PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE
AND Heinz or REPRESENTATIVES :
Raring been convened on an extraor
dinary. occasion authorized by the Con
stitution, your attention is not called
to any ordinary subject of legislation.
At the beginning of the Presidential
term, four months ago, the functions
Of the Federal Government wore found
to be generally suspended within the
several States — of South Carolina,
Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisi
ana and 'Florida, excepting only those
of the Post Office Department. With
in these States all the forts, arsenals,
dock-yards, enstom houses and the like,
had been seized and were held in open
hostility to this Government, excepting
only forts Pickens, Taylor and Jeffer
son, on and near the Florida coast,
and Fort Sumpter in Charleston har
bor, South Carolina.' The forts thus
seized had been put in improved con
dition. New ones hiLd been built, and
armed forces had been organized and
were organizing, all avowedly with
the same hostile purpose. The forts
remaining in the possession of the
Federal Government in and near these
States were either besieged or men
aced by warlike preparations, and es
pecially Fort Sumpter, whieli - was
nearly surrounded by well-projected
hostile batteries with guns equal in
quality to the best of its own, and out
numbering the latter as perhaps ten
to one. A disproportionate share of
the .Federal muskets and rifles had
somehow found their way into those
States, and had been seized to be used
against the Government. Accumula
tions of the public revenue, lying with
in them, had, been seized for the same
object. The navy was scattered in
distant seas, leaving but a very small
part of it within the immediate reach
-of the Government. Officers of the
Federal army and navy had resigned
in great numbers, and of those resign
ing a-large proportion- bad taken up
arms against the Government. Simul
taneously, and in connection with all
this, the purpose to sever the Federal
Union was openly avowed. In ae
eordance with this purpose an ordi
nance tad been adopted in each of
those States declaring the States re
spectively to bo separated from the
National Union. A formula for insti
tilting a combined Government of these
States had been promulgated, and this
illegal organization in the character of
Confederate States was already invo
king recognition, aid and intervention
om foreign Powers.
Finding this condition of things,
and believing it to be an imperative
duty upon the incoming Executive to
prevent, if possible, the consummation
of such attempt to destroy the Federal
Union, a choice of means to that end
became • indispensable. This choice
was made, and was declared in the
Inaugural Address. The policy chosen
looked to the exhaustion of all peace
ful measures before a resort to any
stronger ones. It sought only to hold
the public places and property not al
ready wrested from the Government,
and to collect the revenue, relying for
the rest on time, discussion, and the
ballot-box. It promised a continuance
-of the mails, at the Government's ex
pense, to the very people who were
resisting the Government, and it gave
,repeated pledges against any disturb
ances to any of the people, or any of
their rights._
. all that wnich. a
President might - constitutionally and
justifiably do in such a case everything
was forborne, without which it was
believed possible to keep the Govern
ment on foot.
On the sth of March, the present
incumbent's first full day in office, a
letter of Major Anderson, commanding
at Fort Sumpter, written on the 28th
of February, and received at the War
Department on the 4th of March, was,
by that Department, placed in his
hands. This letter expressed the pro
fessional opinion of the writer that re
inforeemeuts could not be thrown into
that fort, within the time for his relief
rendered necessary by the limited sup
ply of provisions, and with a view of
holding possession of the same, with a
force of less than 20,000 good and well
disciplined men. This- opinion -was
concurred in by all the officers of his
command; and their memoranda on
the subject were made enclosures of
Major Anderson's letter. The whole
was immediately laid before Lieut.
General Scott, who at once concurred
with Major Anderson in that opinion.
On reflection, however, he took full
time, consulting with other officers,
both of the army and navy, and at
the end of four days came reluctantly,
but decidedly, to the same conclusion
as before. He also stated at the same
time that - no st - eh sufficient force was
then within the control of the Govern
ment, or could be raised and brought
to the ground within the time when
the provisions in the fort would be ex
hausted. In a purely military point
of view, this reduced the duty of the
Administration in the case to the mere
matter of getting the garrison safely
out of the - fort. It was believed, how
ever, that to so abandon that position,
under the circumstances, would be ut
terly ruinous; that the necessity under
which it was to be done would net be
fully--understood;- that by- many it
would be construed as a part of a vol
untary- policy; that at home it would
discourage the - friends - of the Union,
embolden its adversaries„ and go far
to insure the latter a recognition
abroad; that, in' fact, it would be our
national destruction consummated.—
This could not be allowed. Starvation
was not yet upon the garrison, and
Are it would be reached Fort Pickens
might be reinforced. This last would
be a clear indication of policy, and
would better enable the country to ac
cept the evacuation of Fort Sumpter,
as a military necessity. An order was
at once directed to be sent for the
landing of the troops from the steam
ship Brooklyn into Fort Pickens.—
This order could not go by land, but
must take the longer and slower route
by sea. The first return news from
the order was received just one week
before the fall of Fort Sumpter. The
news itself was that the officer com
manding the Sabine, to which vessel
the troops had been transferred from
the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi
armistice of the late Administration,
and of the existence of which the pres
ent Administration, up to the time the
order was despatched, had only too
vague and uncertain rumors to fix at
tention, had refused to land the troops.
