cuts— ccl~C (31obc.
WM. LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor
TERMS.—" THE (hone" Is publi,hed twice a week at
$1.60 a your—lS cent, for nix month,—ao cents for
three months—in advance. ,
HUNTINGDON, PA.
Tuesday afternoon, August 13, 1861
Patriotism Says No Party Now
If ever there was a time when all
party lines should be blotted out, and
every good man rally to the standard
of Country alone, now is that time.—
That man who talks, at this moment,
about Democracy, Republicanism, or
Americanism, is groveling in the dust,
and he needs to rise from the low level
to that elevation where he can breathe
the pure air of patriotism. We believe
that all political parties are more or
less cursed with men who are intense
ly selfish and corrupt, while at the
same time the masses of all these par
ties are honest and patriotic. Let us
then do our utmost to crush down and
uproot the selfish and corrupt, and by
so doing we will bring to the surface
the pure and the good. If nominations
are to be made for this county, a Con
vention or Mess Meeting of the voters,
regardless of former political associa
tions, should assemble and put in nom
ination a ticket pledged simply and
alone to stand by the Government in
prosecuting the present war for the
maintenance of the Union and the
Constitution. We can, at this impor
tant juncture, well afford to lay aside,
temporarily, all our preconceived no
tions about banks, tariffs, and every
other old political issue. For ourselves
we intend to join hands with any and
all men who now stand by the Govern
ment in its great trial. We shall not
inquire what a man has been, but what
a now is. We shall vote for a Brock
inridge Democrat or a Republican,
just as cheerfully as for a Douglas
Democrat, provided ho goes for put
ting down the insurrection and pun
ishing the insurgents. We shall not
support or vote for any man who does
not so pledge himself. We desire to
see all men holding these views meet
together and form a ticket for general
support. A ticket composed of men
who are beyond suspicion. We need
harmony, and good feeling. We need
to show to the world that we arc a
united people, and that our institutions
are so dear to us that we can forget all
past animosities of a political nature.
We plead for this, with all the energy
we possess. We would ask it on ben
ded knees for our beloved and suffering
country, and we implore voters of
every party name to throw aside, even
if it be only for a single year, all polit
ical prejudices, and join ill the inspiring
tocsin of the Union and the Constitu
tion, swear on the altar of patriotism,
never to hesitate until one land is
wrenched from the grasp of the ty
rants who are now wickedly intent on
crushing out every spark of constitu
tional liberty.
BARNS STRUCK BY LIOLITNING.—The
barn on Samuel Grove's farm occupied
by Greenawault, in Union township,
was struck by lightning on 'Friday af
ternoon last, and destroyed. There
were about 300 bushels of grain, and a
quantity of hay, a carriage, and two
winnowing mills, in the barn, which
were also destroyed.
A barn filled with grain and hay, on
the farm of Wm. Wilson on Shaver's
Creek, was struck on the same after
noon, and the whole completely de
stroyed.
The horses that were in the barns
were got out safely.
VIP An effort is making to fill up
four companies to leave this place for
three years or during the war. Young
men wishing to join the ranks can be
accommodated by making application
soon. The companies are Capt. Ham
ilton's cavalry, Capt. McCabe's Zou
alms, Capt. Miller's infantry, and Capt.
Hoffman's flilintry. The Jackson
Guards of Jackson and Barre° town
ships, are also short a few men. We
would like to see all these companies
filled soon, and ready for service.
Capt. Hamilton left for Washing
ton last night with a part of his com
pany. He will return in two or three
days to fill up the company.
ANOTHER DISTURBANCE IN BALTl-
MORE.—Breckinridge attempted to ad
dress his friends in the street on Thurs
day last. As soon as he made his ap
pearance in front of his hotel, the crowd
became very riotous, cheering for Jeff
Davis, hissing and groaning. He was
not permitted to proceed, and retired
in disgust. Breckinridge should ho
treated in the North as the Union men
are in the South.
RANT GOT HOME.—Tho Petersburg
company, Capt. Johnston, returned
home on Saturday evening last. They
belonged to the 15th Regiment, and
were detained at Carlisle for more
than a week waiting to be paid off.
PREACHING AT CAMP.—Rev. W.
Jones of Jerusalem, preached at Camp
Huntingdon on Sunday evening last.
There was a good attendance of citi
zens and soldiers.
WATCHES AND JEWELRY.-Our friend
J. T. SCOTT will open, during the Court,
a Splendid stock of fine Gold Watches
and Jewelry, at the Store of Messrs.
