popular
political Democratic doctrines; the
means used to operate upon tho popu
lar heart at the South,—to prepare for
the plunge to be made whenever cir
cumstances were propitious. I have
also shown the motive governiiig the
purpose, that is to say, a cbnviction on
the part of the conspirators that with
out the abolition of slavery, they could
not compete with the enterprise of the
North under its system of froo labor
—their determination not to give up
slavery because the system was so
congenial to their aristocratic instincts
and tastes, and their consequent pur
pose.to be under a government bused
upon slavery, unmixed with any ele
ment of freedom to contrast with the
results of the system of slavery. We
are now prepared to witness an open
demonstration of their treasonable
purpose. I have stated that the con
tingency, (the disjointing of the Demo
cratic party in the election of Mr. Ad
ams,) had happened when the treason
was to be consummated. The meas
ures were in progress.during the term
of Lis Presidencythe Ilayne and
Webster debate enunciated the princi ,
pie (a Democratic principle) upon
which the act was to be justified, and
then in 1832 we have the act itself—
the act of a sovereign. State in Con
vention assembled, adopting an ordi-
nanee declaring her purpose to resist
the enforumnent, of the revenue lavis of
the United States of the 29th May,
1828, and the 1-Ith July,' 1882. It de
elaredP that the people of Smith Car
olina will maintain the said Ordinance
at every hazard;
,and that they will
consider the passage of, any act of
Congress for closing the ports of the
said State, or otherwise obstructing
the froo ingress or egress of vessels to
and from the said ports, or any other
act of the Federal Government to co
erce the State, shut up her ports, de
stroy or harass her commerce, or to
enforce the said acts otherwise than
through the civil tribunals of the coun
try, as inconsistent with the longer con
tinuance of South Carolina in the Uni
on ; and that the people of the said State
will thenceforth hold themselves absolved
from all further obligation to maintain
or preserve their political connexion with
the people of the other States, and will
FORTIIWITU proceed to organise a separ
ate Government, and do all other acts
and things which sovereign and indepen
dent States mat, of right do." In this
orq - mance is incorporated the same
pervading idea which characterizeS the
present or second rebellion. • No" coer
cion " of the people of a sovereign
State. It was called nullification to be
consummated by secession if interfered
with by the Federal Government. It
was secession initiate. This ordinance
was based upon Mr. llayne's doctrine
of State rights, drawn from the Dem
ocratic resolutions of 1798, and which
in effect denies the sovereignty and
destroys the nationality of the U. S.
Government. It is the same doctrine
that caused Virginia to take such
high ground-in regard to the sacred
ness of her soil in the commencement
of the rebellion now in progress.
General Jack46n, then President of
the United States, crushed in the bud
the first rebellion founded upon this
doctrine, by his prompt and decisive
action, as the second might have been
crushed in the beginning by James
Buchanan. But he, unfortunately, by
thc non-oriTicm part of his annual
message, gave encoura ,, ' ement to the
rebels to go on with their' secession
proceedings. In President Jackson's
proclamation to the people of South
Carolina, dated the 11th December,
1832, (amongst other things) ho said :
" Did we pledge ourselves to the sup
port of an airy nothing—a bubble that
must be blown away by the first breath
of disaffection ? Was this self-de
stroying visionary theory the work
of the profound statesmen, the exalt
ed pctriots, to whom the task of consti
tutional reform was intrusted ? Did
the name of Washington sanction, did
the States deliberately ratify such an
anomaly in the history of fundamen
tal legislation ?"
The attitude which South Carolina
had thus assumed, lod.to Congressional
legislation, to wit : to the passage of
the " Force to enable the Presi
dent to exert all the pdworof the Gov
ernment necessary to compel obedi
ence to the laws, and a compromise
tariff bill was passed with a view to
satisfy the'South, by which the protec
tive principle was gradually abandon
ed,' until the duties Were 'brought
down' to' a horizontal one of twenty
per cont. Mr. Clay introduced and
carried this bill through as a peace
offering.' These measures and Gen.
Jackson's energetic and determined
course in reference to the nullification
proceedings of South Carolina, put a
stop to their further prosecution at
that time. The roar of the old lion
in the way, drove back the conspira
tors for the time being; but the treas
onable purpose was never abandbno'd.
