The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, April 24, 1861, Image 1
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[Prom the Albany Evening Journal.] Some of Mr. Lincoln's friends hav ing heard that a conspiracy existed to assassinate him on his way to Wash ington, set on foot an investigation of the matter. For this purpose they employed a detective of great experi ence, who was engaged at Baltimore some three weeks prior to Mr. Lincoln's expected arrival there, employing both men and women to assist him. Short ly after coming to Baltimore, the de tective discovered a combination of men banded together under a solemn oath to assassinate the President elect. The leader of the conspirators was an Italian refugee, barber, well known in Baltimore, who assumed the name of Orsini, as indicative of the part he was to perform. The assistants employed by the detective, who, like himself, were strangers in Balti more city, by assuming to bo Seces sionists from Louisiana and other se ceding States, gained the confidence of some of the conspirators, and were entrusted with their plans. It was ar ranged, in case Mr. Lincoln should pass safely over the railroad to Balti more, that the conspirators should mingle with the crowd which might surround his carriage; and by pretend ing to be his friends, he enabled to ap proach his person, when, upon a sig nal from their leader, some of them would shoot at Mr. Lincoln with their pistols, and others would throw into his carriage hand grenades filled with detonating powder, similar to those used in the attempted assassination of Emperor Louis Napoleon. It was in tended that, in the confusion which should result from the attack, the as sailants should escape to a vessel Which was waiting in the harbor to receite them, and be carried to Mobile, iclie seceding State of Alabama. [Upon Mr. Lincoln's arrival in Phil idelphia, on Thursday, the 21st day of February, the detective visited Phila delphia and submitted to certain friends of the President elect the infor mation he had collected as to the con spirators and their plans. An inter view was immediately arranged be tween Mr. Lincoln and the detective. The interview took - place in Mr. Lin coln's room, in the Continental Hotel, where he was staying during his visit in Philadelphia. Mr. Lincoln, having heard the offi cer's statement, informed him that he had promised to raise the ,American flag on Independence Hall on the next morning—the morning of the anniver sary of Washington's birthday—and that he had accepted the invitation of the Pennsylvania. Legislature to be publicly received by that body in the afternoon of the same day. "Both of these engpgements," said lie, with em phasis, "I will keep, if it costs me my life. If, however, after I have conclu ded these engagements, you can take me in safety to Washington, I will place myself at your disposal, and an thorizeyou to make such arrangements as you may deem proper for that pur pose." On the next day, in the morning, Mr. Lincoln, performed the ceremony of raising the American flag on Inde pendence Hall, in Philadelphia, accor ding to his promise, and arrived at Harrisburg on the forenoon of the same day, where he was formally wel comed by the Pennsylvania Legisla ture. After the reception, he retired to his hotel, the Jones House, and withdrew with a few confidential friends to a private apartment. Here he remained until nearly 6 o'clock in the evening, when, in company with Col. Lamon, he quietly entered a car riage without observation, and was driven to the Pennsylvania Railroad, where a special train for Philadelphia was waiting for him. Simultaneously with hikdeparture from Harrisburg, the tele4laph wires were cut, so that his depalure, if it should become known, might not be communicated at a distance. The special train arrived in Phila delphia at a quarter before eleven o'clock at night. Here he was met by the detective who had a carriage in readiness into which the party enter ed, and were driven to the depot of the Philadelphia, Wilmington, and Baltimore Railroad. They did not reach the depot until a quarter past eleven; but, fortunately for them, the regular train, the hour of which, for starting, was elevon,had been delayed. The party then took berths in the sleeping ear, and, with out change of cars, passed directly through to Washington, where they arrived at the usual hour, half past six, on the morning of Saturday, the 23d. Mr. Lincoln were no disguise whatev er, but journeyed in au ordinary trav elling-dress. It is proper to state here, prior to Mr. Lincoln's arrival in Philadelphia, General Scott and Senator Seward, in Washington, had been apprised, from independent sources, that imminent danger threatened Mr. Lincoln in case he should publicly pass through Balti