Wallace & Clement. Ho invites his
old patrons and friends to examine his
Adjournment of Congress
Both Houses of Congress adjourned
on Tuesday last. Since their orgiiiii
zation on the fourth of July last, they
have faithfully and energetically devo- .
ted their time to the execution of the
national policy as unfolded in the
President's message. • They have met
the great difficulties of the country
boldly, and dealt with them wisely.—
They have put into the hands of the
executive department the power of
the nation ; their legislation has given
to the adminiStration the means of im
mediate and untrammeled action. The
importance of its work will become
more plain as the war progresses.—
The result is a goverment, strong, un
divided and unfettered. During that
short session, probably, the most im
portant acts in our history were passed.
The proceedings of the President, un
constitutional in themselves, for the
suppression of the rebellion and the de
fence of the Capital, were approved.
Men and money to an almost un
limited extent were voted for the
further prosecution . of the war. The
tariff was amended, a loan bill passed,
and a - direct tax of $20,000,000 levied
and apportioned among the States.—
An net was also passed to confiscate
the property of those engaged in re
bellion against the United States Gov
ernment.
Patriotism and Party
[We find the following pointed and
truthful sentimentsin the lastShirleys
burg Herald, in the form of a commu
nication.]
"Is this a time for Party strife? This
question must be answered by every
true lover of our Government; and
that answer may tell for weal or woe
on the destiny of our Nation. It is
now going through its last, greatest
trial. God and the Bight brought our
fhthers through the bloody struggle.
Eighty-five years of wonderful pros
perity has marked thb history of a
Government of the People. Foes from
abroad have become powerless. Nov
we have presented that fiery trial of
saving ourselves from foes within. It
is a terrible issue. Blood and treasure
must be poured out like water. Our
only safety,—union of purpose, har
mony of thought and action, and a
self-sacrificing spirit, abandoning all
other aims but this one.
Need we inquire, What has brought
this frightful wrong upon us? Does it
not, much of it, grow out of intensified
PaFty strife? The leaders and the led
forgot, or abandond, care for their
Country, and eared only for themselves.
Parties were organized—offices estab
lished—laws enacted—justiec summon
ed and administered—every element
of public life was wielded, o n ly to serve
Party success, partisan place, and parti
san power. The measure of a man's
greatness, and merit. was his Party
success. That success must be won
through the filthy channels of mean
ness; and a Party's pets and patriots
were its tricksters. This moral pollu
tion at last infected the whole. The
honest submitted ; and the virtue, the
power, the patriotism, of the politician,
meant only that they must win and
keep position. They were great, good,
popular pets of their Party, if they
could get nominations, and votes. This
begot another evil : How can all this
be made to PAY? The stealings became
the real prize. Corruption-funds reach
ed the legislator. Those who "kissed
to betray," and who cast lots for the
garments of their victims, became our
lawgivers. Public virtue was crushed
outcry the vile corruptions of Party.
We have reached the end of the
way. Further on is ruin. Safety can
only be in a new path. A terrible War
is upon us. Onward, then, to a new
life, new glory, and lasting greatness—
or to our final overthrow. Which end
shall we reach ?
" There is t.one issue now. Can this
free Government be saved? All others
are as nothing. Hearts and hands
must be united, purse-strings unloosed,
treasure surrendered, a bloody sacri
fice offered, or the American Nation,
with all its glorious past, must sink
into endless night. It is no time for
wayside wrangling. To fight with
each other for the crumbs of the table,
when the hearth and the home is as
sailed by a common foe, is madness.
He is an enemy to his Country,—a
traitor in deed, if not in heart, who
would counsel or encoura g e a contest
which would divide friends. A Party
strife wculd open wounds not yet heal
ed; old passions would be aroused, old
hatred awakened, and the hot blood
of the old hate separate those who now
earnestly pray to be at liberty to love
each other. Then would there be dis
union at home—disunion abroad—
defeat to our arms, and disgrace every
where."
"Phtriot Freemen ! are you ready
for the trial ? Into your hands the last
hope of Human Freedom and a Peo
ple's Government is committed. Let
your answer be such as the hour de
mands.
<•Strike down the lines of Party creed,
And make us one in soul and deed:,
GEN. MCCLELLAN AND TUE ARMY.-
The editor of the West Chester Demo
crat in a late letter from Washington,
says :
At this point of time, when loyal
hearts are yearningly asking, " watch
man, what of the night," I think I can
antiepate the New York papers, and
say that in my humble judgment the
dawn is breaking. I cannot state from
whence I get my information, but I
can state that the battles of the Union
will henceforth be fought, not by di
rection from Washington, but by active
Generals on the field, clothed with full
powers to direct every movement as
the exigencies of the case may demand.
Gen. McClellan takes command only
on the condition that almost unlimited
powers are to be placed in his hands.
