be estimated. The South asserts that
negro slaves are indispensable to her.
That is only so far true, that she does
absolutely need hired negro workmen,
and ought not to be deprived of them.
Her agriculture would for a time be
ruined without them. But no good
man desires a settlement under which
any section of our country would be
et•en temporarily ruined.
Nor can it be doubted that the
South, however strong her prejudices
and traditions in favor of owning her
laborers, has herself been brought, by
the perils of the hour, to think serious
ly of a change of system, as the only
means left her to obtain aid and com
fort from Europe. Nor can all her
leaders be wholly blind to the fact,
that such a change of system would
advance, in the end, beyond calcula
tion, her material prosperity.
Suppose a declaration, to the effect
that the Government, urged by the ne
cessity of self-preservation, takes, at a
fair valuation, the slave property of
the South. Will such a declaration
cause a negro insurrection and indis
criminate assassination of the whites
throughout the slave States? The re
sult, so far, has clearly shown that the
negro, mild and long-suffering, and of
ten attached to his owner, is little dis
posed to resist under an organization
of his own. Once assured of freedom,
ho will gradually join our cause—that
is all. He can be hired as loborer or
soldier, which may seem fit—payment
being made for him, if his master
proves to be loyal, and his services be
ing confiscated if these are due to a
rebel. In all this we are clearly in
our right.
Look now at the question in its for
eign aspect. under the chances of Eu
ropean intervention. Be those chan
ces great or small, intervention may
occur, and that ere long.
If it occurs, its character will chiefly
depend upon what shall have been the
antecedent action of our Government
inregard to slavery.
If, previously to such intervention,
we shall have issued a general declar
ation of emancipation, then we shall
stand before Europe as the champions
of human liberty, while our enemies
will be regarded as the advocates of
human servitude. Public opinion in
England, in France and throughout
Europe, generally, will then prevent
the respective Governments from in
tervening, except it be in our favor.—
No European Government dare place
itself in the attitude of a slave protec
tor.
If, on the contrary, we shall have
left the issue as it now stands, our pol
icy indicated only by the Confiscation
act, not broadly and boldly announced,
and more especially if the South, de
spairing of saving her favorite institu
tion, concedes, as the price of foreign
recognition and support, a voluntary
system of gradual emancipation—not
at all an unlikely move—then the sym
pathy of public opinion throughout
Europe will be with the South, and
will sustain any action in her favor.
Think, too, in such an event, how
false our position ! how low we shall
have fallen in the eyes of the world !
bow unenviable the place we shall oc
cupy in history through all time!
It is idle gasconade to say that, thus
situated, we can defy Europe. Let
the South, by conceding emancipation,
_r-lannrw-thrk .cympat.ll37 nnil t lin pArrn
nent services of her four millions of la
borers, without action of ours; then
throw into the scale against us the
thirty millions of England, the forty
millions of France—and who shall say
how many tens of millions besides:L
and what chance for success, or for re
putation, shall we have, struggling for
nothing nobler than self-existence, in
equivocal attitude before the world,
matched against opponents who shall
have forestalled us and assumed the
initiative of progress?
While the contest assumes no high
er character than that of a portion of
a great nation desiring a separation
from the mother country and forcibly
casting off its authority, what more
sympathy can we expect from Europe
than we ourselves gave to Spain when
she lost Mexico, or to Mexico when
Texas struck for independence. Until
the issue is changed, so that the great
question of human liberty becomes in
volved in it, we must expect from Eu
ropean powers at the best only indif
ference; coupled, probably, with the
feeling that asMexico succeeded against
Spain, and Texas against Mexico, so
will a Southern Confederacy finally
maintain itself against us.
That a declaration of emancipation
was not issued a year ago, I do not re
gret. Great changes must mature in
public opinion before they can be safe
ly carried out. Extreme measures, to
be justified' and to be effectual, must
often be preceded by long tried concil
iation. Yet in national emergencies it
may be as dangerous to disappoint as
to anticipate public opinion. And I
confess my fears for the result, if deci
sive measures are longer delayed.
Stand where we are we cannot; and
to go on is less dangerous than to re
trace our steps. We ought never to
have proposed emancipation with
compensation to loyal slave owners,
nor declared to the disloyal, as by law
we have, that their slaves shall be lib
erated without compensation, if we did
not intend' to follow out the policy we
commenced. We have incurred the
odium ; let us reap the benefit.