,To now reinforce Fort Pickens before
a crisis would be readied at Fort
Sumpter was impossible, rendered so
by the near exhaustion of provisions
in the latter named fort.
In such a conjuncture the Govern
ment had a fele days before commenced
preparing an expedition, as well adapt
ed as might be, to relieve Fort Sump
ter, which expedition was intended to
be ultimately used or not, according
to circumstances. The strongest an
ticipated case for using it was now
presented, and it was resolved to send
it forward, as had been intended in
this contingency. It was also resolved
to-notify the Government of South
Carolina that if the attempt should
not be resisted there would be no ef
fort to throw in men, arms, or ammu
nition without further notice, or in
case of an attack upon the fort. This
notice was accordingly given, where
upon tho fort was attacked and bom
barded to its full, without even await
ing the arrival of the provisioning ex
pedition. It is thus seen that the aa
cault upon and the reduction of Fort
Sumpter was in no sense a matter of
self-defence on the part of the assail
ants. They welt knew that the gar
rison in the fort could by no possibili
ty commit aggression upon thorn.—
They know—they were expressly no
tified—that tbe giving of bread to a
few brave and hungry men of the
garrison was all which could, on that
occasion, be attempted, unless them
selves by resisting so much should
provoke more. They knew that this
Government desired to keep this gar
rison in the fort; not to assail them,
but merely to maintain visible posses
sion, trusting, as hereinbeforo stated,
to time, discussion and the ballot-box,
for final adjustment. And they as
sailed and reduced the fort for precise
ly the reverse object—to drive out the
visible authority of the Federal Union,
and thus force it to immediate dissolu
tion.
• That this was their objeet,_the Exe
entire well understood; and having
said to them in the Inaugural address,
"you can have no conflict without be
ing yourselves the aggressors," he took
pains not only to keep this declaration
< , ood ' but also to keep the case so free
•
from the power of ingenious sophistry
as that the world should riot be able
to misdrid'erstand it. By the affair at
Fort Sumpter, with its surrounding
circumstances, that point was reached.
Then and thereby the assailants of the
Government began the conflict of arms
without a gun in sight or in expectan
cy to return their tire, save only the
few in the fort, sent to that, harbor
years before for their own protection,
and still ready to give that protection
in whatever was lawful. In this act,
discarding all else, they have forced
upon the country the distinct issue—
immediate dissolution or blood. And
this issue embraces more than the fate
of these United States. It presents to
the whole family of man the question
whether a Constitutional Republic or
Democracy—a government of the
people by the same people—can or
cannot maintain its territorial integri
ty against its domestic foes. It pre
sents the question whether disconten
ted-individuals, too few in numbers to
control the Administration according
to the organic law in any case. can
always, upon the pretences made in
this case or any other pretence, break
up their government, and thus prac
tically put an end to the freest gov
ernment upon the earth. It forces us
to ask: Is there in all Republics this
inherent and fatal weakness? Must a
government of necessity be too strong
for the liberties of its own people or
too weak to maintain its own exis
tence ?
So viewing the issue, no choice was
left but to call out the war power of
the Government, and so to resist the
force employed for its destruction by
force for its preservation.
The call wan - wide, and the response
of the country was most gratifying,
surpassing in unanimity and spirit the
most sanguine expectations. Yet none
of the States commonly called slave
States, except Delaware, gave a regi
ment through regular State organiza
tions. A few regiments have been or
ganized within some others of those
States by individual enterprise, and
received into the Government service.
Of course the seceded States so called,
and to which Texas had been joined
about the time of the inauguration,
gave no troops to the cause of the
Union. The 'Border States so called,
were not uniform in their action, some
of them being almost unanimous for
the Union, while in others, as Virgin
ia and North Carolina, Tennessee and
Arkansas, the Union sentiment was
nearly repressed and silenced. The
course taken in Virginia was the most
remarkable, perhaps the most impor
tant. • A convention elected by the
people of that State to consider this
very question of disrupting the Fede.
ral Union was in session at the capi
tal of Virginia when Fort Sumpter fell.
To this body the people had chosen a
large majority of professed Union men.
Almost immediately after the fall of
Sumpter, many members of that ma
jority went over to the original disu
nion minority, and with them adopted
an ordinance for withdrawing the
State from the Union. Whether this
change was wrought by their great
approval of the assault upon Sumpter,
or the great resentment at the Gov
ernment's resistance to that assault, is
not definitely known. Although they
submitted the ordinance for ratifica
tion to a vote of the people, to be
taken on a day then somewhat more
than a month distant, the Conven
tion-and- the Legislature, whieli was
also in session at the same time and
place, with leading members of the
State not members of either, immedi
ately commenced acting as if the State
were already out of the Union. They
pushed their military preparations
vigorously forward all over the State.
They seized the United States armory
at Harper's Ferry, and the navy-yard
at Gosport, near Norfolk. They re
ceived, perhaps invited, into their
State large bodies of troops, with their
warlike appointments, from the so
called seceded States. They formally
entered into a treaty of temporary al
liance and co-operation with the so
called Confederate States, and sent
members to their Congress at Mont
gomery, and finally they permitted the
insurrectionary Government to be
transferred to their capital at Rich
mond.