They only changed their tactics—
transferred in an insiduous way, as
circumstances &Um time td time ram
bled them to de; the furor• which
they had gotten up against the tariff,
td the slavery question. - Mr: Calhoun
had got back into the Senate and took
part in the discussions which' sprung
up on the force and compromise 'tariff
bills. In those discussions ho' intro
duced three resolutions, entitled "lieso
lotions on the poWors of tho Govern
ment." 'Mr. Benten, in giving a his
tory of the transaction, said : "It was
in the'discussion Of the resolutions and
the kindroirstibjebts of the 'force bill,'
andthe "revenue collection bill,' that
Mr. Calhoun first publicly revealed
the source from which he obtained the
seminal idea of nullification as a rem-
gR1 3 11 1 !!Ml!MP'TW;Irl
TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance.
ody in a government. The Virginia
resolutions of 98 and 99 were the as
sumed source of the , power itself as
applicable to mix Federal and State
Governments." 1 Ben ton's 30 years in
the Senate, 335. In the discussions on
those same bills, Mr. Benton said (1
Benton, 340, 341) "ho revealed a
glimpse of his purpose to inaugurate a
slavery agitation, there being none, in
existence at that time. It was revealed
in theSe ambiguous words of his speech
the contest (between the North and
the South) will, in fact, be a contest
between power and liberty. •
"Such he considers the present; a
contest in which the weaker section
with its peouliarlabor, prOduetions and
situation; has at stake all-that is dear
to freemen." "Hero, (says Mr. Benton,
a Southern man and a Democrat,)is a
distinct declaration that there was
then a contest between the two sec
tions of the Union, and that that con
test was between power and liberty,
in which the freedom and the slave
property of the South were at stake,','
(1 Benton, 341.)
In this same speech Mr. Calhoun
discloses the true ground of the feigned
dissatisfaction of the South with their
government, and. with the northern
people—and the real ground ors which
they based - their purpose of breaking
up-the government as soon as they
had reaped all the benefits from it
which an Unsuspicious and forbearing
people would sanction. It discloses
in an anibigtfous form the same, pur
pose to rule or ruin which was indica
ted to .
Commodore Stewart in 1812
11e 'said Every Southern man- true
'to the interests of his section, and faith
ful to tho duties which Providence has.
allotted him, will bo'forover excluded
from the- honor and - emolamtints' of
this government which will' be re
served for those only who have quali
fied thismselves,hypolitical prostitution,
for admission into the Magdalen Asy
lum." Mr. Bentonlircom menthig upon
this language said " this was bitter,
and while revealing his own feelings
at the prospect of his own failure for
'the presidency (which from the bright-.
noss of the noonday sun was diming
down to the obscurity of dark, night),
was at the same time, unjust, and -con
tradicted by all history, proviotis and
subsequent, of our national elections
and by this own,history in connection
with them. Theo North had supported
Southern mon for President, a long
succession of thent-L-and even twice
concurred in dropping a Northern
President at the end of a single term,
and taking a Southern in his place.
He himself. had had psoofssso
good frOinthe'North in his two
elections to'tho Vico-Presidency." * *
Mr. Benton further commenting said
" It was evident then, that the protective
tariff was not the sole, or the main cause
of the South Carolina discontent; TUAT
NULLIFICATION AND SECESSION were to
CONTINUE, though their ostensible cause
ceased ; that resistance was to continue on
a NEW (AROUND upon the same principle,
while a new and impassible point was at
tained. , This was declared by Mr. Cal
houn in his place , on the day of the
passage of the Compromise" bill', and
on hearing that the " force bill " had
finally passed the House' of [Mpresen
tatives. "-1. Benton, 341. Ina speech
delivered on that day he said, speaking
of the "force bill," " If the measure he
acquiesced in, it will be the termination
of that long controversy which began
in the convention, and which has been
continued under Various fortunes until
the present day. But it ought not—
it will not—it cannot be acquiesced in,
unless the South is dead to the sense of
her liberty, and blind to those dangers
whiciisurround and menace them; she nev
er will cease resistance until the act is
erased from the Statute Book."