For do I perceive how we can free
the slaves of rebels, yet reasonably ex
pect to retain slavery in the border
States, even in case they persist in re
fusing the offer of the President. Hav
ing intervened so far, extirpation of
slavery, the only effectual policy, be
comes the safest also.
All men in the North will not ac
quiesce. Neither did all acquiesce
when the war was commenced, yet
who that is loyal opposes it now ?
And what would have been the result
had we waited, ere we commenced the
war, for unanimity ?
Some will fall off. So be it ! There
is small loss in that. And there is sonic
gain. Better an open enemy than a
worthless friend. It is time that men
were taking sides. As things now
stand I see no use in conciliating the
half loyal. Ho who is not for us is
against us.
I think the people are ready. I be
lieve that the loyal citizens of the
North, with such small proportion of
exceptions as in radical national chan
ges must be disregarded, aro to-day
prepared for emancipation. They have
paid for it in treasure in blood; not by
their option. They feel that the sac
rifices they have made, and have still
to make, are too vast to have been in
curred, except in purchase of a great
pledge of perpetual safety and peace.
Reflecting men feel, too, that such a
pledge is a national, not merely a
Northern, necessity. Tho South, ex
hausted and suffering, needs it•to the
full as much as we. She will soon
see, if she does not already, that two
parts of one nation, or even two coter
minous nations, can never again exist
in amity on this continent,•one slave
and the other free. She cannot but
see that fugitive slave law difficulties,
if no others existed, would suffice to
prevent this.
It is not the question whether a pa
per declaration, easily issued, will or
will not be followed by a thousand
practical difficulties. The uprooting
of an ancient and gi g antic abuse al
ways involves such. Nor should we
be called upon to predict in advance
(for who can entirely foresee ?) how
each of these will ultimately be solved.
The true question is, whether greater
difficulties, even insuperable ones, do
not beset any other policy. Pressed
home as we are, to avoid obstacles is
impossible. We can but select the
least formidable. The lives of the best
of us are spent in choosing between
evils.
When dangers surround us, wo must
walk, in a measure, by faith. Let us
do what we can, and leave to God the
issue. Wo may best trust to Him
when we enter his path of progress.—
He aids those who walk iu it.
I feel assured that final success awaits
us in pursuing such a path. And I
see no other road out of the darkness.
ROBERT DALE OWEN.
New York, July 23, 1862.
LATEST NEWS.
A Battle at Baton Rouge.
The latest account says the strength
of the rebel troops is variously estima
ted at from 5,000 to 15,000, under Gen
erals Lovell and Brbckinridge. The
combat was obstinate. Our loss is
250 killed, including a large propor
tion of officers. The rebel loss, accord
ing to the statement of the prisoners
taken, was immense. Among the kil
led of the rebels, the name of General
Clark is reported.
General Advance to Rapidan River
CULPEPER C. H., Aug. 17.-1 o'clock
P. M.—A general advance towards the
Rapidan river commenced this morn
ing. If the rebels intend to dispute
our passage to Orange Court house,
they will probably endeavor to drive
us back.
No intelligence of any fight has
reached here up to this hour.
Evacuating Harrison's Landing.
FORTRESS MoNaoE, Aug. 16.—Harri
son's Landing was evacuated by the
Union troops this morning, at about
the same hour, Gen. McClellan's ad
vance arrived at Williamsburg.
All was quiet, and all the public prop
erty had been safely removed.
A Battle at Clarenden
MEMPHIS, TENN., Aug. 15.—Reports
from White River say, that General
Hovey's division had a fight on Mon
day near Clarendon, Arkansas. The
reiterat "wet,o wusiocett of bi.N. regi
ments of Infantry, and the Rebel force
of eight regiments of Cavalry and a
part of General Hindman's brigade.—
The battle raged fiercely for sonic
time with destructive effect on both
sides, but resulted in the defeat of the
rebels, and the capture of seven hundred
prisoners. No further particulars have
been received.
The War in Tennessee
NASIIVILLE, Aug. 17.--Two Federal
couriers were captured by the gueril
las nine miles south of the city, last
night. Their despatches and horses
were taken from them, when they
were released. They report a large
force under Starns, north of Murfrees
boro'.