The people of Virginia have thus
allowed this giant insurrection to make
its nest within her borders, and this
Government has no choice left but to
deal with it where it finds it, and it
has the less regret us the loyal citi
zena have, in due form, claimed its
protection. These loyal citizens this
,Government is bound to recognize and
protect as being Virginia.
In the Border States so called, in
fact the Middle States, there.are those
who favor a policy which they call
armed neutrality; that is, an arming_
of those States to prevent the Union
forces passing one way or the Dis
union the other, over their soil. This
would be disunion completed, figura
tively speaking. It would be the build
ing of an impassable wall along the
lino of separation, and yet not quite
an impassable one, for under the guise.
of neutrality it would tie the hands of
the Union men, and freely pass sup
plies from among them to the.insnr
rectionists, which it could not do as an
open_ .enemy., At a stroke it would
take all the trouble off the hands of
secession, except only what proceeds
from the external blockade. It would
do for the Disunionists that which, of
all things they most desire—feed them
well, and give them disunion without
a struggle of their own. It recognizes
no fidelity to the Constitution, no ob
ligation to maintain the Union; and,
while very many who have favored it
are doubtless loyal, it is nevertheless
very injurious in effect.
Recurring to the action of the Gov
ernment, it may bo stated that at first
a call was made for seventy-five thou
sand militia, and rapidly following
this a proclamation was issued for clos
ing the ports of the insurrectionary
districts, by proceedings in the nature
of a blockade. So far, all this was be
lieved to be strictly legal.
At this point, the insurrectionists
announced their purpose to enter upon
the practice of privateering. Other
calls were made for volunteers to serve
three years, unless sooner discharged,
and also for large additions to the reg
ular army and navy. These measures,
whether strictly legal or not, were
ventured upon under what appeared
to be a popular demand and a public
necessity, trusting, then, as now, that
Congress would readily ratify them.—
It is believed that nothing has been
done beyond the constitutional compe
tency of Congress.
Soon after the first call for militia,
it was considered a duty to authorize
the Commandino• 's General in proper
cases, according to his discretion, to
suspend the privilege of the writs of
habeas corpus, or, in other words to.
arrest and detain, without resort to
the ordinary procesS and forms of law,
such individuals as lie might deem
dangerous to the public safety. This
authority has purposely been exercised
but very sparingly. Nevertheless, the
legality and proprietyof what has been
done under it are questioned, and the
attention of the country has been called
to the proposition that ono who is
sworn to take care that the laws be
faithfully executed should not himself
violate them. Of course some consid
eration was given to the questions of
power and propriety, before this mat
ter was acted on.
The whole of the laws which were
required to be faithfully executed were
being resisted, and failing of execution
in nearly one-third - of the States.—
Must they be allowed to finally fail of
execution, even had it been perfectly
clear that, by the use of the means ne
cessary to their execution, some single
law, made in such extreme tenderness
of the citizens' liberty that, practically,
it relieves more of the guilty than of
the innocent, should, to a very limited
extent, be violated?
To state the question more directly,
are all the laws but ono to go anexe
cuted, and the Government itself go to
pieces lest that one bo violated? Even
in such a case, would not the official
oath be broken if the Government
should be overthrown, when it was
believed that disregarding the single
law would tend to preserve it ? But
it was not believed that this question
was presented. It was not believed
that any law was violated. The pro
vision of the Constitution, that the
privilege of the writ of habeas corpus
shall not be suspended unless when,
in case of rebellion or invasion, the
public safety may require it, is equiv
alent to a provision that such privilege
may be suspended when, in cases of
rebellion or invasion, the public safety
does require it. It, was decided that
we have a case of, rebellion, and that
the public safety does require the qual
ified suspension of the privilege of the
writ, which was authorized to be made.
Now it is insisted that Congress, and
not the Executive, is vested with this
power. But the Constitution itself is
silent as to which or who is to exercise
the power, and as the provision was
plainly made for a dangerous emer
gency, it cannot be believed that the
framers of the instrument intended
that in every case the danger should
run its course.
Congress could be called together,
the very assembling of which might
be prevented, as was intended, in this
case by the rebellion. No more exten
ded argument is now offered, as an
opinion at some length will probably
bo presented by the Attorney General.
Whether there shall be any legislation
upon the subject, and if any, what, is
submitted entirely to the better judg
ment of Congress.
The forbearance of this Government
had been so extraordinary and so long
continued as to lead some foreign na
tions to shape their action as if they
supposed the early destruction of our
National Union was probable. While
this, on discovery, gave the Executive
some concern, heis now happy to say
that the sovereignty and rights of the
United States are now everywhere
practically respected by foreign Pow
ers, and a general sympathy with the
country is manifested throughout the
world.
The reports of the Secretaries of the
Treasury, War, and the Navy, will
give the information in detail deemed
necessary and convenient for your de
liberation and action, while the Exec
utive and all the departments' will
stand ready to supply omissions, or to
communicate now facts considered im
portant for you to know.
It is now recommended that you
give the legal means for making this
contest a short and decisive ono; that
you place at the control of the Govern
ment, for the work, at least 400,000
men and 8400,000,000. That number
of men is about one=tenth of those of
proper ages within the regions where
apparently all aro willing to engage,
and the sum is less than a twenty-third
part of the money value owned by the
men who seem ready to devote the
whole.