more, and, accordingly, a special mes senger, Mr. Frederick W. Seward, a son of Senator Seward, was dispatched to Philadelphia, to urge Mr. Lincoln to come direct to Washington, in a quiet manner. The messenger arrived in Philadelphia late on Thursday night, and had 'an interview with the Presi dent elect, immediately subsequent to his interview with the detective. He was informed that Mr. Lincoln would arrive by the early train on Saturday morning, and, in accordance with this information, Mr. Washburne, member of Congress from Illinois, awaited the President elect, at the depot in Wash ington, whence he was taken in a car riage to his quarters, in Willard's Ho tel, where Senator Seward stood ready to receive him. lIITI L)le WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor. VOL. XVL The detective travelled with Mr. Lincoln under the name of B. J. Allen, which name was registered with the President elect's on the book at Wil lard Hotel. Being a well known indi vidual, he was speedily recognized, and suspician naturally arose that he had been instrumental in exposing the plot which called Mr. Lincoln's hurried journey. It was deemed prudent that he should leave Washington two days after his arrival, although he had in tended to remain and witness the cer emonies of Inauguration. The friends or Mr. Lincoln do not question the loyalty and hospitality of the people of Maryland, but they were aware that a few disaffected citizens who sympathized warmly with the Secessionists, were determinned to frustrate, at all hazards, the Inaugura tion of the President elect, even at the cost of his life. The characters and pursuits of the conspirators were various. Some of them were impelled by a fanatical zeal which they termed patriotism, and they justified their acts by the exam ple of Brutus, in ridding his country of a tyrant. One of them was accus tomed to recite passages put into the mouth of the character of Brutus in Shakspeare's play of Julius Ccesar.— Others were stimulated by the offer of pecuniary reward. These, it was ob served, staid away from their usual work for several weeks prior to the intended assault. Although their cir cumstances had previously rendered them dependent on their daily labor for support, they were during this time abundantly supplied with money, which they squandered in bar-rooms and disreputable places. After the discovery of the plot, a strict watch was kept by the agents of detection over the movements of the conspirators, and efficient measures were adopted to guard against any attack which they might meditate on the President elect until he was in stalled in Office. Mr. Lincoln's family left Harrisburg for Baltimore, on their way to Wash ington, in the special train intended for him. And before starting, a message announcing Mr. Lincoln's departure and arrival at Washington had been telegraphed to Baltimore over the wires, which had been repaired that morning, the passage through Balti more was safely- effected. The remark of Mr. Lincoln, during the ceremony of raising the flag on Independence Hall, on Friday morn ing, that he would assert his principles on his inauguration, although lie were assassinated on the spot, had evident reference to the communication made to him by the detective on the night preceding. The names of the conspirators will not at present he divulged. But they are in possession of responsible parties, including the President. The number originally ascertained to be banded together for the assassi nation of Mr. Lincoln was twenty, but the number of those who were fully apprised of the details of the plot, be came daily smaller as the time for executing it drew near. Some of the women employed by the detective went to serve as waiters, seamstresses, &e., in the families of the conspirators, and a record was regular ly kept of what was said and done to further their enterprise. A record was also kept by the detective of their de liberations in secret conclave, but, for sufficient reasons, it is withheld for the present from publication. The detec tive and his agents regularly contribu ted money to pay the expenses of the conspiracy. Must Not Use Force. Now and then we meet a man who objects to sustaining the United States in the contest with the rebels in the South, on the ground that in doing so, force must be used against our own countrymen. This is the plea of one who is a traitor himself, or sympathi zes with treason. If this new doctrine is to be engrafted upon our institutions and carried out to its logical conclu sion, it will exempt from punishment , all evil doers. If we have no right to use force against traitors in the South, we have no right to coerce rioters and others who violate the law in the North. After awhile we may expect to hear a protest entered against coin mitting men to prison for murder, lar ceny and burglary, because they are "our fellow•citizens. When the Na tive American Riots took place in Philadelphia in 1844 there was no childish defence of this kind set up for them. Those engaged in that war upon the constituted authorities were our immediate neighbors. Mr .Buchan an commenced his administration by calling out the Marines and Volunteers in Washington city, to shoot 'down those who' were disturbing the public peace, and the country sustained him. in it, but nevertheless they were put down at the point of the bayonet.