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- • - •
FROM WASHINGTON.
SPECIAL' SESSION OF THE 11. S.
SENATE,
WASHINGTON, March 7, 1361
The Senate resumed the considera
tion of Mr. Dixon's resolution, that
there be printed the usual number of
copies of the President's Inaugural.
DEBATE ON TUE INAUGURAL
Mr. Wigfall, of Texas, said that as
Mr. Douglas . yesterday had entered
into a discussion of the meaning of the
inaugural, it was proper that his con
struction also should be given to the
country. It was impossible for the
Administration, by dealing in general
ities, whether glittering or not to give
peace to the country. • It is a fact that
seven States have withdrawn from the
Union, and entered into a compact,
and established a government, though
the fact is not officially announced.
The whole country know that rep
resentatives from the Southern Con;
federation' are now here, prepared to
be received at this court. Waiving
all questions of regularity as to the ex
istence of this Government, they are
hero to enter inib a treaty with the
Federal Government, and the matters
in controversy must be settled either
by treaty or the sword. It is easy to
talk about enforcing the laws, and
holding, occupying, and possessing the
forts. When you come to do this,
bayonets and not words, must settle
the question.. And he would here say,
that Fort Pickens and the Administra
tion will soon be forced to construe
the inaugural. Forts Moultrie and
Johnson and Castle Pinckney aro in
possession of the Confederate States;
but the Confederate States will not
leave Fort Sumter in possession of the
Federal Government.
In reply to Mr. Douglas, he denied
that the Union, as it formerly was,
now exists, legally and constitutional
ly. The evil is upon us. The disease
is seated. A blue pill at night, and a
cup of coffee the next morning, may
relieve the liver, but when the disease
is on you, blistering and blood-letting
is sometimes necessary, and when the
patient dies it is necessary to have a
coffin, very deep, and funeral service
and things of that sort, and, as ho
said the other .night, the only ques
tion is, whether there shall be a
decent, quiet funeral, after tide Protes
tant form, or an Irish " wake." ..The
Union is dead, and has to be buried.
If you want a Protestant funeral you
can have it; if not, you can have an
Irish wake.
He proposed to speak of the difficul-'
ty of enforcing the revenue laws, ad
ding that the troubles as to this envi
ron you all around. Had you. mot bet
ter deal with this question practically?
Unfortunately, Mr. Lincoln will have
but a brief period to decide the quesL
lion. If he supposes the reinforcement
of Fort Sumter will lead to peace, he
can make the experiment. And so as
to recapturing Fort Moultrie. If he
should 'not remove the troops from
Fort Sumter, they will "be removed
for him.
The adoption of the Crittenden pro
position might have adjusted the diffi
culties; but it received only 19 votes
in the Senate. The Senator from Illi
nois had said that war cannotpreserve
the Union; the Union, however, is
dissolved. Seven Southern States
have formed a confederation, and to
tell them, as the President has done,
that the acts of secession are no more
that blank paper, is an insult. He re
peated, there is no Union left; the se
ceded States will never surely come
back under any circumstances. They
will not live under this administration.
Withdraw your troops. Make no at
tempt to collect tribute, and enter into
a treatywith those States. Do this,
and you will have peace. Send your
flag of thirty-four stars thither, and
it will be fired into, and war will ensue.
Divide the public property. Make a
fair assessment of the public debt. Or
will you sit stupidly and idly till there
shall be a - conflict of arms, because you
" cannot compromise with traitors ?"
Let the remaining States reform their
government, and if it is acceptable, the
Confederacy will enter into a treaty
of commerce and amity with them.—
If you want peace, you shall have it;
if war, you shall have it. The time for
platforms and demagoguisnyhas passed.
Treat with the Confederate States as
independent, and you will have peace.
Treat With them as States Of this Uni
on, and you will have war. Mr. Lin-.
exiln has to remove the troops from
Forts Pickens and Sumter, or they
will be removed for him. He has to
collect the revenue at Charleston, Sa
vannah, and New Orleans, or it will
be collected for him. If he attempts to
do so, resistence will be made. It is
useless to. blind your eyes. No Com
promise or amendment to the Consti
tution, no arrangethent you may enter
into will satisfy the South, unless you
recognize slaves as property, and pro
tect it as any other species ofproperty.