A debt of $600,000,000 now is a -less
sum per head Omit . was the debt of our
own Revolution, when we eame,out of
that struggle j and' themoney value in
the country now bears even a greater
proportion to what it was then than
does the population. Surely, each man
has as strong a motive now to pretirve
our liberties as each had then to estab
lish them.
, A right result at this tune will be
worth more to the world than ten
times the men and ten times the money.
Tho evidence reaching us from the
country leaves •no doubt that the ma
terial for the work is abundant, and
that it needs only the hand of legisla
tion to give it legal sanction, and the
hand of the executive to give it prac
tical shape and efficiency. One of the
greatest perplexities of the Government
is to avoid receiving troops faster
than providing for them. In a word,
the people will save the Government
if the GoVernment itself will do its
part only indifferently well.
It might seem, sit first thought, to
be of little difference whether the pres
ent movement at the South bo called
secession or rebellion. The movers,
however, well understand the differ
ence. At the beginning they know
they could never raise their treason to
any respectable magnitude by any
name which implies violation of law.
They know their people possessed as
much of moral sense, as much of devo
tion to law and order, and as much
pride in, and reverence for, the history
and Government of their common
country as any other civilized and pat
riotic people. They knew they could
make no advancement directly in the
teeth of these strong and noble senti
ments. Accordingly, they commenced
by an insidious debauching of the pub
lic mind. They invented an ingenious
sophism which, if conceded, was fol
lowed by perfectly logical steps through
all the incidents to the complete de
struction of the Union.
The sophism itself is that any State
of the Union may ; consistently with
the National Constitution, and there
fore lawfully and pcjacefully, withdraw
from the Union, without the consent
of the Union or of any other State.—
The- little dieguise i -that the supposed
right is to be exercised only for a just
cause, because they themselves are to
be the sole judges of its justice, is too
thin to merit any notice.
With rebellion thus sugar-coated,
they have been drugging the public
mind of their. section for more than
thirty years, and until at length they
have brought many a good man to a
willingness to take up arms against
the 'Government the day after some
assemblage of men have enacted the
farcical pretence of taking their State
out of the Union, who could have been
brought to no such thing the day be
fore.
This sophism derives much, perhaps
the whole of its currency, from the
assumption that there is some omnip
otent and sacred supremacy pertain
ing to a State, to each State of our
Federal Union. Our States have neith
er more nor less power than that re
served to them in the Union by the
Constitution, no one of them ever lutv
lug been a State out of the Union.—
The original ones • passed into the
Union even before they cast off their
British colonial dependence, and the
new ones each came into the Union
directly from a condition of dependence,
excepting Texas ; and even Texas, in
its temporary itidepe: i ndence, was never
designated a State. Tho new ones
only took the designation of States on
coming into the Union; while that
name was first adopted for the old
ones in and by the Declaration of In
dependence. Therein the United Colo
nies were declared to be free and inde
pendent States.
But even the object plainly was not
to declare their independence of one
another, or of the Union, but directly
the contrary, as their mutual pledge
and mutual action, before, at the time,
and afterwards, abundantly show.—
The express plighting pf faith, by each
and all the original thirteen, in the
Articles of Confederation, two years
later, that " the Union shall be perpet
ual," is most conclusive. Having nev
er been States, either in substance or
name outside of the Union, whence
this magical omnipotence of State
Rights assorting a claim of power to
lawfully destroy the Union itself?—
Much is said about the sovereignty of
the States, but the word, even, is not
in the National Constitution, nor, as
is believed, in any of the State Con
stitutions. What is a sovereignty, in
the political sense of the term ? Would
it be far wrong to define it " a political
community without a political supe
rior ?" Tested by this, no one of our
States except Texas ever was a sover
eignty, and even Texas gave up the
character on coming into the Union,
by which act she acknowledged the
Constitution of the United States, and
the laws and treatise of the United
States, made in pursuance of the Con
stitution, to be for her the supreme
law of the land. The States have their
status in the Union, and they have no
other legal status. If they break from
this, they can only do so against law,
and by revolution. The Union, and
not themselves separated, procured
their independence and their liberty.
By conquest or purchase, the Union
gave each of them whatever of inde
pendence and liberty it has. The
Union is older than any of the States,
and in fact it created them as States.
Originally, some dependent
,eolonies
made the Union, " and, in turn, the
Union threw off their old dependence
for them and made them States, such
as they aro. Not ono of them ever
bad a State Constitution independent
of the Union.
Of conie), it is not forgotten that all
the now States framed their Constitu
tions before they entered the Union;
nevertheless dependent upon, and pre
paratory to coming into the Union.
Unquestionably, the States have the
powers and rights reserved to them in
and by the National Constitution ; but
among these, surely are not included
all conceivable powers, however mis
chievous or destructive, but at most,
such only as are known in the world
at the time as governmental powers,
and certainly a power to destroy the
Government: itself had never kntAin
as governmental a merely administra
tive power.
This relative matter of national pow
er and State rights as a principle is no
other than OA, principle of generality
and locality.