What dangers MENACED the South
when that speech was made? The
" compromise ' bill for a gradual re
duction of the tariff ditties, and for
strikin ,, down Northern interests, be
cause the "menacing" attitude of
the South, had just been-passed. No
agitation on the subject of slavery had
been inaugurated except what Mr. Cal
houn himself was endeavoring:to ini
tiate. Then I ask again what dangers
menaced the south? None on earth
but those must naturally and
logically flour' fiom their own system
of slave labor (under which it was c'l/4e
grading to work) in contrast with the
results of the qp , Posite system of free
labor where men rise to posts of honor,
dignity and wealth, by the workman
ship of their own hands. Under the
ono system the mon who labor, aro re
garded as the very lowest stratum—
the amudnills," of society, whilst under
the other, the laboring man, according
to the manner in which ho 'conducts
himself, is elevated to the highest po
sitions of respectability - and honor,
both socially and politically. Mr. Cal
holm was too good a thinker not to see
these differences of results, but the
aristocracy (always connected with any
system of slavery) of which ho seemed
to be proud . in 1812, had too potent
charms for hint and 'those with whom
ho acted, to allow them to cherish any
ether form for the organisation of socie
ty than that which was based upon sla
very. But he saw that the political
power of the South, which had ruled
the government,' throughout almcis2t,
the entire term of its 'existence, nindt,,
in the natural course of things, be: 're
laxed that the North under its syotein
of frdo labor was advitneing, in papu
ltition, wealth and Material pissgress
in all the arts of civilized life: . while
the South "index its system, was either
at 'a . etand Sir receding. The'idea of
yielding the hold upon the 'pOliticril
power of the government Which South!
ern politicianS had been 'aecustothed
to enjoy, 'was too distasteful 'to' Him
and his school of politicians to be sub
mitted to; but they could see no hope
of retaining their accustomed predom-
Mating influence whißt the NOrth
THE 0-I_lOl3M
JOB PRINTING OFFICE.
T" "GLOBE : JOB , is
the meet complete of may lu the oonutq, and pelt
sepses the meet ample facilities foe &moistly exeLtttleg
the best style, every yariety of JO rriutlazontai ad •
HAND BILLS, -
pRoqRAINES,
• BLANKS,
I'USTERS,
CARPS,
CIRC A.R.§.,
.BALIi TIGEETIF,
BILL LLEAMI;
LABELS, &0., &C., ctC.
NO. 21.
aut. AND sx..utcp 1173CDCSAII 07 Irnna,
AT LEWIS'
,BOOT, STATIONIDIT & SEUSIC Bromt.
was so rapidly advancing under olio
system and they making no progress' .
under the other. They saw that to'
keep pace with, it slavery must be
abandoned, and their, aristocracy fall,
with it, and rather than submit to •
such an alternative their ambition led .
them to desire the blessings Of a Golet
ernment based entirely upon 'slavery,
where there would be no conflicting el:
ements of progress 'or its oppoSito for
political economists„ to speculate upon.
k great SOuthern . Confederacy ,
the chorished object Of.their
To accomplish' this ; • the area 'of ' Slave r
ry must' be extended. Upon any ground'
'upon which ,the ingenuity, or sophis:i
try:of its' advocates ,could
' The Southern mindhad - to b
schooled and educe.tettin the theciritui'
of the conspirators, as to the nature of.
the,, relations existing between .the
State and National
,Governments.—:,
The secession doctrines were to 'be
found deeply imbedded amongst the
leading principles of_ the Demoeratici
party. Indeed, nullifleatior and.
sa
cession were to be inculcated
vely• - warp,and woof of Domocraey.- 7 --:,
The principle 'was to 'be 'established ,
that,.under the ConStitution,''tlici'ina!"
tional •Governnient - had :no' .. -
.
power, no.ipherent energy, no ' powdr ':•
to preserVe . itself against State action ) 1 ,
that all sovereignty was in the States,
and the mere form of it in the general -
Government.' Having these supposed .
truths fixed and fastened .upon- th 4
'public mind, all the arts of, sophistty
were to bo pAt in regnisition*
tunities might'occitr 'in thdprogross pf
events, AO 'inflame and :poison that
mind against the ; Government And'
against Northern men.
[To ,bo eoulinued.]
Thankagiitig Pay, in
,Pienilayliz4a.