These States withdrew from the Union
because their property was not protec
ted. The Republicans have preserved
an ominous silence on the subject of
the inaugural. The speech of the Sen
ator from Illinois was calmilated to
produce the impression that Lincoln
will do nothing. But the masterly in
activity policy cannot prevail. " Ac
tion! action ! action I" as the great
Athenian orator said, is now necessary.
You cannot longer serve God and
Mammon. You must answer the ques
tion, " Under which king, Bezonian ?"
You must withdraw your flag from
our country and allow us to have our
own, and . enter into treaty with us.—
Do this, or make up your minds for
war, in the sternest aspect and with
all its horrors.
Mr. Douglas repeated what he said
yesterday, that he had carefully read
MI
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
VOL, XVL
the inaugural, for the purpose or as
certaining distinctly and certainly
what was the 'policy of the new Ad
ministration, and he came to the con
clusion that it was the wish and pur
pose of the President to pursue a peace
ful policy, and avoid civil war. He
was rejoiced to be able to arrive at
that conclusion. This was the whole
substance of what he yesterday said,
or desired to say. The Senator from
Texas thought the expression of' this
opinion or conclusion was calculated
to have a bad effect on the country;
but it struck'him (Mr. Douglas) that,
if the country could rest secure in the
belief that they are to have peace, and
no civil war, and no armies mustered
into conflict, it would have a happy
effect. He was sure that every man
that loved this glorious Union—for it
was glorious, and even dearer to him
now than ever before; he wished eve
ry man who loved his kind, and was
proud of being an American, to rejoice
in the belief that peace can be main
tained. If he were allowed to judge
of the various speeches of the Senator
from Texas, he was forced to the con
clusion that the Senator did not re
gard the question of peace as he did.
The Senator had told them more than
once that they could take their choice
between peace and war, and that he
did not care. But he (Mr. Douglas)
did care. Therein consisted the differ
ence between the Senator and himself,
because he was desirous of peace. He
was anxious to ascertain what was to
be the policy of the Administration.
He had arrived at his conclusions
candidly and fairly, and had expressed
his gratification at the result. If he
had arrived at the conclusion that the
inaugural meant war, he would not
have defended it. He was with the
President as far as the President was
was for peace, aiid would be against
him when he departed from this line
of policy. The Senator from Texas
Was right when he said that words
will not answer much longer. We
may as well look at the facts in the
case. He feared that Forts Suniter
and Pickens could not remain in the
possession of the Federal Government
much longer. There was a time when
Fort Sumter could have been reinforc
ed. He believed it could not be rein
forced now Without the use of at least
ten thousand men by land and sea.—
There were but few men to serve the
guns, who would soon be exhausted,
and theyl had not bread and salt enough
to last thirty days: There must be
prompt action in the direction of peace.
How should it lie done? He thought
the President must mean peace, or it
was time for Congress to be in session
and two hundred thousand men in the
field, and arrangements made for war.
If it be peace, we can all rejoice • but if
war, then he could not contemplate or
predict what will be the state of the
country. The Senator from Texas
said he had remained here because his
name continued to be called; but ac
cording to his own doctrine he is a
foreigner. His affections were with
his own country,
while his (Mr. Doug
las') were with his own.
Mr. Wigfall explained , why he re
mained hero. It was that he had no
official information that Texas had
abolished the office of United States
Senator. When he should be so noti
fied, he would file a notice of his with
drawal at the desk, and if', after being
so informed, his name should continue
to be called, ho should answer to it, if
it suited his convenience, and if called
upon to vote, he would probably give
his reasons for voting, and regard this
as a very respectable public meeting.
As the Senator from Illinois seemed to
be speaking for • the Administration,
and as "masterly inactivity" would
not do, he would ask whether the Sen
ator would advise the withdrawal of
the troops from Forts Sumter and
Pickens, and the withdrawal of the
Federal flag from the borders of the
Confederate States, and no effort be
made to levy n tributo on foreign goods.