Whatever concerns the whole should be
confided to the whole. to the General Gov,
ernment ; while whatever concerns only the'
State should be left exclusively to the State,
This is all there is of original principle etbout
it. Whether the National Constituthm, in
defining boundaries between the two, has ap
plied the principle with exact accuracy, is
not to be questioned. We are also bound by
that defining, without question. What is now
combatted is the position that secession is
consistent with the Constitution, is lawful
and peaceful. It is not contended that there
is any express law for it, and nothing should
over be implied as law which leads to unjust
or absurd consequences.
Thq nation purchased with money the
countries out of which several of these States
were formed. Is it just that they shall go
off without leave and without refunding?—
The nation paid very large sums—in the ag
'gregnte, I believe, of a hundred millions—to
relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it
just-that she shall now go off without consent
or Without making any return? The nation
is now in debt for money applied for the bone
fit of those so-called seceded States in common
with the rest. Is it just either that creditors
shall go unpaid, or the remaining States pay
the whole ? Part of the present national
debt was contracted to pay the old debts of
Texas.- Is it just that she shall leave and
pay no part of this herself?
Again, if one State may secede, so may
another,' and when all shall have secede-I,
none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite
just to creditors? Did we notify them of
I this sage view of ours when we - borrowed
their money? If we now recognize this doc
trine by allowing the Seceders to go in pence,
it is difficult to see what we can do if others
ottoo,e to go; or to extort terms upon which
they will promise to remain.
The Seceders insist that our Consti
tution admits of secession. They have
assumed - to make a national constitu
tion of their own, which of necessity
they have either discarded or retained
the right of secession as they insist it
exists in ours. If they have discarded
it they thereby admit that on princi
ple it ought not to be in ours. If they
have retained by their own construc
tion of ourS, they show that to be con
sistent they must secede from one
another whenever they shall find it
the easiest way of settling their debts,
or effecting any other selfish or unjust
object. The principle itself is one of
disintegration, and upon which no
Government can possibly endure.
If all the States save ono should as
sert the power to drive that one out
of the Union, it is presumed the whole
class• of seceder politicians would at
once deny the power, and denounce
the act as the greatest outrage upon
State rights. But suppose that pre
cisely the same act, instead of being
called driving the one out, should be
called the seceding of the others front
that one, it would be exactly what
the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed,
they make the point that the one, be•
cause it is a minority, may rightfully
do what the other because they are a
majority may not rightfully do. These
politicians are subtle and profound on
the rights of minorities; they are not
partial to that power which made the
Constitution, and speaks from the pre
amble, calling " The people." It
may well be questioned whether there
is to-day a majority of the legally quali
fied voters of any State except, perhaps
South Carolina hr favor of disunion.
There is much reason to believe that
the Union men are the majority in
many, if not in every other one, of the
so-called seceded States. As the con
trary has not been demonstrated in
any one of them, it' is ventured to
affirm this, oven of Virginia and Ten
nessee, for the result of au election held
in military camps, where bayonets
were all on one side of the question,
voted upon, can scarcely be considered
as a demonstration of popular senti
ment. At such an election all that
that largo class who are not at once
for the Union and against coercion
would bo coerced to vote against the
Union.
It may be affirmed, without extrava
gance, that the free institutions we
enjoy have developed the power and
improved the condition of our whole
people, beyond any example in the
world. Of this we now haven striking
and impressive illustration. So large
an army as the Government has now
on foot was never before known, with
out a soldier in it but who had taken
his place there of his own free choice.
But more than this, there are many
single regiments whose members, ono
and another, possess full practical
knowledge of all the arts, sciences,
professions, and whatever else whether
useful or elegant, is known in the world;
and there is scarcely one from which
there could not be selected a President,
a Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps a
court abundantly competent to admin
ister the Government itself. Nor do I
say this is not true also in the army of
our late friends, now adversaries in
this contest. But if it is, so much
better the reason why the Government
which has conferred such benefits
on both them and us should not be
broken up. Whoever in any section,
propose to abandon such a Govern
ment would do well to consider in def
erence to what principle it is that he
does it. What better is he likely to
got in its stead ? Whether the substi
tute will give, or be intended to give,
so much of good to the people? These
are someforeshadowings on this subject.
Our adversaries have adopted some
deChirations of independence in which,
unlike the good old one, penned by
Jefferson, they omit the words, " All
men are created equal." Why ? They
have adopted a temporary national
constitution, in the preamble of which,.
unlike our good old one, signed by
Washington, they omit " We the
.peo
ple," and substitute " We, the deputies
of the sovereign and independent
States." 1,,y - hy? Why this deliberate
pressing out of view the rights of men
and the authority of the beople ?
This is essentially a people's contest.
On the side of the Union it is a strug
gle for maintaining in the world that
Corm and substance of government
whose leading objects is to elevate the
condition of men; to lift artificial
weights from all shoulders; to clear
the paths of laudable pursuit for / all;
to afford all an unfettered start, and
a fair chance in the race of life.
Yielding to partial and temporary
departures from necessity, this is the
leading object of the Government for
whose existence we contend.
