Semi-atteltig Coht.
WM. LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor
A. TYHURST, Associate Editor,
TEnTIS.—"Tez Gym" is patitstent twice a week at
$1.150 a yeas-7b cents for six months-50 cents for
three months—in advance.
HUNTINGDON, PA.
Thursday afternoon, Dec. 5, 1861
Our Flag Forever.
THE NEWS.
—Resolutions have been introduced
in Congress declaring slaves of all re
bels free, but the prevailing opinion in
Washington appears to be in favor of
letting slavery take care of itself.
—Maj. Bowen, at the head of alann
tired cavalry, attacked the forces of
the notorious Freeman at Salem, Mo.,
on Saturday last, and completely rout
ed them and held possession of the
town. From 10 to 30 were killed and
wounded on both sides.
—George Opdyke, (Rep.) was elect
ed Mayor of New York on Tuesday
last, over two Democratic candidates.
The vote was as follows :
George Opdyke,(Rep.) - 25,259
C. G. Gunther, (him. - Dem.) 24,588
Fernando Wood, (Mozart) 24,185
—Ex-Senator Gwin and Calhoun
Benham of California, have been set at
liberty, and aro now in Washington.
—ln the Senate on yesterday, Mr.
Saulsbury offered a resolution appoint
ing Edward Everett, Ex-Senator Pugh,
George M. Dallas, Chief Justice Taney,
and others, a commission, to meet a
similar commission front the seceded
States and arrange for a cessation of
hostilities and a restoration of the Un
ion. It was received with laughter
and laid aside.
—John C. Breekinridge was, on yes
terday, expelled from the Senate by a
unanimous vote.
—No news of importance from thrs
army on the Potomac.
THE STATE OF THE NATION
FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE
ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
PRESIDENT of the UNITED STATES
Read in Congress Tuesday De-
comber 3d, 1861
Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House
of Representatives:
In the midst of unprecedented poli
tical troubles, wo have cause of great
. geatitude to God for unusual good
health and most abundant harvests.
You will not be surprised to learn
that in the peculiar exigencies of the
times, our intercourse with foreign na
tions has been attended with profound
solicitude, chiefly turning upon our.
own domestic affairs. A disloyal por
tion of the American people have,
during the whole year, been engaged
in an attempt to divide and destroy
tho Union.
A nation which endures factious do
mestic division is exposed to disrespect
abroad, and one party, if not both, is
sure, sooner or later, to invoke foreign
intervention. Nations thus tempted
.to interfere are nota_ 1
ways able to re
sist the counsels of seeming expedien
cy and ungenerous ambition, although
measures-adopted under such influen
ces seldom fail to be unfortunate, and
injurious to those adopting them.
The disloyal citizens of the United
States who have offered the ruin of
our country in return for the aid and
comfort which they have invoked
abroad, have received less patronage
and encouragement than they proba
bly expected. If it were just to sup
pose, as the insurgents have seemed to
.assume, that foreign nations, in this
case, discarding all moral, social and
treaty obligations, would act solely
:and selfishly for the most speedy res
toration of commerce, including espe
cially the acquisition of cotton, these
nations appear as yet not to have seen
their way to their object more directly
or clearly through the destruction,
than through the preservation of the
Union.
If we could dare to•believe that for
eign nations are actuated by no higher
principle than this, I am quite sure a
sound argument could be made to show
them that they can reach their aim
more readily and easily by aiding to
crush this rebellion, than by giving en
couragement to it. The principal lever
relied on by the insurgents for exciting
foreign nations to hostility against us,
as already intimated, is the embarrass
ment of commerce. These nations,
however, not' improbably saw from the
first that it was the Union which made
as well our foreign as our domestic
commerce. They can scarcely have
failed to perceive that the effort for
disunion produces the existing difficul
ty, and that one strong nation promi
ses more durable peace and a more
extensive and reliable commerce, than
can the same nation broken into hos
tile fragments. It is not my purpose
to review our discussions with foreign
States, because whatever might be
their wishes or dispositions, the integ
rity of our country and the stability
of our Government, depends not upon
them, but on the loyalty, virtue, patri
otism and intelligence of the Ameri
can people.
The correspondence itself, with the
usual reservations, lb herewith submit
ted. I venture to hope it will appear
that wo have practised prudence and
liberality towards foreign powers,
averting causes of irritation and with
firmness maintaining our own rights
and honor. Since, however, it is ap
parent that here, its in every other
.State, foreign dangers necessarily at
-tend domestic difficulties,
I recommend that adequate and am
ple measures be adopted for maintain
ing the public defences on every side,
While udder this general recommen
dation, provision for &kidding our sea
coast line occurs to the mind.
