The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, April 24, 1861, Image 1

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cording to these terms.
The Conspiracy to Assassinate Pres
ident Lincoln.
[Prom the Albany Evening Journal.]
Some of Mr. Lincoln's friends hav
ing heard that a conspiracy existed to
assassinate him on his way to Wash
ington, set on foot an investigation of
the matter. For this purpose they
employed a detective of great experi
ence, who was engaged at Baltimore
some three weeks prior to Mr. Lincoln's
expected arrival there, employing both
men and women to assist him. Short
ly after coming to Baltimore, the de
tective discovered a combination of
men banded together under a solemn
oath to assassinate the President elect.
The leader of the conspirators was an
Italian refugee, barber, well known in
Baltimore, who assumed the name
of Orsini, as indicative of the part
he was to perform. The assistants
employed by the detective, who,
like himself, were strangers in Balti
more city, by assuming to bo Seces
sionists from Louisiana and other se
ceding States, gained the confidence
of some of the conspirators, and were
entrusted with their plans. It was ar
ranged, in case Mr. Lincoln should
pass safely over the railroad to Balti
more, that the conspirators should
mingle with the crowd which might
surround his carriage; and by pretend
ing to be his friends, he enabled to ap
proach his person, when, upon a sig
nal from their leader, some of them
would shoot at Mr. Lincoln with their
pistols, and others would throw into
his carriage hand grenades filled with
detonating powder, similar to those
used in the attempted assassination of
Emperor Louis Napoleon. It was in
tended that, in the confusion which
should result from the attack, the as
sailants should escape to a vessel
Which was waiting in the harbor to
receite them, and be carried to Mobile,
iclie seceding State of Alabama.
[Upon Mr. Lincoln's arrival in Phil
idelphia, on Thursday, the 21st day of
February, the detective visited Phila
delphia and submitted to certain
friends of the President elect the infor
mation he had collected as to the con
spirators and their plans. An inter
view was immediately arranged be
tween Mr. Lincoln and the detective.
The interview took - place in Mr. Lin
coln's room, in the Continental Hotel,
where he was staying during his visit
in Philadelphia.
Mr. Lincoln, having heard the offi
cer's statement, informed him that he
had promised to raise the ,American
flag on Independence Hall on the next
morning—the morning of the anniver
sary of Washington's birthday—and
that he had accepted the invitation of
the Pennsylvania. Legislature to be
publicly received by that body in the
afternoon of the same day. "Both of
these engpgements," said lie, with em
phasis, "I will keep, if it costs me my
life. If, however, after I have conclu
ded these engagements, you can take
me in safety to Washington, I will
place myself at your disposal, and an
thorizeyou to make such arrangements
as you may deem proper for that pur
On the next day, in the morning,
Mr. Lincoln, performed the ceremony
of raising the American flag on Inde
pendence Hall, in Philadelphia, accor
ding to his promise, and arrived at
Harrisburg on the forenoon of the
same day, where he was formally wel
comed by the Pennsylvania Legisla
ture. After the reception, he retired
to his hotel, the Jones House, and
withdrew with a few confidential
friends to a private apartment. Here
he remained until nearly 6 o'clock in
the evening, when, in company with
Col. Lamon, he quietly entered a car
riage without observation, and was
driven to the Pennsylvania Railroad,
where a special train for Philadelphia
was waiting for him. Simultaneously
with hikdeparture from Harrisburg,
the tele4laph wires were cut, so that
his depalure, if it should become
known, might not be communicated at
a distance.
The special train arrived in Phila
delphia at a quarter before eleven
o'clock at night. Here he was met by
the detective who had a carriage in
readiness into which the party enter
ed, and were driven to the depot of
the Philadelphia, Wilmington, and
Baltimore Railroad.
They did not reach the depot until
a quarter past eleven; but, fortunately
for them, the regular train, the hour
of which, for starting, was elevon,had
been delayed. The party then took
berths in the sleeping ear, and, with
out change of cars, passed directly
through to Washington, where they
arrived at the usual hour, half past six,
on the morning of Saturday, the 23d.