— Should we deal any more tenderly with rebels in South Carolina than'in Pennsylvania ? Is a man who owns slaves to be exempt from the penalty of his own wrongs ? We hung Arm bruster in Bucks county, but no sym pathy was excited in his behalf because he was a " fellow-citizen." If we are not to use force against violators of the law for the reason that they are friends and countrymen, we cannot long maintain a government. The sooner such detestable doctrine is frowned upon the better.—Doylestown Democrat. FORT KEARNEY, April 16.—Capt. Bee, who is en route for South Carolina, ac companied by Capt. Starr, on leave of absence, and R. B. Ward Scuttler, all from Fort Laramie, arrived hero last evening, and left to-day. It is under stood that Captain Bee will join the Southern army. HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, APRIL 24, 1861. THE WAR EXCITEMENT, What is Thought of the Administration Policy. Opinions of the Newspaper Press THE GOVERNMENT MUST BE SUSTAINED [Front the New York Herald.] Civil war having at length broken out, the mercantile community have begun to examine its probable bearings on trade and the future of the country. On one point, so far as we have been able to ascertain, perfect unanimity exists among our moneyed men; the Government must be sustained. Every one deplores the terrible calamity which has befallen the republic. But there is no desire among the merchants or capitalists of New York to shirk the issue, or to evade the responsibilities of the contest. Upon Now York will devolve the chief burden of providing ways and means for the war ; our fi nancial *community accept the duty and will perform it. This view we find to be universal among our mon eyed men, including many whose sym pathies have heretofore been with the South. If the Government prove true to the country, it need not feel any uneasiness about money. In the °pint ion of our leading bankers, a hundred millions over and above the receipts of the Government, from customs and land sales, if necessary to defray the expenses of the war for a year from this date, could be readily borrowed in 'Wall street at a rate of interest cer tainly not exceeding that which France and England paid for the money they borrowed for the Russian war. If, for the purpose of bringing the war to an end and settling this controversy of ours forever, a further sum be requisite it will be forth-emning. Wall street, so fin• as we can judge, is ready to sustain the Government heartily and liberally An idea of the intensity of the national feeling which pervades the street may be gathered from the fact that yesterday morning a thoughtless member of the Stock Exchange, who offered sonic United States sixes on sellers' option, was in stantly hissed down by the members of the board, and three resonant cheers were called for and given for Major Anderson. It is of course impossible to foresee, at the present time, what shape the war will take. In a commercial point of view, much depends on the course of the Border States, If Virginia se cedes, and the other Border Slave States follow, the war will probably be long and disastrous. All the Western banks, whose circulation is secured by unwise deposits of Border Slave State stocks, must go to pieces, for these stocks, after secession, will hardly be worth twenty-five cents on the dollar. In this event, the contest being one between slave States on one side and free States on the other, it would in all probabillity involve accidents which could not but interfere with the regu lar production of cotton, rice, tobacco, and the other Southern staples.