The rebel Morgan made another
raid into Gallatin, . - irenn. It is repor
ted that the dwellings of Unionists
were fired,*and Union men hung.
A party of the First Tennessee Cav
alry undertook to surround a rebel
houSe six miles from Nashville, last
night, rind captured the occupants,
but were fired upon from the windows
and by guerillas in the woods and
obliged to retreat. They came in, re
porting a force of 7,000 rebels near
the city. The troops were under arms
all night, and cannon planted to de
stroy the city on the first approach of
the enemy.
The following from the Philadelphia
City Item, edited by Col. Fitzgerald,
an influential Democrat, is plain talk,
and will hit deservedly hard some pre
tended Union men in this county :
OUR, OWN TBAITORS.—We should be
more successful in fighting our ene
mies in the South, if we were more en
ergetic in dealing with their friends in
the North. Since McClellan's repulse
before Richmond the Secessionists in
the free States, the secret, agents of the
Confederacy, have been active day and
night in their traitorous attempts to
discourage the people. These men
are not numerous, but they aro influ
ential; they corrupt the Legislature;
they poison the press; they dissemi
nate damnable sentiments of despon
dency in every possible way. They
must be silenced, and they snArr. be,
for the people begin to understand
them. "
" These traitors arc cowardly.—
They say the war is an abolition war.
This is a lie. They tell the people
that the Government is not to be trust
ed. Another lie.' In their newspaper
organs is never to be found one word
in censure of the rebellion, but col
umns denouncing the Administration,
which is, in fact, denunciation of the
country. In time of war, the Govern
ment and the nation are one and the
same thing. Destroy the Govern
ment, and the country goes with it.
"At present these traitors work
hard to prevent enlistments. Thous
ands of men in Pennsylvania would
before this day have enthusiastically
enrolled themselves in the noble army
of the Republic, bad it not been for
the lies and advice of these
traitors. In Philadelphia there aro
systematic efforts made to keep men
away from the recruiting offices.—
Every officer in the new regiments
forming feels that his energies aro
chilled by a secret and disloyal influ
ence."
Ely 0510 t,
HUNTINGDON, PA
Tuesday afternoon, Aug. 19, 1862.
Our Flag Forever
"I know of no mode in which a loyal citi
zen may so well demonstrate his devotion to
his country as by sustaining the Flag, the
Constitution and the Union, under all circum
stances, and UNDER EVERY ADMINISTRATION,
REGARDLESS OF PARTY POLITICS, AGAINST ALL
ASSAILANTS, AT HOME AND ADROAD."-STEPREN
A. Dcami,As.
Another Partisan Ticket.
On Wednesday last a number of men
claiming to be the representatives of
the Democratic party of the county
met in the Court House, and after cal
ling Jacob Cresswell to the Chair, J.
Simpson Africa read a list of names
and moved that the gentlemen named
be admitted as delegates, which was
agreed to. Delegates were not requir
ed to present credentials of their elec
tion, which was the best evidence that
but few of them, if any, had received
the proper authority to act for the
party. We know that a majority of
the men who occupied seats as dele
gates had not been elected as such.—
They were brought together by a se
cret Circular issued by a few leaders in
this place whose main purpose was to
nominate some men fbr office who
could not have received a nomination
if one half of the Democratic party
had participated in the choice of Delo
a
bates•
The first business in order was the
nomination ofa candidate for Congress.
11. Bruce Petrikin and John Scott,
Esqs., were nominated. It is proper
here to state that Mr. Scott was not a
candidate for nomination for any office,
and yet he received 21 votes. Mr.
Petrikin having received a majority of
the votes was declared nominated. A
motion was then made and sustained
by the enemies of Mr. Scott, nominating
him for the Senate, which he declines,
as will be seen by referring to his let
ter in to-clay's Globe.
Samuel 11. Bell, of Sh rleysbu rg, was
nominated for Assembly ; David Cald
well, of Huntingdon, for Sheriff; John
Commill, of Porter, for Co. Commis
sioner; Michael Star, of Dublin, Di
rector of the Poor ; 3. B. Carothers, of
Franklin, for Auditor; It. Milton Spoor,
of Huntingdon, for Prosecuting Attor
ney, and John Noss, of Tell, for Co.
Surveyor.