Mr. Douglas replied that ho was no
part of the Administration, and there
fore he could not speak for it, although
he hoped he spoke the same sentiments
which animated it on this subject.—
Yet while he was not in its counsels or
confidence, he should not tender it his
advice until it was asked for. [Ap
plause in the galleries.] He did not
choose to proclaim what his policy
would be, in view: of the fact that, as
the Senator from Texas did not regard
Mr. Lincoln as the guardian of his sec
tion of the country, it would hardly be
the part of wisdom to state what his
policy might be, to one who may be
so soon in the counsels of the enemy
and the commander of an army.
Mr. Wigfall, interposing, said Mr.
Douglas hadmade a speech at Norfolk,
last autumn, in which it was repOrted
that ho remarked that he would hang a
good many people down South. As the
Administration may be acting on this
principle, and as he did not believe the
sound, genuine, simon-pure, Constitu
tion-loving, and Constitution-under
standing people sympathize with any
such sentiment, and as " masterly in
activity" will not do, ho trusted the
Senator would givethem a new reve
lation. The revelation on Mount Sinai,
amid the muttering of thunder and
the flashing of lightning, recognized
slavery. • •
The Chair made a remark having
reference to a disorder in the galleries.
Mr. Wigfall remarked, you will be
fortunate if the galleries do not clear
the Senate before long, and this is one
thing that reconciles me to a change
74' government. -Would the Senator
support the Administration in with
drawing the troops from Forts Sumter
and Pickens? It would no doubt
strengthen the backbone of the Ad
ministration in having his support.
Mr. Douglas. As to withdrawing
the troops and advising, the President
what to do, I should have no hesitation
in answering, if that the Senator, like
myself, felt himself bound to support
the Constitution, and protect and de
fend 'the •honor of the country, instead
of becoming possessed of information
which might be used against us. As
to my November speech, I see no rea
son to change or modify any sentiment
therein expressed. I believed then as
I now do, that I expressed the
sound Constitution principles, on which
alone government can exist. As to
hanging, the Senator was under some
misapprehension, or his mind seems of
a character which magnifies one man
to two men. I only spoke of hanging
one person, and that in a certain con
tingency; and I did say, if Mr. Lincoln
should be elected President according
to the constitutional forms, he must be
inaugurated; and under my constitu
tional duty,'l would sustain him in
'the exercise of all the • legitimate du
ties of•the station: I then said that if,
after he was elected, he should violate
the Constitution of the country, and
commit crimes against the laws of the
land, I would be for punishing him ac
cording to law, and, if it was the pen
alty under the Constitution to hang
him, I would han g him higher than
Haman. I would have said the same
thing of any other man who might
thus abuse the trust reposed in him by
the American people. I asserted it as
a general principle.
111 r. Wigfall. The Senator, then,
was not correctly reported. 'We were
to be hung if we dissolved the Union,
and President Lincoln too, if he would
not carry out the Constitution.
Mr. Douglas. I beg pardon. As
the speech was reported in the Norfolk
paper, I said no such thing. The al
teration was made for partisan purpo
ses at a distance from where the speech
was made. I am certain there was no
such report until I saw the perverted
extracts from the speech. But I will
not enter into any controversy as to
the Norfolk speech, nor with regard to
the late canvass. I have long since
repeatedly said, "let bygones be by
gones." I am only looking to the line
of policy to save the country from civ
il war and conflict, mid I am pressing
on both sides of the Chamber, and on
the Executive, and on every citizen
whose heart and mind I can reach, the
pursuit of such pacific policy as will
arrest the further destruction of the
Government, prevent civil • war,' and
lead to a reunion even of those States
which have withdrawn from the Union.
Mr. Wigfall was happy that the
Senator was willing to let bygones be
bygones, of which the Norfolk speech
was one. Ho was willing tb meet the
Senator as to the future. • -
Mr. Douglas replied that he had no
other motive than to deal will' the fu
ture without crimination or recrimina
tion as to the past. For the future he
advocated a pacific policy.