I also, in the same connection, ask
the attention of Congress to our great
lakes and rivers. It is believed that
some fortifications and depots of arms
and munitions, with harbor and navi
gation improvements, all at well selec
ted points upon these, would be of
great importance to the national de
fence and preservation.
I ask attention to the views of the
Secretary of War, expressed in his re- I
port upon the same general subject. I
deem it of importance that the loyal
regions of East Tennessee and Wes
tern North Carolina should be connec
ted with Kentucky and other faithful
parts of the Union by railroad. I
therefore recommend, as h military
measure, that Congress provide for the
construction of such road as speedily
as possible. Kentucky, no doubt, will
co-operate and, through her Legisla
ture, make the most judicious selection
of a line. The Northern terminus
must connect with some existing rail
road, and whether the route shall be
from Lexington or Nicholasville to the
Cumberland Gap, or from Lebanon to
the Tennessee line in the direction of
Knoxtille, or on some still different
line can readily be determined. Ken
tucky and the General Government
co-operating, the work can be comple
ted in a very short time, and when
done, it will be not only of vast pres
ent usefulness, but also a valuable per
manent improvement, with its cost, in
all the future.
Some treaties designed Chiefly for
the interests of commerce, and having
no grave political importance, have
been negotiated, and will be submitted
to the Senate for their consideration.
Although we have failed to induce
some of the commercial powers to
adopt a desirable melioration of the
rigor of a maritime war, we have re
moved all obstructions from the way
of this humane reform, except such as
are merely of temporary and acciden
tal occurrence.
I invite your attention to the corres
pondence between ller Britannic Maj
esty's Minister, accredited to this Gov
ernment, and the Secretary of State,
relative to the detention of the British
ship Perthshire, in June last, by the
United States steamer Massachusetts,
for a supposed breach of the blockade.
As this detention was occasioned by
an obvious misapprehension of the
facts, and as justice requires that we
should commit no belligerent act not
founded in strict right as sanctioned
by public _4w, I recommend that an
appropriation be made to satisfy the
reasonable demand of the owners of
the vessel for her detention.
I repeat the recommendation of my
predecessor, in his annual message to
Congress in December last, in regard
to the disposition of the surplus which
will probably remain after satisfying
the claims of American citizens against
China, pursuant to the aWards of the
Commissioners under the act of the
3d of March, 1859.
If, however, it should not be deemed
advisable to carry that recommenda
tion into effect, I would suggest that
authority be given investing the prin
cipal over the proceeds of the surplus
referred to in good securities, with a
view to the satisfaction of such other
just claims of our citizens against Chi
na as are not unlikely to arise hereaf
ter in the course of our extensive trade
with that empire. , •
By the act of the sth of-August last,
Congress authorized the
..President to
instruct the Commanders'itc suitable
vessels to defend themselvell against
and capture pirates. This authority
has been exercised in a single instance
only. For the more effectual protec
tion of our extensive and valuable
commerce la the Eastern seas, especi
ally, it seems to me that it would also
be advisable to authorize the command
ers of sailing vessels to recapture any
prizes which pirates may make of Uni
ted States vessels and their cargoes,
and the Consular Courts now estab
lished by law in Eastern countries to
adjudicate the cases, in the event that
this should not be objected to by the
local authorities. If any good reason
exists why we should persevere longer
in withholding our recognition of the
independence and sovereignty of Hay
ti, I am unable to discover it.
Unwilling, however, to inaugurate
a novel policy in regard to them with
out the approbation of Congress, I sub
mit for your consideration the expedi
ency of an appropriation for maintain
ing a charge d'affeires near each of
those new States; it does not admit of
a doubt that important commercial ad
vantages might be secured by favora
ble treaties with them.
The operations of the Treasury du
ring the period which has elapsed since
your adjournment, have been conduc
ted with signal success. The patriot
ism of the people has placed at the dis
posal of the Government, the large
means demanded by the public exigen
cies. Much of the National Loan has
been taken by citizens of the industri- '
al classes, whose confidence in their
country's faith and zeal, for their coun
try's deliverance from the present peril
have induced them to contribute to the
support of the Government the whole
of their limited acquisitions. This fact
imposes peculiar obligations upon us
to economy in disbursement and ener
gy in action.