This ticket was placed in nomina
tion
,hy the influence of men wo would
not trust in any public position. Men
who declare openly their friendship
for the cause of the Rebels are not fit
associates for loyal Democrats. We
cannot support any ticket or any man
accepting a nomination from Rebel
sympathizers.
TILE CONSTITUTION.—For SOMC time
we have been reading with care the
columns of several of the most prom
inent papers of the State claiming to
be the leading organs of the Demo
cratic party, but we have yet to find
in any of them that evidence of loy
alty to our Government the people
have a right to look for from presses
making so very loud professions. We
have yet to see in any of them any
other than the kindest brotherly feel
lings for the traitors who are attempt
ing to destroy our country. And yet
they deny being secession sympathis
ers. Since the adjournment of Con
gress, these, and other party presses of
the same school, have kept up the dis
cussion of the " eternal nigger ques
tion" with more bitterness than it was
discussed by the Abolitionists while
Congress was in session. The "nigger"
and the Constitution appears to be their
only "stock in hand." They would
sooner the Government should be de
stroYed and our homes made desolate,
than that a negro should be set at lib
erty, or the Constitution understood
different from their notions. Such a
position has already cost us the lives of
tens of thousands of our best men, and
millions of treasure. The time is past
for discussing any other than the ono
important question,---"SnALL TILE Gov-
ERNMENT I3E SAVED ?" This is the ques
tion that must come home to the heart
of every man,, and he who hesitates, to
give the Government an unconditional
support, cannot expect to be considered
truly
No POISONING IN CAMP CURTIN.-
Post Surgeon Wilson at Camp Curtin,
issued the following card on Saturday
last :
A CARD.
CAMP CURTIN, llosrrrAL DEPT.,
August, 16. 1862.
Reports having been circulated to
the affect that several men had been
poisoned at Camp Curtin by eating
pies, containing strychnine, and that
they had died from its effects, I deem
it only just to state, that there is no
foundation in fact or circumstance for
this rumor. There has not been a sin
gle death in camp, or any sickness
but a few mild cases of cholera morbus,
caused by eating unripe fruit or vege
tables, since the gathering of the re
cruits now iu camp.
J. P. WILSON,
Post Surycon Camp Curtin.
lluynxonos, Aug. 15th, 1862
Ma. LEWIS.—I am informed by per
sons who were present during the sit
ting of the Democratic Convention,
which met in this place on Wednesday
last, that I was placed in nomination by
that body for the office of State Senator,
with power to appoint Conferees to
meet the other Conferees of the Di:3-
trict. No member of the Convention
asked my consent, or intimated to me
his intention to introduce my name as
a candidate for that position. A gen
tleman whom I believe to be my per
sonal friend, did inform me that he had
been instructed to vote for me for Con
gress, and asked me whether I desired
to be nominated. I informed him, very
decidedly that I did not. This was all
that was said to me about introducing
my name for any purpose in that Con
vention. It was used without author
ity, and as I have not been asked by
the official organs of the body, whether
I will accept the position in which I
was placed by its action, I take the
only means left,an announcement thro'
the public press, to say that I will not
accept it. I will not appoint Conferees
as requested, I will not accept a party
nomination if tendered, and I state
briefly why :
The facts attendant upon the Con
vention : The fact that it assembled in
answer to circulars sent out by indi
viduals, and without any published
call of the Chairman of the County
Committee : The fact, stated, I am in
formed, by one of the members, in open
convention, that in many townships no
delegate elections were held, and most
of them were self-constituted delegates;
The fact that my nomination was in
sisted upon against the protest of those
who said they-were my friends; these,
and the respect duo to my friends,
would in ordinary times, even if I de
tired political position, be sufficient to
make me hesitate about accepting a
nomination proffered under such cir
cumstances. But these are extraordi
nary times, I have no aspirations for
place or power, and these reasons are
not worth either consideration or dis
cussion while others of greater impor
tance exist.
I do not accept this party nomination
because I am opposed to party strife as
long as we are in the midst of this
wicked rebellion. Party contest can
neither aid in maintaing this war, nor
weaken the rebels. On the contrary
it must weaken and divide loyal men,
and give strength to treason. Is not
this manifest?