Mr. Wigfall. All I wanted to say
was, that I did not desire that Texas
should be put in the false position of
making war when she is not doing it.
Mr. Mason said that the debate had
been in progress for two days, and no
man on the Republican side had made
a single comment on the inaugural.—
The Senator from Illinois, after giving
it a careful perusal, had made a procla
mation that it was a declaration of
peace. He (Mr. Mason) was surprised
to hear•this. He had read the docu
ment, and heard the reverberation of
the public press, not only of the South,
but elsewhere, and the Senator was
the only source from which he learned
that it would be interpreted peaceful.
The Union is in disintegration. We
have already lost seven States. Sena
tors have retired from this chamber,
after having filed copies of the ordi
nances of secession. It is known as a
historical fact, that these States have
established a new. Government and a
flag, and provided for the collection of
the revenues. The GovernMent is
complete in all its parts; provision is
made for land and sea forces. In fact,
no feature necessary for a perfect and
stable Government has been omitted.
The States which have separated,em
.brace five millions of people, three mil
lions of them white. In this condition
of things, and in view of these facts,
the President says that the Union is
unbroken. But he wished to ascertain
what the Southern States are to ex
pect from the policy of this Adminis
tration—not only the Confederated
States, but the others which necessa
rily sympathize with them from affec
tion, intercourse and alliance; and,
more than all, from the great bond
which can never be broken, and which
holds the great social fabric. He re
peated that, if there Was any man
here, who had found in the inaugural
what the Senator from Illinois had
found—namely, a peaceful policy—he
was yet to see him. If this peaceful
policy had been found, it would have
been proclaimed in the tongue of the
trumpet throughout the country.
Mr. Mason proceeded to examine
the inaugural, coming to the conclu
siOn that it is proclamation of war.—
The President had left out of that pa
per the time when force is to be em
ployed. Ho had omitted the fact that
the Union had been broken. He should
have admitted 'it recognized the
separate existence of the seceding
States, and withdraWn the troops from
the forts. As to Virginia, he could
say if any attempt be made to use pub
lic force under the policy of executing
the law, or taking possession of the
forts, arsenals, or under any other pol
icy; and if the President should march
a hostile army for such purpose, Vir
ginia will; by unanimous consent of
her people, become a party to the war
when the first gun is fired. In further
discussion Mr. Mason argued that Pres
ident Lincoln regards the Chicago
platform as his law.
Mr. Douglas, replying to such parts
of Mr. Mason's speech as; referred to
him, said that the simple reason why
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, MARCH 20, 1861.
-PERSEVERE.-
no attempt would be made to reinforce
Fort Sumter was, that it was impossi
ble. While he had no knowledge of
the views of anybody connected with
the Government having control of the
question as to Fort Sumter, he took it
for granted an army as large as would
be required could not be got together
for some months, as the raising of it
would require a session of Congress.
Mr. Mason. What would you do with
the fort?
Mr. Douglas. If the'Senator had vo
ted right last November, I would tell
him what is to be dono. I must refer
him to those who have the control of
the Constitution duties. The revenue
could not be collected Without further
legislation, and this Mr. Douglas pro
ceeded to show; and he said it' was not
designed to do so by means of military
force. After the arrival of-the Presi
dent elect, the force bills were not
pressed to a vote in COngress—and
this for 'a patriotic purpose, Congress,
which could have passed them, with
held the p,ower to do these very things,
even if the President had desired to
possess it. There is no doubt that not
only the President is in faVor of a pa
cific policy, but the Republican party
—believing such a policy, under pres
ent circumstances would be the best.
If the Administration anticipate the
use of arms, we shall soon ece a proc
lamation for an extra session of Con
gress, in order that laws may be passed
increasing the regular forces and call
ing volunteers into the field, to such an
extent as the military authority may
estimate to be necessary. Without
further action, the Senate adjourned.
EX-SENATOR CRITTENDEN ON
THE UNION.