— Again, the difficulties which must arise, in any ease, with regard to the navi don of the Mississippi, will be greatly aggravated if Tennessee and Kentucky secede. Indeed, at the present moment, it seems difficult to conceive any ar rangement by which the free naviga tion of the river by the Northwestern States could under these circumstan ces, be satisfactorily secured. The in ternal trade of the Border Slave States would, in any event, be gravely dis turbed, and their usual product of wheat, tobacco, &c., placed in jeopardy. If, on the other hand, the Border Slave States should remain faithful to the Union, the prospect, in the opinion of our moneyed men, is that the war would be short. The Gulf States, they seem to think, could not successfully contend against the power of the North, backed by Virginia, Kentucky, Missou ri, Tennessee, North Carolina, and Arkansas, Want of means would speedily compel a peace. In this event, therefore, our mercantile community do think that trade would be fittally injured. A severe blow would be in flicted upon the seaport towns of the Gulf States, which would of course be blockaded by the fleets of the United States; but the planters would find an outlet for the cotton through Northern ports, and would not suffer very . mate rially. It is not understood that an invasion of the Gulf States by North ern troops is contemplated in any quar ter, and there is, therefore, no reason to apprehend that the culture of cotton would in this case be impeded or dis turbed. So far as the city of New York is concerned, the outbreak of civil war must be regarded as cancelling the debts due by people in the seceding States to our citizens. No accurate guess can be formed as to the amount of this indebtedness. It may amount to thirty—it may amount to sixty mil lions of dollars, No data exists upon which a possible estimate can be based. The aggregate sum is certainly very large, and its repudiation—which war is sure to involve—must lead to serious embarrassment in mercantile circles, and to a large number of failures among houses in the Southern trade. This loss of money will, moreover, be fol lowed by a loss of trade. Pending the war, no safe trade can be carried on between New York and the seceded States. Even of the establishment of peace, the poverty of the South, and probable though futile efforts to estab lish a direct trade with Europe will de lay, for some years the restoration of old commercial relations. The first vic tims of the war will thus be the men and the firms which have been most conspicuous in upholding the rights of the South. It must not be supposed, however, that the failure and oblitera tion of our great Souuhern houses will involve the ruin of the city of New -PERSEVERE.- York. This great metropolis is the natural and inevitable outlet for two vast productive regiOns—the cotton producing region of the South and the food-producing region of the West.— When one fails the other almost inva riably comes to our rescue. New York prospers most when—as was the case in 1856 and 1860—both regions Pour their proancts freely into its harbor.— But - New York continued to increase and multiply in years *hen the cotton crop failed; it did not decline in 1858 and 1859, when the West had no food to send us, and could not afford to buy any goods. Now the South fails us, but the West is supplying this city with an unprecedented amount of bu siness. Our receipts and• exports of food are double the average at . this season, and while houses-in the South ern trade—which, owing to the pover ty of the West since 1857, are the lead ing houses in the eity- 7 —complain of utter stagnation, our Western jobbers are doing a better business than they ever did before. There is reason to suppose that the West will, throughout the war, continue to have a large sur plus of food to export through New York, and will need enough goods to give employment to our importers and jobbers. Whatever shape the war may take, the United States are pretty sure to retain command of the sea; so long as that is safe the best harbor in Amer ica cannot well suffer for want of trade. New points crowd upon the mind in connection with the Unprecedented events which are occurring.' We shall take them up from time to time.— Meanwhile it may be "well to notice that the actual outbreak of hostilities at Charleston gives a living import to the commentary on the law of treason delivered some months since by Judge Smalley in this city. It is well that our merchants should understand the subject. From this time forward any citizen of the United States who sup plies arms, or munitions of war, or food, or coal, or intelligence, or money to the communities which are at war with this country renders himself lia ble to the pains and penalties of trea son. Any attempt to negotiate bonds of the Confederate States would be re gard as treason by the United States, and would be punished accordingly.— If, as rumor states, fitetories in Con necticut are engaged in supplying arms to the Confederate Government, the companies and their agents are all guilty of treason. Express companies and other carriers who carry such arms or other articles constituting " aid and comfort," arc similarly liable to prosecution. Mercinufoi ii. the West sending food down the Mississippi fall into the same category, and incur the penalties of the act. IL is understood that an example will shortly be made by one of the new district attorneys with a view to afford our mercantile community a fair warning. CHARLESTON BLOCKADED From tho Non• York Times.] The port of Charleston, we learn by way of Montgomery, is blockaded.