Mr. Lincoln were no disguise whatev
er, but journeyed in au ordinary trav
It is proper to state here, prior to
Mr. Lincoln's arrival in Philadelphia,
General Scott and Senator Seward, in
Washington, had been apprised, from
independent sources, that imminent
danger threatened Mr. Lincoln in case
he should publicly pass through Balti
more, and, accordingly, a special mes
senger, Mr. Frederick W. Seward, a
son of Senator Seward, was dispatched
to Philadelphia, to urge Mr. Lincoln
to come direct to Washington, in a
quiet manner. The messenger arrived
in Philadelphia late on Thursday night,
and had 'an interview with the Presi
dent elect, immediately subsequent to
his interview with the detective. He
was informed that Mr. Lincoln would
arrive by the early train on Saturday
morning, and, in accordance with this
information, Mr. Washburne, member
of Congress from Illinois, awaited the
President elect, at the depot in Wash
ington, whence he was taken in a car
riage to his quarters, in Willard's Ho
tel, where Senator Seward stood ready
to receive him.
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
The detective travelled with Mr.
Lincoln under the name of B. J. Allen,
which name was registered with the
President elect's on the book at Wil
lard Hotel. Being a well known indi
vidual, he was speedily recognized,
and suspician naturally arose that he
had been instrumental in exposing the
plot which called Mr. Lincoln's hurried
journey. It was deemed prudent that
he should leave Washington two days
after his arrival, although he had in
tended to remain and witness the cer
emonies of Inauguration.
The friends or Mr. Lincoln do not
question the loyalty and hospitality of
the people of Maryland, but they were
aware that a few disaffected citizens
who sympathized warmly with the
Secessionists, were determinned to
frustrate, at all hazards, the Inaugura
tion of the President elect, even at the
cost of his life.
The characters and pursuits of the
conspirators were various. Some of
them were impelled by a fanatical zeal
which they termed patriotism, and
they justified their acts by the exam
ple of Brutus, in ridding his country
of a tyrant. One of them was accus
tomed to recite passages put into the
mouth of the character of Brutus in
Shakspeare's play of Julius Ccesar.—
Others were stimulated by the offer of
pecuniary reward. These, it was ob
served, staid away from their usual
work for several weeks prior to the
intended assault. Although their cir
cumstances had previously rendered
them dependent on their daily labor
for support, they were during this
time abundantly supplied with money,
which they squandered in bar-rooms
and disreputable places.
After the discovery of the plot, a
strict watch was kept by the agents of
detection over the movements of the
conspirators, and efficient measures
were adopted to guard against any
attack which they might meditate on
the President elect until he was in
stalled in Office.
Mr. Lincoln's family left Harrisburg
for Baltimore, on their way to Wash
ington, in the special train intended for
him. And before starting, a message
announcing Mr. Lincoln's departure
and arrival at Washington had been
telegraphed to Baltimore over the
wires, which had been repaired that
morning, the passage through Balti
more was safely- effected.
The remark of Mr. Lincoln, during
the ceremony of raising the flag on
Independence Hall, on Friday morn
ing, that he would assert his principles
on his inauguration, although lie were
assassinated on the spot, had evident
reference to the communication made
to him by the detective on the night
The names of the conspirators will
not at present he divulged. But they
are in possession of responsible parties,
including the President.
The number originally ascertained
to be banded together for the assassi
nation of Mr. Lincoln was twenty, but
the number of those who were fully
apprised of the details of the plot, be
came daily smaller as the time for
executing it drew near.
Some of the women employed by
the detective went to serve as waiters,
seamstresses, &e., in the families of the
conspirators, and a record was regular
ly kept of what was said and done to
further their enterprise. A record was
also kept by the detective of their de
liberations in secret conclave, but, for
sufficient reasons, it is withheld for the
present from publication. The detec
tive and his agents regularly contribu
ted money to pay the expenses of the
Must Not Use Force.