The speech of Senator Crittenden to
the citizens of Washington, on Thurs
day, the 7th inst., is thus reported in
the New York Herald :
FELLOW-CITIZENS OF WASHINGTON
lam most happy to Meet you. I have
been with you so much in the course
of my life that I feel quite at home in
your presence. 'I feel that lam with
you as a neighbor and a friend. [Ap
plause.] lam about to quit the public
service, and about to be 'separated from
you. That separation, I assure you,
rives me pain and. concern. 'Not that
I regret the loss of Rublic life, but that
I regret the separation from associa
tions to which I have been so long
used and accustomed... You have been
always respectful and kind to me. I
wish I could call to mind many,more
services that I had romiered you. I
_hag ynn,_ hmnavor,..l - ff - baliovo that-it.
has not been from any want of good
will on my part. *axe owed you noth
ing but obligation from my first ac
quaintance and intercourse with the
city of Washington, and it has been a
long one—longer than the years that
many of you have lived. It is time
that I should quit the public service.
I can quit that without regret. I can
look to my 'distant home in the West
as the place of repose and leisure which
I look to now with more interest than
I ever did to any public, employment. I
shall always remember you. I shall
always remember my country and its
greatinterests. [Applause.] As long
as I have power to do it service, I shall
be proud to perform that duty. [Ap
plane.] In private or in public life the
duties of a man arc the same. By this
I mean, not that his principles are the
same, but that his duties to his coun
try, to his neighbor, and his friend, aro
always the same, everywhere and in
whatever condition he may be. [Ap
plause.] I have sought in my public
life for nothing but to do my duty. The
proudest reward that I have ever hoped
for was the approval of my country
men. [Applause.] You aro now giv
ing me evidence that I have not in
dulged that hope in vain. You are
giving me this proud and gratifying
token that you think I have served
my country at least faithfully and well.
[Loud aplause.] And for this appro
val on your part I make to you my
most sincere and cordial acknowledg
ments. seek nothing from my coun
trymen now but their good will—their
approval. [Cries of " You have that
always."] I seek no further public
employment— none— none. I have
served longer than a Roman veteran
was required to serve. [A voice—
" Yes, you have and faithfully."] Thir
ty years' service was alone required of
him, and then he was permitted to lay
by his arms and enjoy a quiet and
peaceful life. I have served forty years
—[applause]—ten years more than
they were accustomed to servo. [A
voice—" An honest man is the noblest
work of God."] I hope I may be per
mitted to retire, as far as the duty of
a citizen will permit him, without any
reproach that I fail in my duty; [Ap
plause.]
Our eountryls in great distress, and
you, I know, feel a particular interest,
as it is natural for you to do. [A voice
—" Who will save it 1"] I trust that
the people will. Congress has failed
to save it, and-it is now in the hands
of the people. lam one of those who
believe in the intelligence and virtue
of the people. I believe when they
take this business in hand they
will do it. [Cries of "That's it
hands are strong enough for the
work, and their hearts are patriotic
and virtuous enough for the work.—
[Applause.] I have seen, throughout
the long struggle that we have had in
Congress, from every part of this coun
try thousands and thousands of plain
citizens turning aside from their own
affairs to consider in regard to the
Union, and sign and send petitions to
Congress of earnest prayer that they
would take care of the country, and
settle its dfliculties, and restore our
Union. Let them take it in hand ; let
their great and mighty voice be
heard in the Capitol, and all will be
safe. [A voice—" We will do it with
.11 .. H
( 4A-11)4 ',...
the Crittenden resolutions."]. Let
them adopt them, or those of any of
my friends like them, and we will have
peace. Our people do not want to
separate. It is the little petty politi
cians that run about from cross roads
to cross roads. [Applause and cries of
" That's it."] It is they that lead and
misguide the people, and it is they
that try to make us believe that we
hate one another. It is false, false !
yes, it must be. We do not hate one
another For petty little schemes for
party purposes and party politics, it
is found convenient and profitable to
these little politicians to force' that im
pression upon the minds of the people.