— Every vessel entering or leaving it is to pass the surveillance of a ship-of-war. No wonder that "the Charlestonians regarded with execration the fleet that refused to come to the rescue of the gallant Anderson." It was not the plan of the Administration that they should go to his rescue at too great a peril. It was from the start destined to an entirely different field and mode of action. Neither the retention or surrender of Fort Sumpter could have any bearing on the policy the Govern ment had marked out for itself. This was an isolated case, that stood safely on its own merits. Government could not allow its flag to be disgraced by retreat. It is strengthened in every part by the surrender of the fort. It may not attempt, at present, its recapture, but will notify the Confederated States that, till it is restored, the commerce of Charleston must pass over the deck of a ship-of-tear. EE=E2 [From the New York World.] The giant is aroused. The millions of the loyal, Union-loving North have stretched and snapped asunder, as one man, the flmsy withes that held bound their patriotism under the pretence of being fraternal bonds. Have we a country to be saved, and shall we save it? asks Mr. Lincoln; and before the words of his proclamation have been read, the patriot's fire kindles in every heart, and from cities, towns, and vil lages, the country over, the lightning flies to bear their clear and quick re sponse. The North has been long-suf fering and tolerant even to its traitors, but when Sumpter was attacked, and the flag which has never known dis honor, was struck, there was an end to patience and tolerance and peace. The stab at his heart has but aroused the giant. It will be fatal only to the puny arms which dealt the traitorous blow. SUMTER LOST, BUT TIIE REPUBLIC SAVED [From the Now York Tribune.) Democrat as well as Republican, Conservative and Radical, instinctive ly feel that the guns fired at Sumpter were aimed at the heart of the Ameri can Republic. Not even in the lowest groggery of our city would it bo safe to propose cheers for Beauregard and Governor Pickens. The Tories of the Revolution were relatively ten times as numerous here as are the open sym pathizers with the Palmetto rebels.— The manifestations at the Stock Ex change on Saturday were sympomatie of the feeling everywhere. It is hard to lose Sumpter; it is a consolation to know that in losing it we have gained an united people. Henceforth, the loyal States are a unit in uncompro mising hostility to treason, wherever plotted, however justified. Fort Sum ter is temporarily lost, but the country is saved. Long live the Republic I (u - •"' - "A*-.i . ,iHi:',,i'‘'.' OUR DUTY [From the New York Leader.] In this hour of trial it becomes the duty of every patriotic citizen to sus tain the General Government in vindi cating. our flag and asserting the per manence of the Union. Mr. Lincoln is not the President of our choice; but, as constitutional President of the Uni ted States, he is entitled to our alle giance, and shall have our support in the present struggle—the fate of Mex ico being ever present before us as an exemplar of the ruin inevitably follow ing the peaceful toleration or bloody success of national disintegration. THE COUNTRY CALLS [From tho Bolton Journal.] That, however, and all other unto ward results, we shall not anticipate. The whole patriotism of the country is fixed with breathless interest upon the fate of our fighting heroes in the harbor of Charleston. If they can conquer, more than the glory of Mar athon will be theirs. If they can hold out, legions will rush to their aid. If they must yield, far worse will it be for the treacherous foes, for every life will have its avenger, and the cause which is buried in apparent defeat will rise in overwhelming victory. .111 past issues, all political differences, are DOW thrown to the winds. The coun try calls, and millions spring to obey her. RAND AND lIE,ULT AGAINST TREASON [From the Boitou Herald, Douglas Dom] It now behooves every man to lay aside his party bias and rally to the support of the Government in its ef forts to protect the stars and stripes, and to maintain the integrity of the nation. No more concession to trai tors, but award to them a traitor's doom. It is time to stop talking about compromises until those who are in open rebellion desire peace, and will lay clown their arms and consent to obey the laws of the land. The issue is now to be met. The good people of New England, whose fathers fought for and established American liberty, will defend that liberty to