The revenues from all sources, in
cluding loans for the financial year,
ending on the 30th of June, 1861, was
$86,835,900 27, and the expenditures
for the same period, :including pay
ments on account of the public debt,
were $84,578,834 47, leaving a balance
in the Treasury, on the Ist of July, of
$2,257,065 80. For the first quarter
of the financial year, ending on the
30th of September, 1801, the receipts
from all sources, including the balance
of the Ist of July, were 3102,532,609 27,
and the expenses $98,239,733 09, leav
ing a balance on the Ist of October,
1861, of $4,292,776 18.
Estimates for the remaining three
quarters of the year, and for the finan
cial year of 1803, together with his
view of ways and moans fur meeting
the demands contemplated by them,
will be submitted to Congress by the
Secretary of the Treasury.
It is gratifying to know that the ex
penditures made necessary by the re
bellion are not beyond the resources
of the loyal people, and to believe that
the same patriotism which has thus
far szstilined the Government will
continue to sustain it till peace 'and
union shall again bless the land.
I respectfully refer to the report of
the Secretary of War for infOrmation
respecting the numerical strength of
the army and for recommendations,
having in view an increase of its effi
ciency and the well-being of the vari
ous branches of the service entrusted
to his care. It is gratifying to know
that the patriotism of the people has
proved equal to the occasion, and that
the number of troops tendered greatly
exceeds the force which Congress au
thorized me to call into the field.
.I. refer with pleasure to those por
tions of his report which make allusion
to the creditable degree of discipline
already attained by our troops and to
the excellent sanitary condition of the
entire army.
The•recommendation of the Secre
tary for an organization of the militia
upon an uniform basis, is a suitject of
vital importance to the future safety
of the country, and is commended to
the serious attention of Congress.
The large addition to the regular
army in connection with the defection
that has so considerably; diminished
the number of its officers, gives pecu
liar importance to his recommendation
for increasing the corps of Cadets to
the greatest capacity of the Military
Academy.
By mere omission, I presume, Con
gress has failed to provide Chaplains
for hospitals occupied by volunteers.--
This subject was brought to my notice,
and I was induced to draw up the form
of a letter, one copy of which, proper
ly addressed, has been delivered to each
of the persons, and at the dates, re
spectively named, and stated in a
schedule containing also the form of
the letter (letter marked A,) and here
with transmitted.
The gentlemen I understood entered
upon the duties designated at the times
respectively stated in the schedule, and
have labored faithfully there over
since. I therefore recommend that
they be compensated at the same rate
as• Chaplains in the Army, further sug
gesting that general provision be made
fo• Chaplains to serve at Hospitals as
wells as with. ,regiments. The report
of the Secretary of the Navy presents
in detail the operations of that branch
of the service, the activity and energy
which have characterized its adminis
tration and the results of the measures
to increase its efficiency and power.
Such have been the additions by
construction and purchase, that it may
almost be said a Navy has been crea
ted and brought into service since our
difficulties commenced. Besides block
ading our extensive coast, squadrons
larger than ever before assembled un
der our flag, have been put afloat and
performed deeds which have increased
1 our Naval renown.
I would invite special attention to
the recommendations of the Secretary
for a more perfect organization of the
Navy, by introducing additional grades
in the service. The present organiza
tion is defective and unsatisfactory,
and the suggestions submitted by the
Department, will, it is believed, if
adopted, obviate the difficulties alluded
to, promote harmony and increase the
efficiency of the Navy.
There are three vacancies on the
bench of the Supreme Court; two by
the decease of Justices Daniel and
McLean, and one by the resignation
of Justice Campbell. I have so far
forborne snaking nominations to fill
these vacancies for reasons which I
will now state : Two of the out-going
Judges resided within the States now
overrun by revolt, so that if their suc
cessors were appointed in the same lo
calities, they could not now serve upon
their circuit, and many of the most
competent men there, probably would
not take the personal hazard of ac
cepting to serve, evon here, upon the
Supreme Bench. I have been unwil
ling to throw all the appointments
Northward, thus disabling myselffrom
doing justice to the South on the re
turn of peace, although I may remark
that to transfer to the North one which
has heretofore been in the South,
would not, with reference to territory
and population, be unjust.
During the long and brilliant judi
cial career of Judge McLean, his cir
cuit grew into an empire altogether
too large for any one Judge to give
the Courts therein more than a nomi
nal attendance, rising in population
from 1,470,018 in 1830, to 6,151,405 in
1800. Besides:this, the country gene
rally has outgrown our present judi
cial system. If uniformity was at all
intended, the system requires that all
the States shall be accommodated with
Circuit Courts attended by Supreme
Judges, while, in fact, Wisconsin, Min
nesota, lowa, Kansas, Florida, Texas,
California and Oregon have never had
any such Courts.