[Cries of " That's it,"] and applause.]
I have been in the North, I have been
in the West, I have been with you,
and from one part of the country to
the other I see no such feeling exhibi
ted, and I do not believe it exists.—
[Applause.] I have seen nothing, and
received nothing but kindness wherever
I have been. The people are' rightly
disposed. It is only the leaders that
are dissatisfied. [Cries of "That's so."]
Leave the people to themselves, and
we should live in union, in fraternity,
in freedom, and in greatness all the
days of our life and our children's lives.
[Vociferous cheering.] I hope it is
yet in reserve for us to understand one
another from section to section. That
as day speaks unto day, night unto
night, section will speak unto section,
and that we shall come to understand
from ono end of the country to the
other that there will be no question as
to the perpetuity of the Union. [En
thusiastic cheering.] There is not a
mortal man, there is not a country in
all the United States that can derive,
in My judgment, any benefit from sep
aration or disunion. [" That's so."]—
To stand together is to strengthen our
selves—is by our united might to work
out each other's greatest possible good.
The vision of disunion is anarchy, dis
order, and ultimate war. Then comes
despotism, and instead of Congresses
and free representation we shall have
some monarchy, or some despot to tax
and burden and rule over the people.
[" That's so."]
Fellow-citizens '
I cannot undertake
to make a speech to you. [" Go on,"
"go on."] Let us, if we can, take
care of the Union and the Union - will
take care of us. [Loud applause.]—
Now that's it. In a word—and I could
add nothing to that if I were to ad
dress you an hour-do not be deceived,
let no delusive scheme of glittering
hopes that may be held out of advan
tages to be derived from our separa
tinn—}u:aWhins
let no idea of that sort delude you for
a single moment. The people—the
working people—the mechanics of the
country—the bone and sinew of the
land—is withered and wasted in a con
dition of that kind. War comes—you
are called upon for taxes—you are
called upon for military service. Ar
mies concentrate in your little villages,
and you are made the pack-horses and
burden-bearers in time of war. [That's
so.] Liberty is to be found and en
joyed only in peace. My fellow-citi
zens, there is a restless class of people
among us who are fond of disorder,
and take pleasure in living upon the
honest labor of others, who thrive by
disorder and by war. But you honest
people, who live by the proud earnings
of your labor and in the liberty and
freedom of this land, can hold up your
heads with as much pride as the proud
est nabob in the land. You are men
who desire peace. [" That's it," and
applause.] These other characters
that I have alluded to can only live by
eating up your substance. [Laughter
and great applause.] That is the
whole amount of it. You should pre
serve the principles of the Union ; you
should love this Union, for here is the
the seat, the very heart of it, and al
ways will. You may not vote—and
by the way I have often heard it said
by residents of Washington we may
have no vote, but thank God we have
a voice; and with that voice we pro
claim the principles of Washington the
principles of the Constitution of this
country, and by them We will stand.
[Applause.] That is your true posi
tion. It is in the Constitution and the
Union that your safety, your success
in life, and your prosperity depend.—
Be not deluded from that. It is the
ark of your safety ; therein are your
hopes and your real fortunes treasured
up. Seventy years has proved this to
you. Was there ever a country which
has grown like this, over a people mul
tiplied and prospered like we have in
that seventy years? No. You are
one of the greatest nations of the world,
and will you consent to break this
Union up, and be scattered like the
pot-herds of the earth? Is there one
of you but what would be ashamed to
be questioned in foreign lands about
the present condition of your country ?
Not one of you. I have had some
thought myself some little curiosity to
look abroad upon foreign lands. lam
a native born man from the Western
woods; but so help me God, if any one
should offer to bear my expenses now,
'I would not go to any civilized nation
of the world to be questioned about
the condition of my country. I would
be ashamed to answer. [Laughter.]—
Fellow-citizens, I shall be led into a
speech presently. [Go on.] Let me
offer you my sincere and most cordial
acknowledgments. I am going to part
with you. I shall be often back to see
you. I never parted with a friend in
my lifetime, on any peril and danger,
that my heart did not swell with the
hope that I should meet him again.—
Providence permitting, I shall often
see you again, and all the while I shall
wish for your prosperity and welfare.