These powers are freely granted him
by the Administration. He will de
mand as many aids as the necessity of
the case requires. He will select his
own officers. In short, ho does not
intend to be festooned with red tape,
but ho proposes to save the Union as
he saved Western Virginia, by vigor
ous, bold, and daring exploits.
liee See advertisement of Along
Shaw Loo's Lecture, on Thursday eve
ning.
The Latest News.
From Fortress Monroe
Village of _Hampton Burned by the Reb
els.—Five Hundred Houses Destroyed.
—Flight of Union Alen and Women.
FORTRESS MONROE, Aug. 9.
The village of Hampton has been
burned by Gen. Magruder in his ad
vance with the rebel forces.
Scouts and fugitives yesterday morn
ing brought word of the approach of a
large confederate force from Yorktown.
These rumors were confirmed at 5 p.
m. by an intelligent deserter from the
secessionists named E. A. Mahew, a
native of Maine, but resident of Geor
gia until impressed into service, who
furnished an account of the expedition.
Mr. Mallow has been stationed at
Yorktown since the Ist of June. Ore
Friday last Colonel (now Gen.) Ma
gruder left Yorktown with a force of
7,000 men, including 200 cavalry and
pieces of artillery, viz; 3 Parrot
guns, 4 Howitzers and 1 rifled cannon.
- Part of the troops were from Wil
liamsburg. On Monday night they
encamped at Great Bethel which had
been completely deserted. On Tues
day night they advanced towards
Hampton and at noon took up h posi
tion on Back river.some three miles
from the town, where Mahew man
aged to escape through a corn field,
and by swimming a couple of streams
reached the Fortress. He says the
object of this expedition was to draw
out our forces to attack Camp Hamil
ton near Newport News, if practicable,
and at leaslto destroy Hampton, so as
to prevent us from using it for winter
quarters.
Gen. Butler at once repaired to this
end of Hampton bridge, where he re
mained until four o'clock. Col. Weber
erected a barricade near the Hampton
cud of the bridge and placed a strong
guard at various points on this side of
the creek. A few minutes past mid
night Gen. Magruder, with about 500
confederates, some of them belonging
in Hampton, entered:ll)c town and
immediately fired the buildings with
torches.
The greater part of the five handfed
houses were built of wood and as no
rain has fallen lately, the strong south
wind soon produced a terrible conflag
ration. There were perhaps twenty
white people and double that number
of negroes remaining in the town from
inability to remove, some of whose
houses were fired without waking the
inmates.
The rebels gave Carey Jones and
his wife, both of them aged and infirm,
but fifteen minutes to remove a few
articles of furniture .to the garden.—
Several of the whites and also of ne
'rocs were hurried away to be pressed
into the confederate service.
Wm. Scofield, a merchant, took re
fuge in a swamp above town.
Two negroes wefe drowned while
attempting to cross the creek.
A company of rebels attempted to
force the passage of the bridge, but
were repulsed with a loss of three
killed and six wounded.
The fire raked all night. The great
er part of the confederates withdrew
toward morning, and at noon to-day,
when I visited the place, but seven or
eight buildings were left standing.
The destruction of the town was a
wanton act of cruelty to resident -Uni
onists, and moreover entintly useless,
as Gen. Butler intends to winter his
army beyond Hampton.
Gen. Magruder has encamped near
New Market, Bridge. He will hardly
venture to attack Newport News.
Mr. Mallow stated that there have
been about 7,000 rebels stationed at
Yorktown. Some ten days ago a bat
talion came down to the outskirts of
Hampton and carried awaylSo negroes.
Another Fight in Missouri..
The Rebels Routed and Pursued
QUINCY, 111., Aug B.—A band of reb
els, numbering fi:ont 1,000 to 1,200,
made an attack upon the camp of the
Union men, at Athens, Mo., on Mon
day morning last at 5 o'clock.
There was a considerable amount of
arms and ammunition for the United
States troops stored in this place, un
der guard of the troops composing this
camp, United States aluntcers, num
bering about three hundrCd and fifty,
under command of Capt. Moore.
The fighting lasted about an hour,
when the rebels retreated.
In the meantime, Capt. Moore, hav
ing been reinforced by about one hun
dred and fifty men, from Centralia,
lowa, on the opposite side of the river,
gave chase after the rebels for about
a mile and a half, killing one of their
number, taking 18 prisoners, and cap
turing 31 horses and two Secession
flags
Several of' the rebels were wounded
in the chase after the battle, and six
or eight rebels were found dead on the
field. In the afternoon the bearer of
a rebel flag of truce to the Union camp
admitted that they carried off fourteen
killed, and that as many were wound
ed and misting.
The rebels were led by Martin
Green, a brother of ex-Senator James
Green. The Union men had three
killed and eight wounded.
Athens is a small town on the ex
treme north-east of Missouri, on the
Desmoines river, 25 or 30 miles west
of Keokuk.