Now and then we meet a man who
objects to sustaining the United States
in the contest with the rebels in the
South, on the ground that in doing so,
force must be used against our own
countrymen. This is the plea of one
who is a traitor himself, or sympathi
zes with treason. If this new doctrine
is to be engrafted upon our institutions
and carried out to its logical conclu
sion, it will exempt from punishment ,
all evil doers. If we have no right to
use force against traitors in the South,
we have no right to coerce rioters and
others who violate the law in the
North. After awhile we may expect
to hear a protest entered against coin
mitting men to prison for murder, lar
ceny and burglary, because they are
"our fellow•citizens. When the Na
tive American Riots took place in
Philadelphia in 1844 there was no
childish defence of this kind set up for
them. Those engaged in that war
upon the constituted authorities were
our immediate neighbors. Mr .Buchan
an commenced his administration by
calling out the Marines and Volunteers
in Washington city, to shoot 'down
those who' were disturbing the public
peace, and the country sustained him.
in it, but nevertheless they were put
down at the point of the bayonet.—
Should we deal any more tenderly
with rebels in South Carolina than'in
Pennsylvania ? Is a man who owns
slaves to be exempt from the penalty
of his own wrongs ? We hung Arm
bruster in Bucks county, but no sym
pathy was excited in his behalf because
he was a " fellow-citizen." If we are
not to use force against violators of
the law for the reason that they are
friends and countrymen, we cannot
long maintain a government. The
sooner such detestable doctrine is
frowned upon the better.—Doylestown
FORT KEARNEY, April 16.—Capt. Bee,
who is en route for South Carolina, ac
companied by Capt. Starr, on leave of
absence, and R. B. Ward Scuttler, all
from Fort Laramie, arrived hero last
evening, and left to-day. It is under
stood that Captain Bee will join the
Southern army.
What is Thought of the Administration
Opinions of the Newspaper Press
[Front the New York Herald.]
Civil war having at length broken
out, the mercantile community have
begun to examine its probable bearings
on trade and the future of the country.
On one point, so far as we have been
able to ascertain, perfect unanimity
exists among our moneyed men; the
Government must be sustained. Every
one deplores the terrible calamity
which has befallen the republic. But
there is no desire among the merchants
or capitalists of New York to shirk the
issue, or to evade the responsibilities
of the contest. Upon Now York will
devolve the chief burden of providing
ways and means for the war ; our fi
nancial *community accept the duty
and will perform it. This view we
find to be universal among our mon
eyed men, including many whose sym
pathies have heretofore been with the
South. If the Government prove true
to the country, it need not feel any
uneasiness about money. In the °pint
ion of our leading bankers, a hundred
millions over and above the receipts
of the Government, from customs and
land sales, if necessary to defray the
expenses of the war for a year from
this date, could be readily borrowed in
'Wall street at a rate of interest cer
tainly not exceeding that which France
and England paid for the money they
borrowed for the Russian war. If, for
the purpose of bringing the war to an
end and settling this controversy of
ours forever, a further sum be requisite
it will be forth-emning.
Wall street, so fin• as we can judge,
is ready to sustain the Government
heartily and liberally An idea of the
intensity of the national feeling which
pervades the street may be gathered
from the fact that yesterday morning
a thoughtless member of the Stock
Exchange, who offered sonic United
States sixes on sellers' option, was in
stantly hissed down by the members
of the board, and three resonant cheers
were called for and given for Major
It is of course impossible to foresee,
at the present time, what shape the
war will take. In a commercial point
of view, much depends on the course
of the Border States, If Virginia se
cedes, and the other Border Slave
States follow, the war will probably be
long and disastrous. All the Western
banks, whose circulation is secured by
unwise deposits of Border Slave State
stocks, must go to pieces, for these
stocks, after secession, will hardly be
worth twenty-five cents on the dollar.
In this event, the contest being one
between slave States on one side and
free States on the other, it would in
all probabillity involve accidents which
could not but interfere with the regu
lar production of cotton, rice, tobacco,
and the other Southern staples.—
Again, the difficulties which must arise,
in any ease, with regard to the navi
don of the Mississippi, will be greatly
aggravated if Tennessee and Kentucky
secede. Indeed, at the present moment,
it seems difficult to conceive any ar
rangement by which the free naviga
tion of the river by the Northwestern
States could under these circumstan
ces, be satisfactorily secured. The in
ternal trade of the Border Slave States
would, in any event, be gravely dis
turbed, and their usual product of
wheat, tobacco, &c., placed in jeopardy.