Accept my cordial acknowledgments
for this kind visit, and my farewell."
After various cheers for the Union,
the Constitution, and Senator Critten
den, the serenading party proceederl
TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance.
to the residence of General Scott, Sen
ator Johnson, Senator Douglas, Sena
tor Baker, and one or two others, by
all of whom they were briefly ad
dressed.
CONSTITUTION OF THE CONFED
ERATED STATES.
MONTGOMERY, ALA.; March 12
The permanent Constitution of the
confederated States having been adopt
ed by Congress, and the obligation of
secrecy removed, your correspondent
is' enabled to transmit the main fea
tures of that document.
Noperson of a foreign State and riot
a citizen of the confederate States, is
allowed to vote for any officer, either
civil or political, State or federal.—,
Under the first census, South Carolina,
is entitled to five representatives Ari
Congress; Georgia, to ten representa
tives; . Alabama to nine representa
tives; Florida to tWo representatives;
Mississippi to seven representatives;
Louisiana to six representatives; and
Texas to six representatives; each
State to have two Senators. The State
Legislatures may impeach a judicial or '
federal officer, resident and acting in
said State, by a two-thirds'vote. Both
branches of Congress may grant seats
on the floor of either House to the
principal officer of each executive de- '
partment, with the privilege of dis
cussing the measures of his depart
ment. The representatibn of three
fifths of the slaves is continued. Con
gress is not allowed, through the im-'
position of duties, to foster, tiny branch
of industry. The.foreign slave trade
is prohibited. Congress is prohibited
from making appropriations unless by
a vote of two-thirds of both Houses,
except when the appropriations are
asked by the head of some department
or the President. No extra compen
sation is to be allowed to any contract
or, officer or agent, after the contract
is made or the service rendered.—
Every law or resolution • having the
force of the law, shall relate to but one
subject and be expressed by its. title.
The President and Vice President shall
serve for six years. The principal of
ficers of the departments and in the
diplomatic service shall be removable
at the pleasure of the President, and,
other civil officers, when their services
aro unnecessary or for other good
causes and reasons. Removals from
office must be reported to the Senate,
and practically no captious removals
are to be tolerated. Other States to
be admitted into the Confederacy by
a vote of two-thirds of both l[otises.
Tut %AI ILCILICrab - r - HraTTMAI G - urriw= -
ry, and slavery shall be acknowledged
and protected by Congress and the
Territorial Government. When five
States shall have ratified the Constitu
tion, it shall be established for said
States, and until ratified, the Provi
sional Constitution is to continue in
force for a period not extending be
yond one year.
THE SOUTHERN CLERGY.—Parson
Brownlow says of his " brethren in the
ministry" who are preaching and wri
ting in favor of secession:
As it regards the Protestant clergy;
of the several denominations, who are
preaching sermons in favor of secession,
we regard them as insincere, hypocriti
cal and cowardly. They despise this
whole secession movement in their
hearts—their religion, education and
conscience, teach them that the Union
and government of our fathers ought
to be preserved. Bat their bread and
meat depend upon their favoring a
great Southern mob, in the name of
secession, and under the pretence of
establishing a Southein confederacy.
It is only here and there in the sece
ding States, that . a minister can be .
found who has the piety, independence
and coura g e to denounce this Nile con
spiracy to break up the government.
The venerable Dr. Pierce, of Georgia,
a native of the South, and a true man,
has utterly repudiated the whole move
ment over his own signature.
GENERAL JACKSON ON COERCION . —
ADVICE OF A PATRIOT.--Gen. Jackson,
in his farewell address to the AnieriCan
people, in Maroh, 1837, thus alluded
to coercion. lie said :
" If such a struggle is ever begun
and the citizens of one section of the
country aro arrayed in arms against
those of another in doubtful conflict,
let the battle result as it may, there
will be an end of Union, and with it
an end of the hopes of freemen. The
victory of the victors would not secure
to them the blessings of liberty. It
would avenge their wrongs, but they
would themselves share in the common
ruin."