Nor can this well be remedied, with
out a change of the system,
because
the adding of Judges to the Supreme
Court, enough for the accommodation
of all parts of the country with Circuit
Courts, would create a Court altogeth
er too numerous for a judicial body of
any sort. And the evil, if it be one,
will increase as new States come into
the Union. Circuit Courts aro useful,
or they are not useful. If useful, no
State should be denied them. If not
useful, no State should have them.—
Let them be provided for all, or abol
ished to all.
Three modifications occur to me,
either of which I think would be an
improvemontupon our present system.
Let the Supreme Court ho of conve
nient number in every event. Then
first, let the whole country be divided
into circuits of convenient size, the
Supreme Judges to servo in a number
of thCm corresponding to their own
number, and independent Circuit
Judges be provided for all the rest; or,
secondly, let the Supremo Judges be
relieved fl•om Circuit duties, and Cir
cuit Judges provided for all the Cir.
enits ; or, thirdly, dispense with tho
Circuit Courts all together, leaving the
Judicial functions wholly to the Dis
trict Court and an independent Su,
promo Court.
I respectfully recommend to the
consideration of Congress the present
condition of the Statute Laws with the
hope that Congress will be ablo to find
an easy remedy for many of the in
conveniences and evils whichconstant
ly embarrass those in the practical ad
ministration of thorn. Since the or
ganization of Government, Congress
has enacted some five thousand acts
and joint resolutions, which fill more
than six thousand closely printed pages,
and are scattered through many vol-
Many of these acts Wive been draWn
in haste and Without sufficient caution,
So that their provisidns are often oh- .
scare in themselves, or In conflict with
each other, ;_ dr, at least, sd doubtful as
to render it very difficult for even the
best inforniod to ascertain precisely
what the statute Imi/really is, It seems
to me very important that the statute
laws should be made as plain hod in
telligible as possible, and be reduced
to as small a compass as may consist,
with the fullness and precision of the
Legislature and the perspicuity of its
language. This, well done, would, I
think, greatly facilitate the labors of
those whose duty it is to assist in the
administration of the laws, and would
be a lasting benefit to the people by
placing before them, in a more accepta
ble and intelligible form, the laws
which so deeply concern their interests
and their duties. I am informed by
some, whose opinions I respect, that
all the acts of Congress now in force,
and of a permanent and general na
ture, might be revised and re-written,
so as to be embraced in one volume,
or, at most, in two volumes, of ordi
nary and commercial size, and I re
spectfully recommend to Congress to
consider on the subject, and if my sug
gestion be approved, to devise such
plan as to their wisdom shall seem most
proper for the attainment of the end
proposed.
One of the unavoidable consequen
ces of the present insurrection, is the
entire suppression in many places of
all the ordinary means of administer
ing civil justice by the officers, in the
form of existing law. This is the case,
in whole or in the part, in all the in
surgent States, and as our armies ad-
Vance upon and take possession of parts
of those States, the practical evil be
comes more apparent.
There are no courts nor officers to
whom the citizens of other States may
apply fur the enforcement of their law
ful claims against citizens of the in
surgent States, and there is a vast
amount ofdebt constitutingsuch
Some have estimated it as high as
$200,000,000 due in large part from in
surgents in open rebellion to loyal citi
zens, who arc even now making great
sacrifices in the discharge of their pa
triotic duty to support the Government.
Under these circumstances, I have been
urgently solicited to establish, by Mil
itary power, courts to administer sum
mary justice in such cases. I have thris
far declined to do it; not because I had
any doubt that the end proposed—the
collection of the debts—was just and
right in itself, but because I have been
unwilling to go beyond the pressure of
necessity in the unusual exercise of
power. But thepowers of Congress, I
suppose, are equal to the anomalous
occasion, and therefore I refer the whole
matter to Congress, with the hope that
a plan may be devised for the adminis
tration of justice in all such parts of
the insurgent States and Territories as
may be under the control of this Gov
ernment, whether by a voluntary re
turn to allegiance and order, or by the
power of our arms.
This, however, is not to be a perma
nent institution, but a temporary sub
stitute, and to cease as soon as the or
dinary courts can be re-established in
peace. It is important that sonic more
convenient means should be provided,
if possible, for the adjustment of claims
against the Government, especially in
view of their increased number by
reason of the War. It is as much the
duty of Government to render prompt
justice against itself in favor of citi
zens, as it is to administer the same
between private individuals. The in
vestigation and adjudication of claims
in their nature belong to the judicial
department. Besides, it is apparent
that the attention of Congress will be
more than usually engaged some time
to conic with great National questions.