I am most happy , to believe that the
plain people understand and appreiate
this. It is worthy f note that while
this, the Government's hour of
trial, large numbers of those in the ar
my and navy who have been favored
with the offices have resigned, and
proved false to the hand which had
pampered them, not one common sol
dier or common sailor is known to have
deserted his flag. Great honor is due to
those officers who remained true des
pite the example of their treacherous
associates But the greatest honor and
most important fact of all is the
firmness of the common soldiers and
common: sailors. TD the last man, so
far as known; they have successfully
resisted the traitorous efforts of those
whose commands but an hour before
they obeyed as absolute law.- , =This is
the patriotic instinct of . plain people.
They understand, without an argu
ment that the destroying of the Gov
ernment which was made by Washing
ton means no good to them. Our pop
ular Government has often been called
an experiment. Two-points in it our
people have already settled—the suc
cessful establishing and the successful
administering of it. One still remains
—its successful maintenance against
a formidable internal attempt to over
throw it. It is for them to demonstrate
to the world that those Who can fairly
carry an election can also suppress
reliellion—that'ballots are the rightful .
and peaceful sticeess'Ors - of bullets, and
that when ballots have fairly and con
stitutionally decided there can be no
successful appeal back to bullets, that
there can be no successful appeal ex-%
cept to ballots themselVes at succeeding
elections. Such will be a great lesson of
'peace, teaching men what they cannot
take by an election, neither can they
take it by war; teaching all the folly of
being the - beginners of war.-
Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds
of candid men as to What is to be the course
of the Government towards the Southern
States after the rebellion 'shall have been
suppressed, the Executive deems it proper to
say it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be
guided by the Constitution and the laws, and
that he probably will have no different un
derstanding of the powers and the duties of
the Federal Government relatively to the
rights of the States and the people, under the
Constitution, than expressed in the Inaugu
ral Address. lie desires to preserve the
government, that it may be administered to
all tie it was administered by the men who
made it. Loyal citizens, everywhere, have
the right to claim this of their Government,
and the Government has no light to with
hold or neglect it. It is not perceived that
in giving it there is any coercion, any con
quest or subjugation, in any just sense of the
terms:
The Constitution provides, and all the
States have accepted the provisiN, that the
United States shall guaranty to every State
in this, Union a republican form of govern
ment. ' But if a State may lawfully go out
of the Union, baring -done so, it may also
discard the republican form of government;
a.) that, to prevent its going Out, it is all-in
dispensable to use every means to the end of
maintaining the guarantee. 'When an end
is lawful and obligatory the indispensable
means to obtain it are also lawful and oblige
tory.
, It was with the deepest regret that the Ex•
eoutive found the duty of employing the war
power in defence of the Government forced
upon him. He could but perform this duty
or em render the existence of the Government.
No compromise by public servants could in
this case he made, Nut that compromises
are not often proper, but that no popular gov
ernment can hung survive a marked prece
dent, that those who carry an election can
only save the Government from immediate
destruction hygiving up the main point upon
which the people gave the election. The peo
ple themselves, and not their servants, can
safely reverse their own deliberate deoisions.
As a private citizen the Executive could not
have consented that these institutions sh a lt
perish ; much lees could he, in betrayal of so
vast and so sacred a trust as these free peo
ple had confided to him.
He felt that he bad no moral right toshrink.
nor even to count the chances of his own life
in what might follow. In full view of his
great responsibility, he has, so far, done what
he has deemed his duty. You will now, ac
cording to your own judgment, perform yours.
He sincerely hopes that-your views and your
actions may eo accord with his as to assure
all faithful citizens who have been disturbed
in their rights of a certain and speedy resto
ration to them under the Constitution and the
laws.
And having thus chosen our course, with
out guile and with pure purpose,- let ua re
new our trust in God, and go forward with
out fear, and with manly hearts.
AnßAnau LlNcuuL e.
July 4, 1861.
D. P. MIN
HAS JUST OPENED
A
SPLENDID STOCK
OF
NEW GOODS
FOP.
SPRING AND SUMMER.
CALL AND EXA3IINE THEM
April 10, 1861.
NEW GOODS! NEW GOODS!!
FISHER ct SON
ERB
JUST OPENED
SPLENDID STOCK'i
NEW GOODS
THE PUBLIC ARE INVITED TO CALL
and
EXAMINE OUR GOODS
FISHER & SON
April 10, 1061
BOOTS & SHOES! •
ANEW STOCK.
• you,
LADIES AND dENTLEMEN.
JUST. RECEIVED
AT
- LEVI WESTBROOK'S STORE.-
All In want of Boots and Shoes, for old or young, are
requested to call and examluo my stock.
L. WESTBROOK,
Iluntingdot,. Nay 3, 1831.
OIL CLOTH WINDOW SHADES,
GILT GOLD SHADES,
must.= SHADES,
BAILEY'S REYTURES,
TAPE, CORD AND TASSALS,
A FULL ASSORTMENT
AT LEWIS' BOOK STORE
BOOMS & SHOES.—OId and young
can be fitted et BENJ. JACOBS' store In Market
square, Huntingdon. Pa. (0ct28.)
CLOTHING !--A large stock on hand,
at tho cheap at or 118.5. J. JACCPDA Wand ea.
atnino goods and price, rostd.q.)
fr.T.E . ,.FOR Tl 3 E INPUSTRIOU§
. pi• Fun !f
GARDEN STATE OF eillE IVESt.
The Mole Ceneml Railroad Company have for Stqc!