I will not go back to examine the
causes, alleged by partizans on either
side, of this rebellion. It is enough
for me to know that we have a form
of Constitutional Government which
protects every right, and remedies eve
ry wrong in a peaceful, legal; - and ef
fectual manner; OW; traitors have rais
ed the arm of revolt against its author
ity; have marshhiod hosts of armed
men not only to re:: , ist, but to destroy
it, and that at the present hour we aro
engaged in a bloody struggle for its ex
istence. Shall this Government be
preserved or destroyed ? That is the
issue we are trying, and it is being
tried; I , ;',:t by discussions of heated par
tizans, not by the intemperate invec
tives of a political press, but by the
ordeal of 'moo% Rebels have forced
the ordeal upon us—they fired the first
gun, and put the Government in a po
sition which compelled it either to up
hold its authority or acknowledge its
impotence. It is the only ordeal
which will settle the issue. This is
painfully evident to us. The weeping
eyes and the sorrowing hearts that
have been in our streets and homes
during the last ten days; the separa
tions we have witnessed; the gallant,
honored men, who early in the
war, and recently have left us, and
now aro enduring the toils and
privations of a soldier's life, the lists
of dead, and sick, and wounded we
have scanned, all these tell us this is
no were party contest we are engaged
in, that it is a contest of blood. It is
one in which the loyal heart of the na
tion espouses one side, the disloyal the
other. These are the parties in that
contest. Now if our hearts all go with
the brave defenders of the nation's flag
and honor, while they aro fighting tin
der one banner in the field, what need
have we for two at home; what good
can be accomplished bydivision ? I can
see no good which can result from a
party contest at this time, but much
evil. Let any candid man look at it
dispassionately and snit) what it must
result.
Tako up two papers of opposite po
litical parties. Instead of discussing
the differences of political principle
which divide parties, they are occupied
in the effort to put each other in false
positions with regard to the Govern
ment and the war. I have before me
illustrations of this. A late number of
the Bedford Gazette calls the Confer
ence which nominated lion. Edward
McPherson for Congress in that dis
trict, "an Abolition Congressional Con
ference." A late number of the Hun
tingdon Journal & American states that
a Convention of the "Anti-war Demo
cracy" of Blair county nominated Ar
chibald McAllister for Congress. It is
my pleasure to know both these gen
tlemen. Mr. McPherson went to this
war, whero the Abolitionist proper
never is found. He went into it as a
captain at the head of his company. A
more loyal man than Archibald McAl
lister,and one who hasdono more to sus
tain thegovernment and the war, does
notlivcin this district. And yet any rob
el who would get hold of those partisan
papers would inevitably be led to be
lieve that the people were divided in
to two hostile classes, the one Aboli
tionists, the other Secessionists; and
both opposed to, or disaffected towards
the Government. The Republican
partisan in his rancor, styles the whole
Democratic party as Secessionist or
Anti-war. The Democrat, with equal
bitterness, ranks all the Republicans
with Wendell Phillips and his fellow
traitors, who oppose the President and
his measures, because be observes Lis
official oath. Unacceptable, unpopu
lar, even, as the truth may be, it is a
truth which should be uttered, that
partisans, and political presses are by
these means misrepresenting and libel
ling the great body of the people of
this State. They are neither Aboli
tionists, nor Secessionists, in the pro
per sense of these terms. There may
bo an insignificant number of each, but
where they vow themselves they re
ceive the scorn which their treason
merits. And yet if we keep np polit
ical organizations through this trying
crisis, these misrepresentations go on,
despicable extremes are adopted as
characteristics of a whole people, men
become embittered, they who should
be united are divided, and a false color
! will be given to any result of an elec
tion. If a Republican be elected, the
Southern leader wilt say to his follow
ers, "there is no hope for justice in the
old Union, another 'Abolitionist' is
elected." If a Democrat is elected,
the same leader will say, " the 'Anti
war' party is successful, all we have to
do is to hold on a little longer for sep
aration, compromise, or a fight between
parties in the North," Thus, in either
event the partisan contest will end in
division at home, and aid and comfort
to the enemy. 'What is there to justi
fy or call for this? There is no politi
cal issue that can now be raised, which
will compare in importance with the
one I have stated. That is fundamen
tal and vital. All others are mere in
cidents and should be held subservient
to it. If we fail in that, not only will
parties fail, but the cause of Republi
can Freedom throughout the world will
go down in our fitilure.