It was intended by the organization
of the Court of Claims mainly to re
move this branch of business from the
halls of Congress, but while the Court
has proved to be an effective and val
uable means ofinvestigation, it, ingreat
degree, fails to effect the object of its
creation for want of the power to make
its judgments final. Fully aware of
the delicacy, not to say the danger of
the subject, I commend to your care
ful consideration whether this power
of making judgments final, may not
properly be given to the Court reser
ving the right of appeal, on questions
of law to the &Treble Court, with
such other provisions as experience
may have shown to be necessary.
I ask attention to the report of the
Postmaster General, the following be
ing a summary statement of the con
dition of the Department. The reve
nue front all sources during the fiscal
year, ending Juno 30, 1861, including
the annual permanent appropaation of
$700,000 for the transportation of free
mail matter, was 89,047,290 40, being
almost two per cent, less than the
revenue, for 1860. The expenditures.,
were $13,606, 759, 11; showing a de
crease of more than eight per cont. as
compared with those of the previous
year, and leaving an excess of expen
ditures over the revenue for the last
fiscal year of $4,557,402.79. The gross
revenue for the year ending Tune
30th, 1803, is estimated at an increase
of four per cent. on that of 1861, ma
king $8,683,000, to which should be
added the earnings of the Department
in carrying free matter, viz., $700,000,
making $9,383,000.
The total expenditures for 1863 are
estimated at $12,528,000, leaving an
estimated deficiency of $3,145,000, to be
supplied from the Treasury, in addi
tion to the permanent appropriation.
The present insurrection shows, I
think, that the extension of this dis
trict across the Potomac river at the
time of establishing the Capitol here,
was eminently wise, and consequently
that the relinquishment of that por
tion of it which lies within the State
of Virginia, was unwise and danger
ous. I submit for your consideration
the expediency of regaining that part
of the district, and the restoration of
the original boundaries thereof, through
negotiations with the State of Virgin
ia.
The report of the Secretary of the
Interior, with the accompanying doc
uments, exhibits the condition of the
several branches of the public business
pertaining to that Department. The
depressing influences of the insurrec
tion have been especially felt in the
operations of the T?atent and General
Land Offices.
The cash receipts from the sales of
public lands, during the past year, have
exceeded the expenses of our land sys
tem only about f 200,500. The Afties
have heen . entirely suspended in the
Southern States, while the interrup
tions to the business of the cotintry,
and the diversion of large numbers of
men to military service; have restrict
ed settlenients in the new States and
territories of the Northwest.
The receipts of the Patent Office
have declined in nine indnthis about
$lOO,OOO, middling a large deduction
df the, force enipldyed necessary, to
make it self-sustaining,
The demands upon the Pension Of
fice will be largely- increased by the
insurrection.
Numerous applications for pensions,
based upon the casualties of the exist
ing war, have already been made.
There is reason to bolith‘o that many
who are now upon the pension rolls,
and in receipt of the bounty of the
Government, are in the ranks of the
insurgent army, or giving them aid
and comfort. The Secretary of the
Interior has directed a suspension of
the payment of the pensions of such
persons upon proof of their disloyalty.
I recommend that Congress author
ize that officer to cause the names of
such persons to be stricken from the
pension rolls.
The relations of the Government
with the Indian tribes have been great
ly disturbed by the insurrection, es
pecially in the Southern Superinten
dency and in that of New Mexico.—
The Indian country south of Kansas
is in the possession of insurgents from
Texas and Arkansas.
Teo agents of the United States
Government, appointed since the 4th
of March for this superintendency,
have been unable to reach their posts,
while the most of those who wore in
the office before that time, have es
poused the insurrectionary cause, and
assume to exercise the power of agents
by virtue of commissions from the in
surrectionists.
It has been stated in the public press
that a portion of these Indians have
been organized as a military force, and
are attached to the army of the insur
gents. Although the Government has
no official information upon this sub
ject, letters have been written to the
Commissioners of Indian Affairs by
several prominent Chiefs, giving assu
rance of their loyalty to the United
States, and expreising a to,
for the
presence of Federal troops to protect
them. It is believed that upon the re
possession of the country, by the Fed
eral forces, the Indians will readily
cease all hostile demonstrations and
resume their former relations _to the
Government.
Agriculture, confessedly the largest
interest of the nation, has not a De
partment nor a bureau, but a clerkship
only assigned to it in the Government.