the last, and will respond to any call which may be made upon her, for men and money. It is of no use now to fling ae the Gov ernment. Let us give small prejudi ces and go in, heart and hand, to put down treason and trait - ors—come from what quarter they may. Those who afford comfbrt and aid to the enemy by croaking or by sympathy, are as guilty as those who are in open arms against the constituted authorities of the land. PENN'A LEGISLATURE. Reasons for Changing Votes on the War QM Messrs. Ellenberger, Leisenring, Byrne, Smith, of Berks, Boyer and Osterbout, Democratic members of the House of Representatives, who voted against the bill for the proper regula tion of the Military system of this Commonwealth, and supplying them with aims and equipments, changed their votes on the 15th, by leave of the House, and recorded them in the affirmative: Mr. Eilenberger remarked: I voted against the bill; and when I did so, I did it because I desired, if possible, that Pennsylvania should, by no act, throw the least obstacle in the way of an amicable adjustment of our national difficulties. I had not then heard of the proceedings at Charleston. I was yet hopeful fbr a peaceable ar rangement of our troubles; but since then I have learned that the Federal forces have been fired upon; that there has been a positive refusal to let Fort Sumpter be provisioned, and that ac tual war has been inaugurated against the Government of the United States. I now feel that duty to my country, that duty to the Commonwealth and to my constituency, demand that I should vote for this measure. I lied hoped that the evil of civil war might be averted. I can only say it has come, and the blame must rest upon those who have began it. I must stand for the Government. I must stand up for our defence against the enemy. I must stand by the Constitution and the laws, and I shall do so willingly, gladly, not only by my vote, but in every other way which may be required of me. Pennsylvania has tried by kind words and kind acts to avert this evil, but it is upon us. I shall stand firm in her defence, and in defence of the national Government, let what come that may, and may the God of nations soften the harshness of sectional feel ing, and yet save our blessed heritage. Mir. Leisenring said : When the bill, entitled "An Act for the better organ ization of the militia of the Common wealth," was before the House, I voted against it because I had conscientious scruples as to its constitutionality.— Since that time hostilities have com menced against the Government of the United States, and an attempt made by an armed force to seize its proper ty. The President of the Uni ed States has issued a proclamation calling upon all " loyal citizens to favor, facilitate and aid" him in maintaining " the honor, the integrity and the existence of our National Union and the perpet uity of the popular Government," and asked for 75,000 men to suppress com binations against the Government. In view of these fhets, and not knowing how soon the Pennsylvanians may be required to "repel invasion" against the Commonwealth, or "suppress in surrection" within her own borders, I deem it my duty to ask the unani mous consent of this Honse to allow me to change my vote on the bill for the better organization of the militia Of the Commonwealth. TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance. The New Apportionment Bill. SEc. 1. Be it enacted, &e., That, for the purpose of electing Representatives of the people of Pennsylvania to servo in the House of Representatives in the Congress of the United States, this State shall be divided into tiveniy three districts, as follows 1. Second, third, fourth, fifth,- sixth, and eleventh wards in tliq city of Phil adelphia. 2. First, seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth wards in the city of Philadel-' phia. 3. Twelfth, thirteenth, :sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, - and nine teenth wards in the city of Philadel phia. . 4. Fourteenth, fifteenth, twentieth, twenty-first, and twenty-fourth wards in the city of Philodelphia. 5. Twenty-second, twenty-third.and twenty-fifth wards in the city of Phil adelphia, Bucks county, and that part of Montgomery county embracing Moreland, Abington, Cheltenham,Hor sham, Upper Dublin, White Marsh, Springfield, Montgomery, Gwynedd, Hatfield, Towameein, Franconia, and Lower Salford. U. Delaware county, Chestercounty, and Upper and Lower Marion, and the borough of Bridgeport., in the county of Montgomery.. 7. Barks county, and the balance of Montgomery county. 8. Lancaster county. 9. Schuylkill and Lebanon counties. 10. Lehigh, Pike, Monroe, Carbon, and Northampton counties. , 11. Susquehanna, Wayne, and Lu zerne counties. 