If, on the other hand, the Border
Slave States should remain faithful to
the Union, the prospect, in the opinion
of our moneyed men, is that the war
would be short. The Gulf States, they
seem to think, could not successfully
contend against the power of the North,
backed by Virginia, Kentucky, Missou
ri, Tennessee, North Carolina, and
Arkansas, Want of means would
speedily compel a peace. In this event,
therefore, our mercantile community
do think that trade would be fittally
injured. A severe blow would be in
flicted upon the seaport towns of the
Gulf States, which would of course be
blockaded by the fleets of the United
States; but the planters would find an
outlet for the cotton through Northern
ports, and would not suffer very . mate
rially. It is not understood that an
invasion of the Gulf States by North
ern troops is contemplated in any quar
ter, and there is, therefore, no reason
to apprehend that the culture of cotton
would in this case be impeded or dis
So far as the city of New York is
concerned, the outbreak of civil war
must be regarded as cancelling the
debts due by people in the seceding
States to our citizens. No accurate
guess can be formed as to the amount
of this indebtedness. It may amount
to thirty—it may amount to sixty mil
lions of dollars, No data exists upon
which a possible estimate can be based.
The aggregate sum is certainly very
large, and its repudiation—which war
is sure to involve—must lead to serious
embarrassment in mercantile circles,
and to a large number of failures among
houses in the Southern trade. This
loss of money will, moreover, be fol
lowed by a loss of trade. Pending the
war, no safe trade can be carried on
between New York and the seceded
States. Even of the establishment of
peace, the poverty of the South, and
probable though futile efforts to estab
lish a direct trade with Europe will de
lay, for some years the restoration of old
commercial relations. The first vic
tims of the war will thus be the men
and the firms which have been most
conspicuous in upholding the rights of
the South. It must not be supposed,
however, that the failure and oblitera
tion of our great Souuhern houses will
involve the ruin of the city of New
York. This great metropolis is the
natural and inevitable outlet for two
vast productive regiOns—the cotton
producing region of the South and the
food-producing region of the West.—
When one fails the other almost inva
riably comes to our rescue. New York
prospers most when—as was the case
in 1856 and 1860—both regions Pour
their proancts freely into its harbor.—
But - New York continued to increase
and multiply in years *hen the cotton
crop failed; it did not decline in 1858
and 1859, when the West had no food
to send us, and could not afford to buy
any goods. Now the South fails us,
but the West is supplying this city
with an unprecedented amount of bu
siness. Our receipts and• exports of
food are double the average at . this
season, and while houses-in the South
ern trade—which, owing to the pover
ty of the West since 1857, are the lead
ing houses in the eity- 7 —complain of
utter stagnation, our Western jobbers
are doing a better business than they
ever did before. There is reason to
suppose that the West will, throughout
the war, continue to have a large sur
plus of food to export through New
York, and will need enough goods to
give employment to our importers and
jobbers. Whatever shape the war may
take, the United States are pretty sure
to retain command of the sea; so long
as that is safe the best harbor in Amer
ica cannot well suffer for want of trade.
New points crowd upon the mind in
connection with the Unprecedented
events which are occurring.' We shall
take them up from time to time.—
Meanwhile it may be "well to notice
that the actual outbreak of hostilities
at Charleston gives a living import to
the commentary on the law of treason
delivered some months since by Judge
Smalley in this city. It is well that
our merchants should understand the
subject. From this time forward any
citizen of the United States who sup
plies arms, or munitions of war, or
food, or coal, or intelligence, or money
to the communities which are at war
with this country renders himself lia
ble to the pains and penalties of trea
son. Any attempt to negotiate bonds
of the Confederate States would be re
gard as treason by the United States,
and would be punished accordingly.—
If, as rumor states, fitetories in Con
necticut are engaged in supplying arms
to the Confederate Government, the
companies and their agents are all
guilty of treason. Express companies
and other carriers who carry such
arms or other articles constituting
" aid and comfort," arc similarly liable
to prosecution. Mercinufoi ii. the West
sending food down the Mississippi fall
into the same category, and incur the
penalties of the act. IL is understood
that an example will shortly be made
by one of the new district attorneys
with a view to afford our mercantile
community a fair warning.
From tho Non• York Times.]
The port of Charleston, we learn by
way of Montgomery, is blockaded.—
Every vessel entering or leaving it is
to pass the surveillance of a ship-of-war.