While it is fortunate that this great
interest is so independent in its nature
as to not have demanded and extorted
more from the Government, I respect
fully ask Congress to consider whether
something more cannot be given vol
untarily with general advantage.
Annual reports exhibiting the con
dition of our agriculture, commerce
and manufactures, would present a
fund of information of great practical
value to the country. While I make
no suggestion as to details, I venture
the opinion that an Agricultural and
Statistical Bureau might profitably be
organized.
The execution of the laws for the
suppression of the African Slave Trade,
has been confided to the Department
of the Interior. It is a subject of gratu
lation that the efforts which have been
made for the suppression of this inhu
man traffic, have been recently atten
ded with unusual success. Five ves
sels being fitted out for the slave trade
have been' seized and condemned. Two
mates of vessels engaged in the trade,
and one person engaged in equipping
a slaver, have been convicted and sub
jected to the penalty of fine and im
prisonment; and.. one captain taken
with a cargo of Africans on board his
vessel, has been convicted of the high
est grade of offence under our laws,
the punishment of which is death.
The Territories of Colorado, Dako
tall and Nevada, created by the last
Congress, have been organized, and
civil administration has been inaugu
rated therein under auspices especially
gratifying, when it is considered that
the leaven of treason was found exist
ing in some of these new countries
when the Federal officers arrived there.
The abundant native resources of these
territories with the security and pro
tection offered by an organized Gov
ernment, will doubtless invite to them
a large immigration, when peace shall
restore the business of the country to
its accustomed channels.
I submit the resolutions of the Leg
islature of Colorado, which evidence
the patriotic spirit of the people of the
Territory.
So far the authority of the United
States has been upheld in all the Ter
ritories, as it is hoped it will be in the
future. I commend their interests and
defence to the enlightened and gener
ous care of Congress.
I recommend to the fitvorablo con
sideration of Congress the interests of
the District of Columbia. The insur
rection has been the cause of much
suffering and sacrifice to its inhabitants,
and as they have no representative in.
Congress, should not overlook their
just claims upon the Government.
At your late Session a joint resolu
tion was adopted authorizing the Pres
ident ta take measures for facilitating
a proper representation of the indus
trial interests of the United States, at
the Exhibition of the Industry of Na
tions, to be holden at London in the
year 1862.
I regret to say, I have been unable
to give personal attention to this sub
ject—a subject at once sointeresting
iu itself, and so extensively and Intl
mately connected with the material
prosperity of the world. Through the
Secretaries of State and of the Interi
or, a plan or system has been devised
and partly matured, and which will be
laid before you.
Under arld by virtue of the act of
Congress, entitled An Act to Confis
cate Property used for Insurroetlonary
Purposes, approved August 6th, 1861,
the legal claims of certain persons to
the hlbor and service of certain other
persons have become forfeited, and
numbers of the latter thus liberated
are already dependant on the United
States, and must be provided for in
some way. Besides this it is not im
possible that some of the States will
pass similar enactments for their own
benefit respectively, and by operation
of which persons of the same class
will he thrown upon them for disposal.
, •
In .such case, I recommend that Con
gress provide for accepting such per
sons front Such Staters acedrding to
some mode df valdatidd- lieu pro
tanfd Of direct taxes, or iiptiri Some
other plan td be agieed upon with Stich
States reSpectfiilly,. that midi:persons
on such accePtiincbS by • the General
Government be at once - deemed free,
and that in any ,event steps be taken
for colonizing both classes (or the one
first mentioned if the other shall not
be brought into existence,) at some
place or places in a climate congenial
to them. It might be well to consider
too, whether the free, colored people
already in the United States, could not
so far as individuals may desire, be in
eluded in such colonization.
To carry out the plan of coloniza
tion may Involve the acquiring of ter
ritory and also the appropriation of
money beyond that to be expended in
the territorial acquisition. Having
practised the acquisition of territory
for nearly sixty years, the question of
the Constitutional power to do so is no
longer an open one With Ws. Tho
power was questioned at first by Mr.
Jefferson, who, however, in the pur- I
chase of Louisiana, yielded his scru
ples on the plea of great expediency.
If it be said that tho only legitimate
object of acquiring territory is to fur
nish homes for white men, this meas
ure effects that object, for emigration
of colored men leaves additional room
for white men remaining or coming
here. Mr. Jefferson, however, placed
the importance of procuring Louisiana
more on political and commercial
grounds, than on providing room for
population.
On 'this whole proposition, including
the appropriation of money, with the
acquisition of territory, does not the
expediency amount to absolute neces
sity, without which the Government
itself cannot be perpetuated if the war
continues.