12. Bradford, Montour, Columbia, Sullivan, and Wyoming counties, and the balance of Northumberland coun ty, not included in the I2th district. 13. Dauphin and York counties, and Lower Mahony township, in Northum berland county, not included in the 12th district. 14. Union, Snyder, Juniata, Perry, and Cumberland counties. 15. Somerset, Bedford, Fulton,Frank lin, and Adams counties. 16. Cambria, Blair, Huntingdon, and Mifflin counties. 17. Tioga, Potter, Lycoming, Clin ton, and Centre counties. 18. Jefferson, Erie, Warren, McKean, Elk, Cameron, Forest, and Clearfield counties. 19. Crawford, Mercer, Venango, and Clarion counties. 20. Indiana, Westmoreland, and Fay ette counties. 21. Allegheny county south of the Ohio and Allegheny rivers. 22. Allegheny county north of the Ohio and Allegheny rivers, and But ler and Armstrong counties. 23. Lawrence, Beaver, Washington, tnd Green counties. "To Any Amount and to Every Extent," We are always proud of Pennsylva nia. With all her faults, we have al ways felt towards her as Bruce to wards his brave compatriot at Ban nockburn: "Lord orate Isles, my trust In then 1, firm m Ad,n nook!" —We are not sorry to see the gener ous rivalry in the Northern States.— Massachusetts boasts that she did not wait for the official notice, but had her troops ready immediately upon receiv ing the telegraphic despatch of the Secretary of War. But Pennsylvania passed the first through-going war bill, authorizing the Governor to call out any number of troops that might be needed, and appropriating half a mil lion of money. Upon tins, New York-, not willing to be overcome, appropriating three mil lions and makes provisions for thirty thousand men. This is noble and most liberal, certainly. But Pennsylvania is hard to beat. The Democratic mem bers of the Legislature made a mistake at first. They voted, with one noble exception, against the war bill. But after the affair at Charleston, they felt that this would not do. They, therefbre, introduced a resolution to put themselves right before the coun try. This was modified by Republicans, and passed unanimously. It pledged the men and means of • Pennsylvania, " to any amount and to every extent," to the Government, to sustain the laws and put clown treason. This, we may say confidently-, cannot be beat. What ever our sister States may do, they cannot surpass the Keystone. It is a source of great satisfaction, that the final vote was without dis tinction of party. We perceive that this feeling is taken up at the public meetings throughout the State. Any attempt to make the defence of the country a matter of party will be frowned down everywhere. A great meeting at Norristown was hold on this principle, and at Pittsburgh we were glad to see the venerable Judge Wilkins taking a prominent part. The pledge to maintain the Government here, drawn up by Horace Binney, Esq., was signed by men of all parties. One great principle looms up above all others in this conflict. We contend not to coerce the South, nor to retain them in the Union. If the Gulf States had sought by constitutional means a separate government, we should have been in favor of granting to their re quest a respectful consideration. They have been offered a National Conven tion for a statement of grievances and for settling the whole matter in a peace ful manner. This they have contemp tuously refused. They aro not satis fied with a separate government.— They wish to drag down ours, to treat it with contempt, to debase its charac ter, to draw out its very blood, to de stroy its life. They have willfully and deliberately forced upon us the ques tion whether we will abandon the very idea of the national life or maintain it by force, The thought, therefore, entertained by good but weak citizens at the North, and insisted upon in the Bor der States under the guidance not of reason but; of passion, that the Gulf States should peacefully to go out of the Union, is simply preposterous. .It makes the Union nothing. It reduces the Government to the condition of a mere town meeting or debating so defy, the merest gathering of citizens for the most temporary purpose. It is not merely to chastise South Caro lina, however richly she deserves it, but to uphold the very idea of Gov ernment that this war is waged. The Northern States fully under stand it. The enthusiastic response to the President, the pouring out of men and money like water, thid generous contest as to which will do the Most and do it the quickest—all silo* that there is a full appreciation of the cri sis and of the principle involved, It is emphatically, for life or death. Re publica; on occasion, in emergency, need, far more than more' stringent Gevernments, -) tO manifest, the sover eignty-that is hi them. Plague spots or treason, of demoralization; had shown themselves everywhere, in the State, the Church, the Army, the