LOYALTY
It is reported that the Union forces,
having been further reinforced by five
or six hundred troops from lowa,
marched in pursuit of the rebels on
Monday night, and were encamped 8
miles from Athens. A fight has no
doubt taken place at Athens, unless
the rebels ran.
Position of Gen. Lyon.
An Attack Anticipated.—The General
Confident of Success.
ROLLA, Mo., Aug. B.—Mr. Burden,
stage proprietor, who has just arrived
from Springfield, which place he left
on Monday at noon, furnishes the fol
lowing items :
Gen. Lyon with his forces had fal
len back on Springfield, having reached
there on Monday morning, and was
preparing for a vigorous defence. The
rebels were advancing by four differ
ent roads, and their advance was as
certained to be from ten to fifteen
miles distant.
Gen: Lyon had called on 2500 of
the flOme Guards from the country
around Springfield.
It was expected that the enemy
would make an immediate attack,
from the fact that their commissary
department was in a miserable condi
tion, they being obliged to depend on
forced contributions for temporary sup
plies.
It was generally remarked in Spring
field that Gen. Lyon was perfectly
confident of success in case of an at
tack. Ile had no entrenchments, but
would depend upon his splendid artil
lery in the open field. Fifty wagons,
laden with provisions, had reached
him.
The Field and Regimental Officers gilled
and Wounded at Bull Run
From late southern papers we make
up the following list of field and regi
mental officers killed at the battle of
Bull Run, from which it will be under
stood why Jeff. Davis pronounced it a
"dearly bought victory :"
=
Gen. Bernard E. Bee, South Carolina
Col. D. K. Mcßae, North Carolina.
Col. C. F. Fisher, North Carolina
Brig-Gen. E. K. Smith, regular army.
Gen. Francis A. Bartow - , Georgia.
Col. Lamar, Georgia,
Col. Nelson,Seeond Virginia regiment.
Col. Mason, of Gen. Johnson's Staff.
Col. Francis J. Thomas, of Baltimore.
Lieut. Col. Benj. J. Johnson, Hampton
Legion. .
CONFEDERATE OFFICERS WOUNDED.
Col. P. T. Moore, First Virginia vol-
unteers.
Major Robert Wheat, Louisiana Bat-
talion.
Colonel Gardiner
Col. Wade - Hampton, ILttopton Legion.
Col. L. T. Gartrell, Seventh Ye. regi-
ment.
Col. Jones, Fourth Alabama regiment.
Col. 11. C. Stevens, of Gen. Bee's staff.
Major Scott, Fourth Alabama regiment.
Major Wheat was previously repor
ted dead, but there is now prospects
of his recovery entertained.
The federal forces lost no field or
staff officers. The following is a com
plete list of the regimentalofficers kill
ed and wounded :
FEDERAL OFFICERS KILLED
Col. Cameron, Seventy-ninth New
York.
Col. John S. Slocum, Second Rhode
Lieut. Col. Ed. B. Fowler, Fourteenth
New - MFR.
FEDERAL OFFICERS WOUNDED
Major Sullivan Ballow, Seeond Rhode
Island.
Lt. Col. John A. Creiger, Fire Zouaves.
Lt. Col. Robert S. MeK. Elliott, Sev
enty-ninth New York militia.
Col. Farnham, Fire Zonaves.
Col. Heintzelman, Seventeenth U. S.
Infantry.
Col. Hunter, U. S. Army.
Col. W. G. B. Tompkins, Second New
York.
Col. A. W. Wood, Fourteenth New
York.
Col. Corcoran, prisoner, slightly hurt
Description of the Village of Hampton
The village of Hampton, or more
properly now called a town. is situa
ted on the left bank of the James riv
er, about tw•p miles from its entrance i
into the Ch6sapeake Bay, ninety-six
miles south-cast of Richmond, and is
the Capitol of Elizabeth City county,
Virginia. The part of the estuary of
James river situated between this town !
and Norfolk is called Hampton Roads. '
Hampton is an old town, having been
settled in 1705, possessing much his
toric interest, and has been the birth- I
place of several distinguished naval
officers. Its present importance is de
rived principally from its proximity to ,
Fortress Monroe and Fort Calhoun.
The former, in addition to other sour-
cos of expenditure, has, prior to the
breaking out of the war, and its occu
pation by the Union troops, been one
of the most fashionable places of re
sort in the South. The beach in the
vicinity affords excellent bathing
ground, and was thronged during the
summer months with the wealthy and
fashionable, and by some invalids, as
sembled there from Virginia, Mary
land, and other Southein States. Hamp
ton is two miles and a half distant from
Fortress Monroe, and has been a flour
ishing town.
The oyster business formed one of
the staples, hundreds of men coming.