1,200,000 ACRES
Of Rich Farming; Lnnds In Tracts of Forty Acres 8.1111
Upward, on Long Uralic and, at Loa• Prices.
MCCUANICS, FLAMERS, AD Waa6i cst
. .
The attention of tlie'enterpiising and hnlustriogs por
tion or the community to directed to the following stabs.
ments and liberal inducements offered them by the
CitterasbatlLEWAD.COMPAttr, •
. .
Which, as they still pOreeifo, will citable them, by proper
energy, persoventnee, end Industry,to provide comfortable
aud permanent homes for themselves and families, with,
comparatively spealtlng, very little capital.
LUIDS or ILLltioce
No State In the valley of the blissiseippl offers Co great
an inducement "to the settler as. the Stale of gooier.—
There Is no portion of-the world vrberci all of the condh
thins of Mutate and eon to admirably combine to produco
those two great steplei' - eorn and wheat, as the prairie, of
Illinois. .
Rica notztao Pnalutg Lam. '
The deep rich loam of 'the prairies is — cultirated with
each »obLierful facility that the limners or Abe Eastern
and Middlo States aro moving to Illinois in gloat numbers.
The area of Illinois is about equal to that of Bushind, and
the soil is so rich that It wilt anf,port Tiv'entfinillions et
people.
EASTAILY SOlTAlrifi:f MANI=
These lands are amtlgoous to a railroad seven handred
miles in length, which connects with other roads and nav
igable taken sod rivers, thus affording an unbroken
ruunicatatlon with the Eastern and Southern markets.
APPLICATION or CAPITAL.
Thee far capital and labor have been applied to develop
lug the coil; the great resources of the State in coal and
iron are almost untouched. The Invariable rule that the
mechanic arts flourieh beet where food and fuel axe cheap•
eat, will follow at nu early tiny in Illinois, mid in the coures
of the next ten Tenn; the natural laws and neceasitles of
the cane warrant the belief that at least fire bundled,
thousand people will be engaged in the State of Illinolain
the various manuecturiug cmploymenta. - -
RAILROAD STATER Of ILLIROIS
Over $100,000,000 of private capital have been expended
on the railroad spawn of Illinois. Inasmucleas part of
the income from several of these works, with a valuable
public fund In lands, go to diminish the State expensed)
the taxes are light. and must consequently every day Me
crease.
TnE STAVE Dm.
The State debt is only $10,105,89814, and 'titian tbs
belt three years has been reduced $1,959.74680 ; rind %vs
way reasonably expect that in ten yeses it will become
extinct.
Puns! , POPLISTIOS
The State fa rapidly tilling up with population; 563,-
02U persons basing been added sincol 860, making the pop
ulation 1,7).9,496—n ratio ut 102 per cent. Lu ten years.
AGITICVI.TOStAL PRODUC79.
The agricultural products of Illinois are greater then
thoso of soy other Bhtte. The pralticts seat out during
the pmts./cur exceeded 1,600,000 tons.. The wheat crop of
1860 approaches 10,000,000 bushels, while the corn crop
yields sot lens thou 140,000,000 bushels.
,
• FERIII.IIrOr SOIL. •
Nowhere can the Industrious farmer secure such ammo-
diato reaults for his labor sta upon these prairie soils, they
being composed of n,doep rich loam, the fertility °fug:Urn
is unsurpassed by any on the globe.
.
To AcTI4I.CCITV/STORS. -
Since 1854 the Onnpany have sad 1,300.000 ae•et. VW'S ,
sell may to actual cultivators, and every contiract contains
an agreement to cultivate. The road has been constructed
through these kinds at an expense of $39,000,000. In 1850,
the population of the 49 counties through width tt passes
was only 395.598. since tohich 479.893 hare been added. ?nu
king the white population 814,891—a hart'of 143 per ant.
Evrorscra oP PROPPEUTY
As an evidence of the thrift of Oa people,lt stay he
stated that 610,000 tons of freight, Including 860,000 hug.
of grain and 250,000 barrels of flour, were forwarded over
the line last your.
EDUCTION
Mechanics and workingmen will find the free school
system encouraged by the State and endowed with a largo
revenue for the support of cahoots. Their children can
live in eight of the church and school house, and grow up
with the prosperity of the leudlng, elate in thetirent West
ern Empire,
PRIM END TEIMB OT PAYMENT.
The prices of these lands vary from $6 to $25 per mrs,
soon:ling to locution, /polity, &a. First.class farming lands
sell for shoot $lO or $l2 per acre; and the relatlre espouse
of subduing prairie lend, m compared with s - doilland, Is in
the ratio of one to ten In Sever of the former. The terms
ofanbi for the bigrof airier binds - WM be — '
ONE Tatlt's /MUST IN Atirazicz, ,
at tax permit par annum, and sin intoreat notes at six
per eent.payahlo respectively in one, two, three, fottr.five,
and akx yours from date a sato; and four notes for princi
pal, payable in :bur, five. six, arid coven years, front date
of mile; the contract !stipulating that ometenth of the tract
purchased shall be renCeil and cultivated. etch and every
ear for five years from the data of sale, so that at the eud
of his yo tea unehalfshall be fenced and under cultivation.