The destruction of free Constitution
al Government will be a calamity which
will call forth the sorrow of suffering
and hoping humanity in all lands, and
be hailed with exultation by the mon
archs, nobles, and oppressors of the
world. It must not be. We must not
divide upon any minor question until
the rebellion is crushed ; the Govern
ment reinstated in its lawful authority,
and the Constitution and laws made
supremo over the whole Union. Divi
sion among twenty millions of people
must not enable seven or eight millions
to succeed against them. If it do, who
wishes to be one of the twenty mil
lions surviving? I trust such divisions
will, by the good sense of the people
be yet prevented. I have my decided
political convictions, and if political
issues must be forced upon us I will
meet them. If they cannot be prevented,
I will not consent to have my itanlC used
at this time, to make them. I would
rather invoke all men, whatever may
have been their past political differen
ces, or however they may expect to
differ in the future, to bury their dif
ferences, disband old political organi
zations, and unite as ono people, in this
deadly struggle fbr national existence.
Let us make public sentiment so strong,
so undivided in support of the army in
the field, and of the Government in its
measures to suppress rebellion, that
the man who betrays want of sympa
thy with either of them, will feel the
necessity of turning his face and trav
eling southward.
Our armies arc in the plain, and the
foe is drawn out to meet them. The
Government has called for more help,
and our picked nun are on their way
to join in the battle. Let there be no
discordant voice until the conflict is
over. Let it not be said that while the
battle was raging, Aaron held up one
hand of the ruler, while Ilur pulled
down the other, but let the whole peo
ple come up to his help; let us hold up
both his hands, and cry God speed to
the loyal hosts in strife, and with such
cause, and an united people we shall
soon rejoice in \letory. Until we shall
hove done this I have no heart for the
strife of party, and will take DO part
in it.
JOHN SCOTT
Yours, &c.,
Party Nominations.
Last week we gave the ticket nom
inated by the Republican or People's
Party's delegates, a majority of whom
were kept constantly under the lash
of the numerous candidates who came
to the Convention determined to rule
or ruin. A large number of the dele
gates who Were not under the immedi
ate control of the office-hunters, wore
opposed to making nominations, and
in the position they took, they were
sustained by the unanimous voice of
their party outside of the Convention
and by a very large majority of their
voters in every township in the county.
But the great mass of the voters were
nobody in the estimation of Dr. Orlady,
who was the loader of the radicals.—
The politicians bad, by hard labor, got
control of the Convention, and every
fair and honorable suggestion to unite
the loyal vote of the county upon a
Union Ticket was trampled under
foot.
In the so-called Democratic Conven
tion, an eftbrt was also made to ad
journ without making party nomina.
Lions; but Abram Cresswell took the
lead, and with the assistance of other
radicals, forced a nomination against
the wishes of a large number of dele
gates, and against the wishes of a
large majority of the party in the
county.
Will the Democratic party proper,
and the Republican or People's party,
submit to being made slav,s to men
whose highest ambition is political
strife and the spoils of office ?
We shall support no other than a
Union ticket, pledged to the Govern
ment and a vigorous prosecution of
the war.
We want to hear from every town
ship whether it is the desire of the loy
al people, irrespective of party, to have
a new and a strong ticket in the field.
We hope there may be no delay in an
swering the call. A bold and man
ly action will crush out all op
position to the will of the people.
All who are in favor of a call for a
Union County Convention to put in
nomination a - Union County Ticket,
will authorize us by letter or other
wise, to attach their names to a call.—
Let us hear from the people as early
as possible, that there may be a milled
action of all opposed to party strife and
party tickets at this time.
WAR NE- S.
Good News from Cumbarland
ME
The reported loss of 3,000 U. S. Troops
False.—The _Rebels Badly 11Thipped
at Tazewell, 'Penn.—The True Story
from Cumberland Gap.
Loursviux, Aug. IG.—Captain I. A.
Terry, Division Quartermaster, just
arrived from Cumberland Gap, •cvlrich
he left on the 12th, at noon, reports
that DeCoursey's brigade was attack
ed by Stevenson's rebel division on the
oth, at Tazewell, Tennessee, and that
Colonel Cochran, of the Fourteenth
Kentucky regiment, whipped four reb
el regiments. Cochran held his fire
until the enemy were within 150 yds.,
and checked their advance.