No wonder that "the Charlestonians
regarded with execration the fleet that
refused to come to the rescue of the
gallant Anderson." It was not the
plan of the Administration that they
should go to his rescue at too great a
peril. It was from the start destined
to an entirely different field and mode
of action. Neither the retention or
surrender of Fort Sumpter could have
any bearing on the policy the Govern
ment had marked out for itself. This
was an isolated case, that stood safely
on its own merits. Government could
not allow its flag to be disgraced by
retreat. It is strengthened in every part
by the surrender of the fort. It may not
attempt, at present, its recapture, but
will notify the Confederated States
that, till it is restored, the commerce of
Charleston must pass over the deck of a
[From the New York World.]
The giant is aroused. The millions
of the loyal, Union-loving North have
stretched and snapped asunder, as one
man, the flmsy withes that held bound
their patriotism under the pretence of
being fraternal bonds. Have we a
country to be saved, and shall we save
it? asks Mr. Lincoln; and before the
words of his proclamation have been
read, the patriot's fire kindles in every
heart, and from cities, towns, and vil
lages, the country over, the lightning
flies to bear their clear and quick re
sponse. The North has been long-suf
fering and tolerant even to its traitors,
but when Sumpter was attacked, and
the flag which has never known dis
honor, was struck, there was an end
to patience and tolerance and peace.
The stab at his heart has but aroused
the giant. It will be fatal only to the
puny arms which dealt the traitorous
[From the Now York Tribune.)
Democrat as well as Republican,
Conservative and Radical, instinctive
ly feel that the guns fired at Sumpter
were aimed at the heart of the Ameri
can Republic. Not even in the lowest
groggery of our city would it bo safe
to propose cheers for Beauregard and
Governor Pickens. The Tories of the
Revolution were relatively ten times
as numerous here as are the open sym
pathizers with the Palmetto rebels.—
The manifestations at the Stock Ex
change on Saturday were sympomatie
of the feeling everywhere. It is hard
to lose Sumpter; it is a consolation to
know that in losing it we have gained
an united people. Henceforth, the
loyal States are a unit in uncompro
mising hostility to treason, wherever
plotted, however justified. Fort Sum
ter is temporarily lost, but the country
is saved. Long live the Republic I
(u - •"' - "A*-.i . ,iHi:',,i'‘'.'
[From the New York Leader.]
In this hour of trial it becomes the
duty of every patriotic citizen to sus
tain the General Government in vindi
cating. our flag and asserting the per
manence of the Union. Mr. Lincoln
is not the President of our choice; but,
as constitutional President of the Uni
ted States, he is entitled to our alle
giance, and shall have our support in
the present struggle—the fate of Mex
ico being ever present before us as an
exemplar of the ruin inevitably follow
ing the peaceful toleration or bloody
success of national disintegration.
[From tho Bolton Journal.]
That, however, and all other unto
ward results, we shall not anticipate.
The whole patriotism of the country
is fixed with breathless interest upon
the fate of our fighting heroes in the
harbor of Charleston. If they can
conquer, more than the glory of Mar
athon will be theirs. If they can hold
out, legions will rush to their aid. If
they must yield, far worse will it be
for the treacherous foes, for every life
will have its avenger, and the cause
which is buried in apparent defeat will
rise in overwhelming victory. .111
past issues, all political differences, are
DOW thrown to the winds. The coun
try calls, and millions spring to obey
[From the Boitou Herald, Douglas Dom]
It now behooves every man to lay
aside his party bias and rally to the
support of the Government in its ef
forts to protect the stars and stripes,
and to maintain the integrity of the
nation. No more concession to trai
tors, but award to them a traitor's
doom. It is time to stop talking about
compromises until those who are in
open rebellion desire peace, and will
lay clown their arms and consent to
obey the laws of the land. The issue
is now to be met. The good people of
New England, whose fathers fought
for and established American liberty,
will defend that liberty to the last,
and will respond to any call which may
be made upon her, for men and money.
It is of no use now to fling ae the Gov
ernment. Let us give small prejudi
ces and go in, heart and hand, to put
down treason and trait - ors—come from
what quarter they may. Those who
afford comfbrt and aid to the enemy
by croaking or by sympathy, are as
guilty as those who are in open arms
against the constituted authorities of
the land.