.there to catch and plant the bivalves,
which are in ninny instances trans
planted on the Northern beaches, and
find a ready sale in our markets. Be
fore the rebellion Hampton numbered
about two thousand inhabitants.—
Among the attractions in the place
were the Military Academy:, five
churches, several hotels and numer
ous stores.
What a desolation it now presents.
One hundred and fifty-six years was
consumed in building up this place,
and the labors of a century and half
are swept away in a few hours. Such.
however, arc the stern realities of
war.
Persecution of Union Men in Viiginta
[From the Hagerstown Herald or Wednesday.]
The Union men of the border coun
ties in Virginia continue to seek refuge
in Maryland from the frightful tyranny
which the rebels are practicing in that
State. Within the last week upwards
of fifty have crossed the river from
Berkeley and Morgan counties, leav
ing behind them their families and
homes, to avoid being pressed into the
service. One of the number brought
with him the following notice, which
he took from a blacksmith shop in
Morgan county. This is the condition
of :Whirs to which the citizens of Mary
land are invited by their legislators
and the sympathizers with Secession
" NoncE.—All the militia belonging
to the 89th Regiment V. M. are or
dered to meet at Oakland on Monday
next, as early as they can, in order to
march to headquarters, Winchester,
forthwith; and I would make a friend
ly request of those men that failed, to
go before for them to turn out like true
hearted Virginians, and what they
have done will be looked over, but if
they do not regard this call they will
work their own ruin. They can never
be citizens of Virginia, and their prop
erty will be confiscated. The General
will send a troop of horse to Morgan
as soon as we leave, and all those men
who fitil to do their duty will be hunt
ed up, and what the consequence will
!ail am unable to say,
SAMUEL JOHNSTON,
Colonel 89th Re g iment V. M.
July 24. 1861."
Suppression of Insurrection
SPEECH OF HON. E. D. BAKER,
OF OREGON,
In the United States Senate, Aug. lst.
The Senate having under considera
tion the bill to suppress the insurrec
tion and sedition, and for other pur
poses,
Mr. Baker said :
Mr. President, it has not been my
fortune to participate in at any length,
indeed, riot to hear very much of, the
discussion which has been going on—
more, I think, in the hands of the &M
-ater from Kentucky than anybody
else—upon all the propositions connec
ted with this war; and, as I really feel
as sincerely as he can an earnest desire
to preserve the Constitution of the
United States for everybody, South as
well as North, I have listened for some
little time past to what he has said
with an earnest desire to apprehend
the point of his objection to this par
ticular bill. And now—waiving what
I think is the elegant but loose decla
mation in which lie chooses to indulge
—I would propose, with my habitual
respect for him, (for nobody is more
courteous and more gentlemanly,) to
ask him if'hc will be kind enough to
tell me what single particular provision
there is in this bill which is in violation
of the ConStitution of the United
States, which I have sworn to support
—one distinct, single propsition in
the bill.
Mr. Breckinridge. I will state, in
general terms, that every one of them
is, in my opinion, flagrantly so, unless
it may be the last. I will send the
Senator the bill, and he may comment
on the sections.
Mr. Baker. Pick out that one which
is in your judgment most clearly so.
Mr. Breckinridge. They are all, in
my opinion, so equally atrocious that
I dislike to discriminate. I will send
the Senator the bill, and I tell him that
every section, except the last, in my
opinion, violates the Constitution of
the United States, and of that last sec
tion I express no opinion.
Mr. Baker. I had hoped that that
respectful suggestion to the Senator
would enable him to point out to me
one in his judgment, most clearly so,
for they are not all alike—they are not
equally atrocious.
Mr. Breckinridge. Very nearly.—
The•e are ten of them. The Senator
can select which he pleases.
'Mr. Baker. Let - me try then, if I
must generalize as the Senator does,
to see if I can get the scope and mean
ing of this bill. It is a bill providing
that the President of the United States
may declare, by proclamation, in a
certain given state of fact, certain ter
ritory within the United States to be
in a condition of insurrection and war;
which proclamation shall be extensive
ly published within the district to
which it relates. That is the first
proposition. I ask him if that is un:
constitutional? That is a plain ques
tion. Is it unconsitutional to give
power to the President to declare a
portion of the territory of the United
States in a state of insurrection or re
bellion ? lie will not dare to say it is.
Mr. Breckinridge. Mr. President,
The Senator from Oregon is a very
adroit debater, and he discovers, of
coursevthe great, ad
have if I were to allow him, occupying
the floor, to ask me a Series of ques
tions, and then have his own criticisms
made on them. When he has closed
his speech, if I deem it necessary, I
may make sonic reply. At present,
however, I will answer that question. -
The State of Illinois, I believe, is a
military district. In my judgment,
the President has no authority, and,
in my judgment., Congress has no
right to confer upon the President au
thority to declare a State in a condi
tien of insurrection or rebellion.