TWERLY PLR Corr. Wiu DE DEDUCTED.
from the valnatioa, for cash, dxcept the enure should beet
etc dollars per acre, when the cash price will 1;0115 dollars.
Pamphlets descriptive of the holds, soil, climate. pro'
ductions. prime, nod terms of payment, ml be had on ao•
plicutiou to _ .
J. W. FOSTER,
Load Commissioner, Illinois Central Railroad,
Chicago, Illinois.
For the names of the towns, villages, and cities situated
upon the Illinois Central Railroad, seep)page/118S, 180. and
100 Appleton's Railway Guide. [Feb. 13, 'ol—ivtl.
~~ `~
8
GREAT WORK, ON THE HORSE
THE 'HORSE & HIS DISEASES:
By ROBERT .iEIqicINOS, V. S.,
Professor of Pathology and Oyeratire 'Surgery in the
Veterinary College of Philadelphia, de., etc. ,
WILL TELL YOU OF the Origin, Ilidory and distinctive
trai' of the +nylons breeds of European,
Asiatic, African and American !Miles,
With the physical• formation and pa
coliaritles of the animal, and how, to
nacertain his ego by the nunibor and
condition of his teeth; Illustrated with
untnerouit explanatory engravings.
Tim 110ttSE AND MS DISSASEEI
WILL TELL YOU Of Breeding, Breaking, Stabling, reed
ing, 0 rooming., Shoeing, and the gener
al management of the horse, with the
but modes of administering medicine,
also, how to treat Biting, Kicking,
Rearing, Shying, Stumbling, Crib-Bit•
ing. Restlessness, and other clew to
which he is subject; with uumerous ex.
plculutory engraviug4.
LIORSE AND IIIS DISEASES
WILL TELL YOU Or the causes,symptoms,and Treatment
or Btraugisa, gore Throat, Distemper,
Catarrh, Influenza, Ihonchitio, Cafta
n:lOWA, Plenrusy, broken Wind, Chron
ic Cough, Roaring and IShistling.Lam•
pas, Coro Mouth and Ulcers.• end Do
rayed Teeth, with other dismal Of rho
Mouth and Respiratory Organs. -
THE HORSE AND HIS DISEASES
WILL TELL YOU Of the causes, symptome,and Treatment
of Worm, Dots, Chas, Strangulation,
Stony Concretions, - itupturee,'.Patay,
Diarrhea, Jaundico,llepatirrhea,llloody
Urine, Stone, is the Kidneys and Mad
-
der, Inflatnation and other diseases of
•
the Stomach, Bowels, Liver and Uri
nary Organs.
THE 1101t9E AND FHB DISEASES
.
WILL TELL YOU Of the causes, symptoms, and Treat,
meat of Bone, Blood and Bog, Bpavtn,
Bing Bonn, Sweanle. Strains, Broken
Knees, 'Wind • Galls, bounder,' Cracked
Hoofs. Sole Bruise and Gravel, Canker,
" tieratchee,.nrush: and• corns; also, of
Megrims, Vertlgo,,kipilepsy, Staggers.
. , and other dbeaseS , of the Feet, Legs,
and Wad. ,
THE lIORSE AND HIS DISEASES
WILL TELL YOU Of the causer, symptoms,- and' TrOat•
c. rucnt of - Plotula, Pull Evil, Glanders,
Farcy, Scarlet Fever,' kidega, Surtldt.
- Locked Jaw,ltheutuattant-Crempaello.
' Macau% of the Eye and Ileart; Ac, An.
and how to manage Castration. Blued•
log, Trephluing, Doweling. Firing,
Arapptatlon,Tapping,and 9th
,
cr surgical uyeratluite.-
THE HORSE AND HIS DISEASES •
tVI LL TELL YOU Of Itarey's Method of. tomtit Horses:
how to Approach, Halter ; or Stable a
Colt; how to accustom a ,horsat to
strange sounds and ;sights, and how to
lilt, Saddle, Ride, • and Break him, to
Harness; also the form and law of
WARRANTS. Tho' wholo being the Ire-
Cult of 15 van' careful study of the
habits, peculiarities, wants and weak
nesses of title noble awl useful animal.
•
for sale at Lewis' Book Stare. '
ARBLE YARD. The undersigned
would, reopectfullycall the attention of thdditizeito
of untingcloit and the adjoining counties to the stock of
licautifututartile now on band, He in prepared to furalsh
at the alluded notice, Monumental Marble, TondcTa b les
and Stones of every desired aloe-and form of Italian or
s:fedora Marble, highly finished, and carved with appro
priate devices, or pinin, as may suit. •' • , • , •
funding Marble, Dour and Window,Sills, will be
furnished to order. • . •
W. W. - pledges Liriteelf to tarnish material and work
manship equal to any in the country, at a fair price:. Call
aqd see, *fore you parches° elsewhere. Shop on lull
stivet, Huntingdon, ra.
Huntingdon, May 15, 1855.
SALT ! SALT!! • SALT !!-F
L. 7 Just received from the Onon,tago &it Company,
Syracuse, N. Y.. to be Bold on commission, either nigh*.
sale or retail, 200 filltliXLS and 1000 SACKS or SALT.
Oct. ati 1500. VOILES A SON.
I
7
wsx. R ' ILLI M.