Reasons for Changing Votes on the War
Messrs. Ellenberger, Leisenring,
Byrne, Smith, of Berks, Boyer and
Osterbout, Democratic members of the
House of Representatives, who voted
against the bill for the proper regula
tion of the Military system of this
Commonwealth, and supplying them
with aims and equipments, changed
their votes on the 15th, by leave of
the House, and recorded them in the
affirmative: Mr. Eilenberger remarked:
I voted against the bill; and when I
did so, I did it because I desired, if
possible, that Pennsylvania should, by
no act, throw the least obstacle in the
way of an amicable adjustment of our
national difficulties. I had not then
heard of the proceedings at Charleston.
I was yet hopeful fbr a peaceable ar
rangement of our troubles; but since
then I have learned that the Federal
forces have been fired upon; that there
has been a positive refusal to let Fort
Sumpter be provisioned, and that ac
tual war has been inaugurated against
the Government of the United States.
I now feel that duty to my country,
that duty to the Commonwealth and
to my constituency, demand that I
should vote for this measure. I lied
hoped that the evil of civil war might
be averted. I can only say it has come,
and the blame must rest upon those
who have began it. I must stand for
the Government. I must stand up for
our defence against the enemy. I
must stand by the Constitution and
the laws, and I shall do so willingly,
gladly, not only by my vote, but in
every other way which may be required
of me.
Pennsylvania has tried by kind
words and kind acts to avert this evil,
but it is upon us. I shall stand firm
in her defence, and in defence of the
national Government, let what come
that may, and may the God of nations
soften the harshness of sectional feel
ing, and yet save our blessed heritage.
Mir. Leisenring said : When the bill,
entitled "An Act for the better organ
ization of the militia of the Common
wealth," was before the House, I voted
against it because I had conscientious
scruples as to its constitutionality.—
Since that time hostilities have com
menced against the Government of the
United States, and an attempt made
by an armed force to seize its proper
ty. The President of the Uni ed States
has issued a proclamation calling upon
all " loyal citizens to favor, facilitate
and aid" him in maintaining " the
honor, the integrity and the existence
of our National Union and the perpet
uity of the popular Government," and
asked for 75,000 men to suppress com
binations against the Government. In
view of these fhets, and not knowing
how soon the Pennsylvanians may be
required to "repel invasion" against
the Commonwealth, or "suppress in
surrection" within her own borders,
I deem it my duty to ask the unani
mous consent of this Honse to allow
me to change my vote on the bill for
the better organization of the militia
Of the Commonwealth.
TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance.
The New Apportionment Bill.
SEc. 1. Be it enacted, &e., That, for
the purpose of electing Representatives
of the people of Pennsylvania to servo
in the House of Representatives in the
Congress of the United States, this
State shall be divided into tiveniy
three districts, as follows
1. Second, third, fourth, fifth,- sixth,
and eleventh wards in tliq city of Phil
2. First, seventh, eighth, ninth, and
tenth wards in the city of Philadel-'
3. Twelfth, thirteenth, :sixteenth,
seventeenth, eighteenth, - and nine
teenth wards in the city of Philadel
phia. .
4. Fourteenth, fifteenth, twentieth,
twenty-first, and twenty-fourth wards
in the city of Philodelphia.
5. Twenty-second, twenty-third.and
twenty-fifth wards in the city of Phil
adelphia, Bucks county, and that part
of Montgomery county embracing
Moreland, Abington, Cheltenham,Hor
sham, Upper Dublin, White Marsh,
Springfield, Montgomery, Gwynedd,
Hatfield, Towameein, Franconia, and
Lower Salford.
U. Delaware county, Chestercounty,
and Upper and Lower Marion, and
the borough of Bridgeport., in the
county of Montgomery..
7. Barks county, and the balance of
Montgomery county.
8. Lancaster county.
9. Schuylkill and Lebanon counties.
10. Lehigh, Pike, Monroe, Carbon,
and Northampton counties. ,
11. Susquehanna, Wayne, and Lu
zerne counties.
12. Bradford, Montour, Columbia,
Sullivan, and Wyoming counties, and
the balance of Northumberland coun
ty, not included in the I2th district.