In considering the policy to be adop
ted for suppressing the insurrection, I
have been anxious and careful that the
inevitable conflict for this purpose
shall not degenerate into a violent and
remorseless revolutionary struggle. I
have, therefore, in every case, thought
it proper to keep tho integrity of the
Union prominent as the primary ob
ject of the contest on our part, leaving
all questions which aro not of' vital
military importance, to the more de
liberate action of the legislature.
In the exercise of my best discre
tion, I have adhered to the blockade
of the ports held by the insurgents, in
stead of putting in force by proclama
tion the law of Congress enacted at
the late session for closing these ports.
So also, obeying the dictates of pru
dence as well as the obligations of law,
instead of transcending I have adhered
to the act of Congress to confiscate
property used for insurrectionary pur
poses. If a now law upon the same
subject shall be proposed, its propriety
will be duly considered.
The Union must be preserved, and
hence all indispensable means must be
employed. We shall not be in haste
to determine that radical and extreme
measure, which may reach the loyal
as well as the disloyal, are indispensa
ble.
The inaugural address at the begin
ning of the Administration and the
message to Congress at the late special
session, were both mainly devoted to
the domestic controversy out of which '
the insurrection and consequent war
have sprung.
Nothing more occurs to add or ab
stract to or from the principles or gen
eral purposes stated and expressed in
that document. The last ray of hope
for preserving the Union, peaceably,
expired at the assault upon Fort Sum
ter, and a general review of what has
occurred since, may not be unprofitable.
What was painfully uncertain then,
is much better defined and more dis
tinct now, and the progress of events
is plainly in the right direction. Tho
insurgents confidently claimed a strong
support from north of Mason and Dix
on's line, and the friends of the Union
were not free from apprehension on
that point. This, however, was soon
settled definitely, and on the right
side. South of the line, noble little
Delaware led off right from the first.
Maryland was made to seem against
the Union. Our soldiers were assault
ed, bridges were burned, and railroads
torn up within her limits, and we were
many days, at ono time, without the
ability to bring a single regiment over
her soil to the Capitol. Now her
bridges and railroads are repaired and
open to the Government. She already
gives seven regiments to the cause of
the Union, and none to the enemy, and
her people at a regular election, have
sustained the Union by a large major
ity, and a larger aggregate vote than
they ever before gave to any candi
date on any question.
Kentucky, too, for some time in
'doubt, is now decidedly, and, I think,
unchangeably, ranged on the side of
the Union. Missouri is comparative
ly quiet, and I believe cannot again be
overrun by the insurrectionists. These
three States of Maryland, Kentucky
and Missouri neither of which would
promise a single soldier, at first, have
now an aggregate of not less than for
ty thousand in the field for the Union,
while of their citizens certainly not
more than a third of that number, and
they of doubtful whereabouts and
doubtful existence, are in arms against
it, after a somewhat bloody struggle
of months. Winter closes on the
Union people of Western Virginia,
leaving them masters of their own
country.
An insurgent force .of about fifteen
hundred for months dominating the
narrow peninsular region of the coun
ties of A.cconme and Northampton, and
known as the Eastern Shore of Vir
ginia, together with some contiguous
parts of Maryland, have laid down
their arms, and the people thero have
renewed their allegiance to and ac
cepted the protection of the old flag.
This loaves no armed insurrection
north of the Potomac or oast of the
Chesapeake.
Also, wo have obtained a footing at
each of the isolated points on the
southern coast of Hatteras, Port Roy
al, Tybeo Island, near Savannah, and
Ship Island; and we likewise have
some general accounts of popular
movements in behalf of the Union, in
North Carolina and Tennessee. These
things demonstrate that the cause of
the Union is advancing steadily south,
ward.
Since. your last adjournment, Lieut.
General Scott has retired from the
head of the army. During his long
life the nation has not been unmindful
of his Merit. Yet, s on calling to mind
hoW faithfully, ably and brilliantly he
had served the country for a time far
back in obi , histOry, when few of the
now living had been born, and thence
forward con tinnally, I cannot but think
We arc still his debtors. I submit;
therefore, for your consideration, what
further mark of recognition is due to
him and to ourselves as zi grateful
peOple.
With the retiremeut'of Gen. Scott,
came the exeeutiVe duty of appointin g
in his stead a General-in-Clnef of the
army. It is a fortunate circumstance
that neither in council or country was
there, so far as I know, any difference
of opinion as to the proper person to
be selected. - The retiring 'Chief roz
peatodly exprosSed his judgment in
favor of General McClellan for the po
sition, and in this the 'nation decreed
to give a unanimous concurrence.