The Federal loss was fl killed and
15 wounded, and fifty-seven of the
Sixteenth taken prisoners. We took
a rebel Lieutenant-Colonel prisoner,
whom we exchanged for the 57 prison
ers.
The rebel officers admitted a loss of
250 killed and wounded. We took
213 wagon loads of forage and 70 hors
es. We lost the knapsacks of two re
giments.
- There has been no fight at Big
Creek Gap, as reported, nor any other
engagements in the vicinity of the Gap
or Tazewell than the foregoing. AU
the reports of the cutting to pieces of
General Carter's and Colonel Byrd's
forces by the rebels are utterly false.
General Morgan has thanked Be-
Coursey and Cochran for their gallan
try.
The Knoxville papers give a list of
109 rebels killed at Tazewell.
The Battle of Cedar Mountain
Official Despatch from Gen, Pope.
HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF VIRGINIA, 1
Cedar Mountain, August 13, 1562. j
To alajor-General Halleek, General-in
Chief
On Thursday morning , „ the enemy
crossed the Rapidan at Barnell's ford,
in heavy force, and advanced strongly
on the road to Culpeper and Madison
Court louse.
I had established my whole force on
the turnpike between Culpeper and
Sperryville, ready to concentrate at
either place as soon as the enemy's
plans were developed.
Early on Friday it became apparent
that the move on Madison Court IL
was merely a feint to detain the army
corps of General Sigel at Sperryville,
and that the main attack of the enemy
would be at Culpeper, to which place
I had thrown forward part of Banks's
and McDowell's corps.
Brig. General Bayard, with part of
the rear of McDowell's corps, who was
in advance near the Rapidan, fell slow
ly back, delaying and embarrassing
the enemy's ordnance as far as possi
ble, and capturing some of the men.
The force of Banks and Sigel and
one of the divisions of McDowell's
corps were rapidly concentrated at
Culpeper during Friday and Saturday
night. Banks' corps being pushed for
ward five miles south of Culpeper,
with Riekett's division of McDowell's
corps three miles in his rear.
The corps of Sigel, which had
marched all night, was halted in Cul
peper to rest for a few hours.
On Saturday the enemy advanced
rapidly to Cedar Mountain, the sides
of which they occupied in heavy force.
Gen. Banks was instructed to take
up his position on the ground occupied
by Crawford's brigade of his command,
which had been thrown oat the day
previous to observe the enemy's move
ments.
He was directed not to advance be
yond that point, and if attacked by
the enemy to defend his position and
send back timely notice.
Tt was my desire to have time to
give the corps of Sigel all the rest pos
sible after their forced intnich, and to
bring forward all the forces at my dis
posal.
The artillery of the enemy opened
early in the afternoon, but he made no
advance until nearly 5 o'clock, at
which time a few skirmishers were
thrown forward on each side under
cover of the heavy woods in which his
force was concealed. The enemy
pushed forward a strong force in the
rear of his skirmishers, and General
Banks advanced to the attack.
'he engagement did not fairly open
until 6 o'clock, but fbr ono and a half
hours was furious and unceasing.
Throughout the, cannonading, which
at first was desultory and directed
mainly against the cavalry, I had con
tinued to receive reports from General
Banks that no attack wds apprehend
ed, and that no considerable infantry
force of the enemy had come forward
yet.
Towards evening the increase in the
artillery firing having satisfied me
that an engagement might be at hand,
though the lateness of the hour ren
dered it unlikely, I ordered General
McDowell to advance Bickett's divi
sion to the support of Banks, and di--
rected General Sigel to bring his men
upon the ground as soon as possible.
I arrived personally on the field at
-7 o'clock P. M., and found the action
raging furiously-.
The infantry fire was incessant and
severe,
I found Hanks holding the position
he took early in the morning', The
osses were heavy.
Itickett's division rias immediately
pushed forward and occupied the right;
of Banks. The brigades of Crawford.
and Girden being directed to' change
their position from the right to' mass;
themselves in the centre.
Before this change could ho effected,
it was quite dark, though the artillery
fire continued at short range without
intermission.
The artillery fire was continued at=
night by the Second and Fifth Maine•
batteries in Rickett's Division.
Their fire was most destructive as
was readily observable the next morn
ing in the dead men and horses, and.
broken gun-carriages of the enemy's
batteries, which had been advanced
against it.