Mr. Baker. In the first place, the
bill does not say a word about States.
That is the first answer.
Mr. Breckinridge. Does not the
Senator know, in fact, that those States
compose military districts? It might
as well have said " States" as to de
scribe what is a State.
Mr. Baker. I do; and that is the
reason why I suggest to the honorable
Senator that this criticism about States
does not mean anything at all. That
is the very point. The objection cer
tainly ought not to be that he can de
clare apart of a State in i nsurrection and
not the whole of it. In point of fhet,
the Constitution of the United States,
and the Congress of the United States
acting upon it, are not treating of
States, but of the territory comprising
the United States; and I submit once
more to his better judgment that it
cannot be unconstitutional to allow the
President to declare a county or a
part of a county, or a town or a part
of a town, or a part of a State, or the
whole State, or two States, or five
States, in a condition of insurrection,
if in his judgment that be the filet.—
That is not wrong.
In the next place, it provides that
that being so, the military commander
in that district may make and publish
such police rules and regulations as he
may deem necessary to suppress the
rebellion and restore order, and pre
serve the lives and property of citizens.
I submit to him, if the President of the
United States has power, or ought to
have power, to suppress insurrection
and rebellion, is there any better way
to do it, or is there any other? The
gentleman says, do it by the civil pow
er. Look at the filet. The civil pow
er is utterly overwhelmed; the courts
are closed; the judges banished. Is
the President not to execute the law ?
Is he to do it in person, or by his mil
itary commanders ? Are they to do
it with regulation, or without it? That
is the only question.
Mr. President, the honorable Sena
tor says there is a state of war. The
Senator from Vermont agrees with
him; or rather, ho agrees with the
Senator from Vermont in that. What
then ? There is a state of public war;
none the less war because it is urged
from the other side; not the less war
because it is unjust ; not the less war
because it is a war of insurrestion and
rebellion. It is still war; and I am
willing to say it is public war—public
as contradistinguished from private
war. What then ? Shall we carry
that war on ? Is it his duty as a Sen
ator to carry it on ? If so, how ? By
armies, under command; by military
organization and authority, advancing
to suppress insurrection and rebellion.
Is that wrong ? Is that unconstitu
al ? Are we not bound to do, with
whoever levies war against us, as we
would do if he was a foreigner? There
is no distinction as to the mode of car
rying on war ; we carry on war against
an advancing army just the same,
whether it be from Russia or from
South Carolina. Will the honorable
Senator tell me it is our duty to stay
here, within fifteen miles of the enemy
seeking to advance upon us every hour,
and talk about nice questions of con
stitutional construction, as to whether
it is war or merely insurrection ? No,
sir. It is our duty to advance if we
can. to suppress insurrection; to put
down rebellion; to dissipate the rising;
to scatter the enemy; and when we
have done so, to preserve, in the terms
of the bill, the liberty, lives and prop
erty of the people of the country, by
just and fair police regulations. I ask
the Senator from Indiana (Mr. Lane,)
when we took Montery, did we not do
it there? When we took Mexico, did
we not do it there? is it not a part,
a necessary, an indispensable part of
war itself, that there shall be military
regulations over the country conquered
and held ? Is that unconstitutional ?
I think it was a mere play of words
that the Senator indulged in when he
attempted to answer the Senator from
New York. I did not understand the
Senator from New York to mean any
thing substantially but this, that the
Constitution deals generally with a
state of peace, and that when war is
declared it leaves the condition of pub
lic affairs to be determined by the law
of war, in the country where the war
exists. It is true that the Constitution
of the United States does adopt the
laws of war as a part of the instru
ment itself during the continuance of
the war. The Constitution does not
provide that spies shall be hung. Is
it unconstitutional to hang a spy?—
There is no provision for it in the Con
stitution ; bet nobody denies the right,
the power, the justice. Why? Be
cause it is part of the law of war. The
Constitution - does not, provide for the
exchange of prisoners ; yet it may be
done under the law, of war. Indeed
the Constitution does not provide that
a prisoner may be taken at all ; yet
his captivity is perfectly just and con
stitutional. It seems to me that the
Senator does not, will not take that
view of the subject.
Again, sir, when a military com
mander advances, as I trust, if there
are no more unexpected great rever
ses, he will advance, through Virginia,
and occupies the country, there, per
haps, as here, the civil law may be si
lent; there, perhaps, the civil officers
may flee, as ours have been compelled
to flee. What then ? If the civil law
is silent, who shall control and rer,,,m
late the conquered district? who but
the military commander? As the
senator from Illinois has well said,
shall it be done by regulation or with
out regulation ? Shall the General, or
the colonel, or the captain be supreme,
or shall lie be regulated and ordered
by the President of the United States?