HARRISBURG, Oct. 21.•:-TheGovernoi
'has i6sued the following, firoelatnation
In the nano and y the authority,
of the doramditAill It of I",enusytya'7,
nia, Andfeverr:"Ctirtiu,' Qoyernor
the saitl'OonitnqnTitilth, *'"' "`" •
A PIZOOLAMATION.
. , .
WHEREAS, it ison, gooil' thing to real:'
derlhanks unto Ged'ilir all his me'rey';' :
and loving kindness; therefore;!
- I, Andrew G. Curtin„ Governor, of„
the Commonwealth, 'of l i ennsylvinia,
do, recommend that Thiu 4 SdaY, { thti
day of Nilyeirnber ' W4,l' he% set '
ottlas'PointnonWetiltlii'
as a day of solomn P ; i•ayer and:Thanks:.
giving to the Almighty—giving,Hira
humble thanks that ho has been
clone' • leased tc.ll,protect our
NC tutiens an . 43oVernmelit, and- stbi
keep us from sickness and pestilence— '
and to cause tho earth - to
,bring, forth,
her increase, so that our garner? ,are -
choked with the harvest audio rank -
so 'favorably on the toil of His'child
'ron, that industry has thriven:among
us, and labor has its reward; and 'also
that Ho has delivered us frorn
hands of our enemies, and filled' 'Air
officers and men in the field , with's
loyal and intrepid' sPirit;','and giy,htt,
them victory—and that ho has poured
out upon' As (albeit unworthy) other
great and manifold blessings.
Beseeching Himto holvand govern
us in his steadfast fear,and love,'
to put into our minds good desiresr, so „
that by his continual help wo may ,
biiko a right judgmentin-all things;
,‘
and especially, praying' hirh to give-td
Christian Churches grace' to hate tlid
thing which is evi, and to utter the
1 teachings of truth' and righteousness,
declaring openly the whole counsel - of.
God; and most heartily entreating
Rita to bestow upon our civil rulers
wisdom, and earnestness, and counsel,
and 'upon our military leaders =Land- •
vigor in action,' that the fires of rebel
lion may be quenched—that we, heing
armed with His defence, may e pre=
served from all perils, and that -here
after our people, living in peace 'and
quietness, may, fi.'nm generation' to
generation, reap the abundant fruits Of
His mercy, and with joy and - thank . -
,ftilnesS, 'and' magnify his bolt',
name. ' - '• • •
Given under my hand and the groat
seal of'tho State, at Ilari . if , ,b,firg, this
fwcintieth day of gabber, in tho •
year of our LOyclon6thoiisjind eight
hundred and •13ixtY-two,' the
Commonwealth,' the'eightpsoventh.
ANDREW G. CURTIN:
tho Governor.
Jo:
ELI $l4 - pzu,
Secretary of tho Cothmoniyealth
Coon.—An Eastern paper has this in,
cident of the retreat of the 10th Maine,
in General Banks' column:
Mr. Small tells iL good' Story, which
shows that, although the men wore re. ,
treating, they wore not very mnbli
scared or thrown • off
,their gtat l / 4 1.—L,
One of the lienton4hts in the 10th;
(Lieuiena4 Binndy,' we, believo,) nd
tieed pioco otsqap lying on tho road.
side 'in the midst orthe retreat, and
rernarked to a man noar, him that ho
would probably he pretty dirty boforo
ho should get throu4h, ;Ind should need
it.: Stooping to pill; it up a shell
burst in his 11}co and'"eyes, almost bu
ying him in rmid l and dirt. His Corn
ranions looked aghast, supposing that
nothing but a mangled corpse' would
be dug one' What was their surprise;
however, on the smoke clearing away;
to see the lieutenant peer out throng};
the dirt, and holding up his soap, cool:
ly exclaim, " Well, boys, darned if T.
s4an't need this soap !" • , L
ger, An old sailor tl . r t ising through
grayoyard saw on ' one of the tomb
stdneg, " I still live." It was too much
for .Tack, shifting 'his quid, ho ejacula
ted, " Well, I've heard say that there
are cases in which a man may live, but
if I was 'dead, I'd own it.
ItEt - It is bettor to consider our own
feelings before we (!engrire those at
e(!_,ers.
'rti 'w.~
=!3
11