Our troops rested on their arms du
ring the night, in line of battle, the•
heavy shelling being kept up on both
sides until midnight.
At daylight the next morning the
enemy fell back two miles from our
front, and still higher up the mountain.
Our pickets at once advanced and oc
cupied the ground. The fatigue of
the troops from long marches and ex
cessive heat made it impossible for ei
ther side to resume the action on Sun
day.
The men were allowed to rest and
recruit the whole day. Our only ac
tive operations being on the enemy's
flank and rear.
Monday was spent in burying the
dead, and in getting off the wounded_
The slaughter was severe on both
sides, most of the fighting being hand
to hand.
The (lend bodies of both armies
were found mingled together iii mask
SOS over the whole ground of the con
flict. .
The burying of the dead was not
completed until dark on Monday, the
heat being so terrible that severe ,
work was not possible.
On Monday night the enemy tied
from the field, leaving many of his,
dead unburied and his wounded on the.
ground and along the road to Orange-
Court House, as will be seenfrom Gen...
Buford's despatch.
A cavalry and artillery force, tinder'
General Buford, was immediately
thrown forward in pursuit and follow
ed the enemy to the 'Rapidan, over.
which lie passed with his rear guard
by 10 o'clock in the morning.
Parts of our infantry fidlowed; the
remainder were sent forward in the
morning.
The behavior of Banks' corps during
Lilo act ion was very fine.
No greater gallantry and daring
could be exhibited by any troops.
I cannot speak too highly of the in
trepidity of General Banks himself
during the whole of the engagement.
He was in the front and exposed as
much as any man in his command.—
His example was of the greatest ben
efit to his troops, and he merits and
should receive the commendation of
his Government.
Generals Williams, Augur, Gordon,
Crawford, Prince, Green and Geary
behaved with conspicuous gallantry.
Augur and Geary were severely
wounded, and Prince, by losing his
way in the dark while passing from
one flank to the other, fell into the en
emy's hands.
I desire publicly to express my ap
preciation of the prompt and skillful
manner in which Generals McDowell
and Sigel brought forward their re
spective commands and established
them on the field, and of their cheerful
and hearty cooperation with me from
beginning to end.
Brigadier General Roberts, chief of
cavalry of this army, was with the ad
vance of our forces on Friday and Sat
urday, and was conspicuous for his gal
lantry and for the valuable aid he ren
dered to Generals Banks and Craw
ford.
Our loss in killed, wounded and mis
sing was about 1,500, of whom 200•
were taken prisoners.
As might be expected from the char
acter of the engagement, Q. very large
proportion of these were killed. Tho
enemy's loss in killed, wounded and
prisoners, we are now satisfied, is
much in excess of our own.
A full list of the casualties will be
transmitted as soon as possible,- to
gether with a detailed report, in which
I shall endeavor to do justice to all.
' JOHN Pori.
Major-General Commanding
Sigel's Pursuit of Jackson,
HEADQUARTER'S OF GENERAL. SIGEL'S
COMMAND, EEARTDERAPIDAN RIVER,
AUGUST 15th, 1862.
The enemy are still reported to he
retreating beyond the Rapidan. Al
though they have a force on tho other
side with guns in position, and a largo
body of cavalry in the neighborhood, •
they are supposed to be merely cover-.
lug the retreat of the main body.
General Milroy is in the advance,
with Buford and Bayard's cavalry,.
and some artillery.
The river is easily forded at many
points.
It is stated by scouts that Jackson's,
army numbers 60,000 at least. Ho
has managed to move them all off safe
ly, excepting a few stragglers. Some•
of the latter came into our camp Inst
night, and said almost all the Virgin
ia soldiers would desert if they thought
they would be well treated.
A Union soldier was found in the
woods on Wednesday, with his musket,
barrel grasped in both hands, (the•
stock having been broken off) and elev-.
en dead rebels lying around him, some
with their heads smashed and others,
bruised in various ways—all the dead
showing with what desperation the
Union hero had fought for his life, bat,
without avail. His body was pierced
with three balls.
Many of the enemy's dead were left
unburied, while others were only half
covered, in many places arms and feet
being seen above the earth.
Some thirty-six prisoners, who were
wounded, and concealed themselves in
houses near the battle field, were
brought in to-day.
la