That is the sole question. The Sena
tor has put it well.
I agree that we ought to do all we
can to limit, to restrain, to fetter the
abuse of military power. Bayonets
are at best illogical arguMents. I tun
not willing, except as a case of sheer
st necessity, ever to permit a military
commander to exercise authority over
n , e 1 a
is part of the Yaw of war; yio I * c.Ylficd
carry in the rear of your army your
courts; you cannot organize juries;
you cannot have trials according to
the forms and ceremonial of the com
mon law amid the clangor of arms,
and somebody must enforce police
regulations in a conquered or occupied
district. I ask the senator from Ken
tucky again, respectfhlly, is that un
constitutional; or if, in the nature of
war, it must exist, even if there be no
law passed by us to allow it, is it un
constitutional to regulate it? That is
the question, to which I do not think
he will make a clearand distinct reply.
Now, sir, I have shown him two
sections of the bill, which I do not
think he will repeat earnestly are un
constitutional. Ido not think that he
will seriously deny that it is perfectly
constitutional to limit, to regulate, to
control, at the same time to confer and
restrain authority in the hands of mil
itary commanders. I think it is wise
and judicious to regulate it by virtue
of powers to be placed in the hands of
the President by law.
Now, a few words, and a few only,
as to the Senator's predictions. 'The
Senator from Kentucky stands - np
here in a manly way in opposition to
what lie sees is the overwhelming sen
timent of the Senate, and utters re
proof, malediction, and prediction
combined. Well, sir, it is not every
prediction that is prophecy. It is the
easiest thing in the world to§do; there
is nothing easier, except to be mista
ken when we have predicted.. IcOn
fess, Mr. PreSident, that I would not
have predicted three weeks ago the
disasters which have overtaken our
arms; and I do not think (if I were to
predict now) that six months hence
the Senator will indulge in the same
tone of prediction which is his favorite
key now. I would ask him what
would you have us do now—a Confed
orate army within twenty•miles of us,
advancing, or threatening to advance
to overwhelm your Government; to
shako the pillars of the' Union; to
bring it around your head, if You stay
here, in ruins? Are we 'to stop and
talk about - an uprising. sentiment in
the North against the war? Are we
to predict •evil, and' retire' from what
we predict? hit not the manly part
to go on as we have be'gtm," to raise
money, and levy armies, to organize
them, to prepare to advance; when
we o advance, to regulate that ad
vance by all the laws and regulations
that civilization and humanity will
allow in time of battle ? Can ivo do
anything more? To talk about us
stopping, is idle; we will never stop.
Will the Senator yield to rebellion ?
Will he shrink from armed insurree
tioA Will his State justify it? Will
its better public opinion allow it ?
Shall we send a flair 9f truce?, What
would he have? Or would he conduct
this war so feebly, that. the whole
world would snide at us in derision ?
What would he have? These speech
es of his, sown broadcast over the
land, what olcar, distinct meaning
have they ? Are they not intended
to dull our weapons ?. Are they not
intended to destroy our zeal? Are
they not intended to al:int - ate our ene.
Sir, are, they not words of
brilliant, polished treason, even in the
very Capitol of' the Confederacy?--
[Manifestations of applause in the gal,
levies.]
The Presiding Officer, (Mr. Anthony
in the chair.) Order! -it OP
Mr: BAKER. What would have been
thou g ht if; in another, Capitol; in an
other Republic, in a yet more martial
age, a Senator as grave, not mare elo
quent or dignified' than the Senator
from Kentucky, yet with the Roman
purple flying over ,his shoulders, had %
risen in his place, surrounded 'by all I
the illustrations of Roman glory, and ;
declared that advancing Hannibal was
just, and that Carthage 'ought to be ,
dealt within terms ofpeace ? What '
would have been thought if, after the- -
battle of Cannte a Senator there
risen in his place and',denounded every "
levy of the Roman people, every ex
penditure of its treasury, and every
appeal to'the old recollections' and the
old glories? Sir, a Senator,' himself/
learned far more than myself in suet
lore, (Mr. Fessenden,) tells me, in f
voice that I am glad is audible, the
he would have been hurled from tl
Tarpeian rock. • It is a grand cm,
mentary upon the American Constit
tion that we permit these words to b
uttered. I ask the Senator to .recol
lect, too, What, save to send aid and
comfort to the enemy, do these prer.:,
dictions of his amount to? Every. :
Word thus uttered falls as 'a note of
inspiration upon every COnfederato -
ear. Every sound thus uttered is a
ivord (and falling from his lips, a
mighty word) of kindling and triumph !
to a foe that determines to 'advance.—
For me, I have no such word as a sen
ator to utter. For me, amid tempo
rary defeat, disaster, disgrace, it seems
that my duty calls me to utter another
word, and that word is, bold, sudden,
for,vard, determined war, according to
the laws of war, by armies, by
ry commanders clothed with full pcifie
er,
advancing with all the past glorie
of the Republic urging theia"on 'to
conquest.