13. Dauphin and York counties, and
Lower Mahony township, in Northum
berland county, not included in the
12th district.
14. Union, Snyder, Juniata, Perry,
and Cumberland counties.
15. Somerset, Bedford, Fulton,Frank
lin, and Adams counties.
16. Cambria, Blair, Huntingdon, and
Mifflin counties.
17. Tioga, Potter, Lycoming, Clin
ton, and Centre counties.
18. Jefferson, Erie, Warren, McKean,
Elk, Cameron, Forest, and Clearfield
19. Crawford, Mercer, Venango, and
Clarion counties.
20. Indiana, Westmoreland, and Fay
ette counties.
21. Allegheny county south of the
Ohio and Allegheny rivers.
22. Allegheny county north of the
Ohio and Allegheny rivers, and But
ler and Armstrong counties.
23. Lawrence, Beaver, Washington,
tnd Green counties.
"To Any Amount and to Every
We are always proud of Pennsylva
nia. With all her faults, we have al
ways felt towards her as Bruce to
wards his brave compatriot at Ban
"Lord orate Isles, my trust In then
1, firm m Ad,n nook!"
—We are not sorry to see the gener
ous rivalry in the Northern States.—
Massachusetts boasts that she did not
wait for the official notice, but had her
troops ready immediately upon receiv
ing the telegraphic despatch of the
Secretary of War. But Pennsylvania
passed the first through-going war bill,
authorizing the Governor to call out
any number of troops that might be
needed, and appropriating half a mil
lion of money.
Upon tins, New York-, not willing to
be overcome, appropriating three mil
lions and makes provisions for thirty
thousand men. This is noble and most
liberal, certainly. But Pennsylvania
is hard to beat. The Democratic mem
bers of the Legislature made a mistake
at first. They voted, with one noble
exception, against the war bill. But
after the affair at Charleston,
felt that this would not do. They,
therefbre, introduced a resolution to
put themselves right before the coun
try. This was modified by Republicans,
and passed unanimously. It pledged
the men and means of • Pennsylvania,
" to any amount and to every extent," to
the Government, to sustain the laws
and put clown treason. This, we may
say confidently-, cannot be beat. What
ever our sister States may do, they
cannot surpass the Keystone.
It is a source of great satisfaction,
that the final vote was without dis
tinction of party. We perceive that
this feeling is taken up at the public
meetings throughout the State. Any
attempt to make the defence of the
country a matter of party will be
frowned down everywhere. A great
meeting at Norristown was hold on
this principle, and at Pittsburgh we
were glad to see the venerable Judge
Wilkins taking a prominent part. The
pledge to maintain the Government
here, drawn up by Horace Binney,
Esq., was signed by men of all parties.
One great principle looms up above
all others in this conflict. We contend
not to coerce the South, nor to retain
them in the Union. If the Gulf States
had sought by constitutional means a
separate government, we should have
been in favor of granting to their re
quest a respectful consideration. They
have been offered a National Conven
tion for a statement of grievances and
for settling the whole matter in a peace
ful manner. This they have contemp
tuously refused. They aro not satis
fied with a separate government.—
They wish to drag down ours, to treat
it with contempt, to debase its charac
ter, to draw out its very blood, to de
stroy its life. They have willfully and
deliberately forced upon us the ques
tion whether we will abandon the very
idea of the national life or maintain it
by force,
The thought, therefore, entertained
by good but weak citizens at the
North, and insisted upon in the Bor
der States under the guidance not of
reason but; of passion, that the Gulf
States should peacefully to go out of
the Union, is simply preposterous.
makes the Union nothing. It reduces
the Government to the condition of
a mere town meeting or debating so
defy, the merest gathering of citizens
for the most temporary purpose. It
is not merely to chastise South Caro
lina, however richly she deserves it,
but to uphold the very idea of Gov
ernment that this war is waged.