Na yy, among capitalists, manufacturerd, newspapers, everywhere, and the gan grene was spreading: The crisis ter rible. The' boldest and wisest hesita ted. But Providence, in mercy, - sent us a man for a ruler, and ,Abraham Lincoln saw clearly that' there are things more precious than life, and evils more dire than the flow of blood. He threw himself upon-the good sense and loyalty of a noble people, and the determination of Pennsylvania will be the watchword of the . nation. In a spirit worthy of the brightest days of our fathers, it votes unanimously to sustain the President "to any amount and to any extent." Who does not exult in his birthright as a Pennsylva nian, and who will not be willing to say with kindling' cheek, that the Keystone is worthy of its. position.— Phila. Bulletin.- NO. 44. The Law Under Which the . Militia of the Country is Called Out. We give below the section of the act of 1795 under which the President of the United States has called forth the militia of the States in his proclama tion. That law was passed in refer ence to the insurrection in Pennsylva nia, when many thousands of insur gents were in arms against the Feder al authority. That formidable out break being happily quelled, no far ther action was had under this statute till 1814, when war with Great Brit ain existing, its provisions were found effective in bringing the forces of the country under the control of the Fed eral Government. Congress, however, in that year extended the time of ser vice to six months, it being limited by act of 1795 to three months. The amendatory act of 1814 was restricted as to its period of operation to the du ration of the then existing war, and by its own terms expired at its close, leaving the provisions of the act of 1795 in force. It will be obsrved that the President has in his proclamation quoted the exact text of the statute, the section refered to being as follows': "Sr.c. 2. And bait further enacted, That whenever the laws of the United States shall be opposed or the execution thereof obstructed in any State by combinations too powerful to be sup pressed by the ordinary course of ju dicial- proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by this act, it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to call forth the militia of such State, or of any other State or States, as may be necessary to sup press such combinations, and too• cause the laws to be duly executed, and the use of the militia to be called forth may be contnued, if necessary, until the expiration of thirty days after the commencement of the then next sea , sion of Congress." • The power of the President to de termine the existence of the facts which establish the necessity of calling upon the militia has been settled by judicial determination. In the case of Martin vs. Mott, reported in the 12th of Wheaton, p. 19, the court says : "The authority to decide whether the exigencies contemplated in the Constitution of the United States and the act of Congress of 1795, chap. 101, in which the President has authority to call forth the militia to 'execute the law of the Union, suppress insurrec tions, and repel invasions,' have aris en, is exclusively vested in the Presi dent, and his decision is 'conclusive on all other persons." The clause which limits the term of service of troops called out under this act is found in the fourth section, and is as follows: "And no officer, non-commissioned officer, or private shall be compelled to serve more than three months after his arrival at the place, of rendezvous in any one year." It will be observed that the conelu d ing clause of the second section quoted above makes the term of service also expire thirty days after the assembling of Congress. It is noticeable that it was in the power of the President, by declining to call an' extra session' of Congress, to have provided a longer period of hostilities, inasmuch as the troops ordered into the field upon the first requisition could, at the expira tion of their term of service, have been replaced by a new levy, and thus a sufficient army have been kept under arms till the first of, January next.— It is not doubted that the spirit of the States furnishing the troops would have promptly advanced the money necessary to maintain their several quota in active operations, relying' on the General Government for -repay, meat. The Administration, however, have prudently put it beyond the pove er of tho Executive to continue troops in the field beyond the first of August. In calling Congress together, the Gov ernment will havb deferred to the Sen ators of the States and the Represen tatives of the people the responsibility of the measures and the policy which, after the date of their assemblage, may bo hold requisite to preserve the pub lic peace.