I do not stop to consider whether it
is subjugation or not. It is compulso
ry obedience, not to my will ; and not
to yours, sir; not to the will of any
one man; not to the will of any one
State; but compulsory obedience' to
the Constitution of the whole country.
The Senator chosethe other day again
and again to animadvert on a single
expression, in a little speech which I
delivered before the Senate, in which
I took 'occasion to say that if the peo
ple of the rebelliouS States would not
govern thethselves as States they ought If
to be governed as Territories. The
Senator knew hill well, then, fur I ex
plained twice—he knows full well noly,.
—that on this side of the Chamber; '
nay, in this whole Chamber; nay, in
this whole :North and West; nay, in
all the loyal States in all their breadth,
there is not a man among us who
dreams of pausing any man in the
South to submit to any rule, either as
to life, liberty or property, that we
ourselves do not willingly agree to •
yield to. Did he ever. think of that? •
Subjugation for what? When we sub
jugate South Carolina, what shall we
do? We shall compel its obedience'to
the Constitution of the United States;
that is all. Why play upon w6rds?-- - -
Wo do not mean, we have never sale, -
any more. If it be slavery that men
should obey the Constitution their
flithers fought for, let it be 120. If it
be freedom, it is freedom equally for • 4
jugate rebellion into loyalty; we-Pro
pose to
_subjugate insurrection_ into
peace; we propose to subjugate con
federate monarchy into constitutional
Union liberty. The Senator well
knows that we propose no more. I
ask him,.l appeal to his better judg
ment now, what does he imagine we
intend to o, if fbannately we conquer
Tennessee or South Carolina—call it -
"conquer," if you will sir—what do
we propose to do? They will ,have 4
their courts still ; they will have their - 7
ballot-boxes still; they will have their .
elections still; they will have their
representatives upon this floor still;
they will have taxation and represen
tation still; they will have the writ of
habeas empas still; they will have ev
ery privilege they ever had and all We
desire. When the Confederate armies
are scattered; when thir leaders are .1
banished from power; when the people ;
return to a late repentant sense of the
wrong they have done to a Govern
ment they never felt but in benignan
cy- and blessing, then the Constitution,
made for ail will be felt by all, like the
descending rains from heaven whk,h
bless all alike. Is that sUbjligatiorg
To restore u-hat was, as it Was, for the
benefit - of the whole human race,
all we desire and all we 'can have.,
Gentlemen talk about the Northeast.
I appeal . to Senators from the North
east, is there a man in all your States
who advancos' upon the South with
any, other idea but to restore the Cen
stitntion of the United States in its
spirit and its Unity; I never 'heard
that one. I believe no man indulges
'in any, dream of inflicting there any
wrong to public,liberty ; and I respect
fully tell the Senator from Kentucky
that ho persistently, earnestly, I Will
not '„say wilfully t misrepresents the
sentiment - at
„the: . NOrth and West
when attemPts,to teach these;doc
trines to the Confederates of the South.
Sir, while I,am predicting, I *litell ,
you anotherthing. This threat about
Money And - Men *mints to nothing.
Some of the Stares which have,,beeu •
named in that connection' 1
well. I knoiV, as my friend _ A
nois will bear 'Me', witness, his ak
State very well. I am surel:thaM 4 .: '27;
temporary defeat, no momentary disa's!' 1 :
ter, will swerve that State eitherfront Alkrr
its allegiance to the Union, or from its
determination to,preserve,,it., D. is WA
with us a question.of money or bleed; _
it is a question involving considerations
higher than these. When the Senator—
from Kentuekey speaks of,the Pacifie s
1 see another distinguished.- fried .
from Illinois, now ,worthily represent,—
ing one of the States on the Pacific (Mr,
McDougall) who will bear me witness
that I know that State too well. I'
take the liberty—l know I but utter
his sentiments in advance—joining
with him, to say that that State, quo-
ting from the passage the,,gentlemen,
himself has quoted, will be true, to, the,
Union to the last of her hlesed. 12 . 4 r
treasure. There may he ; there son*
disaffected; there : may he some, few -
men there who would, rather rule in
hell than serve in heaven." There are
such men everywhere, There, are
few men there who have left the Penal I
for the good'of the South; who are
perverse, vjohtd; thiStructive, revolu,
tionary, and oppose4l to social order,
.4 few but a very few, thus fornied,
and thus nurtured. in California and
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