The Northern States fully under
stand it. The enthusiastic response to
the President, the pouring out of men
and money like water, thid generous
contest as to which will do the Most
and do it the quickest—all silo* that
there is a full appreciation of the cri
sis and of the principle involved, It
is emphatically, for life or death. Re
publica; on occasion, in emergency,
need, far more than more' stringent
Gevernments, -) tO manifest, the sover
eignty-that is hi them. Plague spots
or treason, of demoralization; had
shown themselves everywhere, in the
State, the Church, the Army, the Na
yy, among capitalists, manufacturerd,
newspapers, everywhere, and the gan
grene was spreading: The crisis ter
rible. The' boldest and wisest hesita
ted. But Providence, in mercy, - sent
us a man for a ruler, and
Lincoln saw clearly that' there are
things more precious than life, and
evils more dire than the flow of blood.
He threw himself upon-the good sense
and loyalty of a noble people, and the
determination of Pennsylvania will be
the watchword of the . nation. In a
spirit worthy of the brightest days of
our fathers, it votes unanimously to
sustain the President "to any amount
and to any extent." Who does not
exult in his birthright as a Pennsylva
nian, and who will not be willing to
say with kindling' cheek, that the
Keystone is worthy of its. position.—
Phila. Bulletin.-
NO. 44.
The Law Under Which the . Militia of
the Country is Called Out.
We give below the section of the act
of 1795 under which the President of
the United States has called forth the
militia of the States in his proclama
tion. That law was passed in refer
ence to the insurrection in Pennsylva
nia, when many thousands of insur
gents were in arms against the Feder
al authority. That formidable out
break being happily quelled, no far
ther action was had under this statute
till 1814, when war with Great Brit
ain existing, its provisions were found
effective in bringing the forces of the
country under the control of the Fed
eral Government. Congress, however,
in that year extended the time of ser
vice to six months, it being limited by
act of 1795 to three months. The
amendatory act of 1814 was restricted
as to its period of operation to the du
ration of the then existing war, and
by its own terms expired at its close,
leaving the provisions of the act of
1795 in force. It will be obsrved that
the President has in his proclamation
quoted the exact text of the statute,
the section refered to being as follows':
"Sr.c. 2. And bait further enacted, That
whenever the laws of the United States
shall be opposed or the execution
thereof obstructed in any State by
combinations too powerful to be sup
pressed by the ordinary course of ju
dicial- proceedings, or by the powers
vested in the marshals by this act, it
shall be lawful for the President of the
United States to call forth the militia
of such State, or of any other State or
States, as may be necessary to sup
press such combinations, and too• cause
the laws to be duly executed, and the
use of the militia to be called forth may
be contnued, if necessary, until the
expiration of thirty days after the
commencement of the then next sea
, sion of Congress."
• The power of the President to de
termine the existence of the facts
which establish the necessity of calling
upon the militia has been settled by
judicial determination. In the case of
Martin vs. Mott, reported in the 12th
of Wheaton, p. 19, the court says :
"The authority to decide whether
the exigencies contemplated in the
Constitution of the United States and
the act of Congress of 1795, chap. 101,
in which the President has authority
to call forth the militia to 'execute the
law of the Union, suppress insurrec
tions, and repel invasions,' have aris
en, is exclusively vested in the Presi
dent, and his decision is 'conclusive on
all other persons."
The clause which limits the term of
service of troops called out under this
act is found in the fourth section, and
is as follows:
"And no officer, non-commissioned
officer, or private shall be compelled to
serve more than three months after
his arrival at the place, of rendezvous
in any one year."
It will be observed that the conelu
d ing clause of the second section quoted
above makes the term of service also
expire thirty days after the assembling
of Congress. It is noticeable that it
was in the power of the President, by
declining to call an' extra session' of
Congress, to have provided a longer
period of hostilities, inasmuch as the
troops ordered into the field upon the
first requisition could, at the expira
tion of their term of service, have been
replaced by a new levy, and thus a
sufficient army have been kept under
arms till the first of, January next.—
It is not doubted that the spirit of the
States furnishing the troops would
have promptly advanced the money
necessary to maintain their several
quota in active operations, relying' on
the General Government for -repay,
meat. The Administration, however,
have prudently put it beyond the pove
er of tho Executive to continue troops
in the field beyond the first of August.
In calling Congress together, the Gov
ernment will havb deferred to the Sen
ators of the States and the Represen
tatives of the people the responsibility
of the measures and the policy which,
after the date of their assemblage, may
bo hold requisite to preserve the pub
lic peace.