The designation 'or Gen. McClellan
is therefore in a considerable degree,
the selection of the country as well as
of the Executive, and licilo .there
better reason to hope that there
be given him the Confidence' and cur
, dial support thus, by fair implication,
' promised, and without which he can=
not with so full efficiency serve thd
country. It has been 'said that one
bad general is better than two good
ones, and the saying is true, if taken
to mean no more than that our army
is better directed by a single mind,
though inferior, than by two superior
ones,
at variance and cross. purposes
with each other. And the same is
true in all joint observations wherein
those engaged can have none but a
common end in view and can' differ
only as to the choice ofmeans.
In a storm at sea, no one on board
can wish the ship to sink, and Yet, not
unfrequently, all go down - together,
because too many will direct and no
single mind can be allowed to, control.
It continues to develop that-the in
surrection is largely, if not exclusive
ly, a war upon the 'first prineiptcs of
popular Government—the rights of the
people. Conclusive evidence of this is
found in , the most g rave and maturely
considered public documents as well as
in the general tone of the insurgents.
In these documents we find the
abridgement of the existing right of suf
frage, and the denial to the people of all
right to participate in the selection of
public officers, except the Legislature,
boldly advocated, with labored argu
ments, to prove that largo control,of
the people in Government is the source
of all political evil. Monarchy itself
is sometimes hinted at as a possible
refuge from the power of the people.
In my present position Icouldsearce
ly be justified were I to omit raising a
warning voice against this approach
of returning despotism.
It is not needed nor fitting here that
a general argument should be made in
favor of popular institutions. But there
is One point, with' its connections, not.
so hackneyed as most others, to id"
I ask a brief attention.
It is the effort to place capital on an
equal footing with if not above labor,
in the structure of the Government_
It is assumed that labor is available
only in connection with capital, that
nobody labors unless somebody else
owing capital, somehow by the_nseL of
it, induces him to labor. This resumed,
it is next considered whether it is best
that capital shall hire laborers, and
thus induce them to work by their owtr
consent, or buy them and drive them
to it without their consent. •
Having proceeded so far, it is nittu
rllly concluded that all laborers aro
either hired laborers or what we call
slaves. And further, it is assumed, that
whoever is once a hired laborer, is fix
ed in that condition for life. Now there
is no such relation between capital and
labor, as assumed, nor is there any
such thing as a free man being fixed
for life in the rendition of a hired la-.
borer. Both these assumptions are
false, and all inferences from them are
groundless. Labor is prior to and in
dependent of capital. Capital is only
the fruit of labor and could never have
existed if labor had not first existed,
Labor is the superior of capital and
deserves much the higher considera
tion. Capital has its rights, which aro
as worthy of protection as any other
rights. Nor is it denied that there is
and probably always will be a relation
between labor and capital, producing
mutual benefits. The error is in as
suming that the whole labor of the
community exists within that relation.
A few men own capital and that few
avoid labor, or buy another few to la
bor for them. A large majority belong
to neither class, neither work for oth
ers nor have others working for them.
In most of the Southern States a ma
jority of the whole people, of all col
ors, aro neither slaves nor masters,
while in the Northern, a large major
ity are neither hirers nor hired. Men
with thoir families, wives, sons and
daughters, work for themselves on
their fitrins, in their houses, and in
their ships, taking the, product
to themselves, and asking no fiwors of
capital on the one hand nor of hired
laborers or slaves on the other. It is
not forgotten that a considerable num
ber of persons mingle their own labor
with their capital—that is, they labor
with their own hands and also buy or
hire others to labor for them; but this
is only a mixed and not a distinct class,
No principle stated is disturbed by thia
existence of this mixed class,
Again,as has already been said, there
is not of necessity any such thing as
the free hired laborer being fixed to
that condition for life. Many indopen,
dent mon everywhere in those States,
a few years back In their lives were
hired laborers.
The prudent, penniless beginner in
the world, labors for wages awhile,
saves a surplus with-which to buy tools
or land for himself; then labors on his
own account another while, and at
length hires another new beginner to
help him,
'this is the just, and generous and
prosperous system which opens the
way to all, and consequently energy
and progress and improvement of con
dition to all. No men living aro
more worthy to be trusted than those
who toil up from poverty.
None less inelined to take or touch
aught whleh they have not honestly
earned. Let them beware of surren
dering a political power which• they
already possess, and which, if surren
dered will surely be used to close the
door of advancement against such as
they, and to fix new disabilities and
burdens upon them, till 411 of liberty
shall he lost,