THE SECEDED STATES.—The follow
ing table gives the population of these
six States, as shown by the census re
turns of 1860
Free, Slave.
South Carolina, 308,186 407,185
Georgia,
Florida,
Alabama,
Mississippi, 407,551 469,607
Louisiana, 363,245 312,186
Total,
From this it will be seen - that the
free population of this rebel Confed
eracy is far below that of New York,
and less than that of Pennsylvania.
WHAT AFTER EVACUATION 7—Great
discussion is going on in reference to
the action of the Administration on
the collection of the revenueand the
blockade of the ports after the evacu
ation of Fort Sumter. " Time is a
great conservator," and the effect of
the withdrawal of the troops is seen in
the rapid rise of all kinds of Border
State Southern securities. We must
wait, and watch, and pray..—,Phila.
Press.
THE PIRSTREPUBLICANLEVEE
.A,T THE WHITE HOUSE.
Correspondence of tho Porn.]
WASHINGTON, March 10,. 1.861
The scene at the White House, on
Friday evening, on the occasion of the
first public reception of Mr. and Mrs.
Lincoln, exceeded any previous dernen
stration of- the sort since phe days 'of
"Old Hickory." Although the Wash
ington " season" may be said to -be
over since the Honse of Representatives
has adjourned and the ides of March
are past, yet the crowd which besieged
every 'door and window of ,the Presi
dential mansion on. the night alluded
to, gave conclusive evidence
,that the
City of Magnificent Distances" was,
not totally deserted of inhabitants.—
Long previous to the hour announced
for opening the doors,.streams:of
ple and lines of carriages were on,the,
way to the central point of attractiOn.•
And when the ;tide of .human beings
once beginato surge within, every cor
ridor and every saloon of the:White
House, seemed filled in a few moments.
The pressure was so great that, at times,
the ladies, found it impossible to , get,
from the. dressing-rooms to the scene
of festivitieS. No - mass! meeting,. no
opening of a new • opera,' ever .massedr
so many people together. • : i •
.. The President stood near the western
door of the Oval reception roimn,.and,,
with his towering figure mid eominainf ;
ing presence, :sfood like` a hero,'lnitting'
the foot down -firmly, andhreasting the.
stream of humanity as. it swept.by;4—:
Such a hand-shaking as then:and there ensued, might well have exhaustedtbe,
energies of more than a giant: And;'
yet, although his Excelleney • shook'
hands at the rate of twenty-fiVe• per.
minute; (as.timed by a gentleman on
the spot,) or, upon an average, with,
fifteen hundred an hour; this this patient;
and self-sacrificing ordeal was endined
from eight till eleven o'clock, The'
President was ably sustained during;
the trial by his private secretary, 14. ;
J. C-. Nicolay, who stood on his right,
andby Col. Ward 11. Lanrion,,one of
his intimate personal friender,."Who'
stood on his left. Everybody received ,
at least a hand-shake'and a Smile, and ,
many, especially, of the fairer Tart of,
creation, received the honor of a halt
and a few brief moments of personal'
colloquy. . .
• Mrs. Lincoln and her two' distin
guished sisters, Mrs. Kellogg and Mrs.
Edwards, and her two nieces,lfxs. Bar:
key and Miss EdWards, formed';a-strk
king group to the right Of the Presir,
dent. Though not disposed to notice,
personal costume,we may be permitted
to say that all the court -were
dressed in , the most exquisite taste....,
Mrs. Lincoln made a 'pleasant ,Art-i
pression
,upon every one who 'came,
near' her. Had' she been. ,born and
lived her life in" the Court Of - thelidli t
lerieS, she could:not haVe. shown' mere
fitnesß for the position which • she 'so'
admirably adorns.. Her: manner, }vas:
gracious and - affable to . the. extreme,.
and made fitting counterpart :te the .
bluff, hearty good nature of her hue
band.
NO, 89.
lii such a jam it was impossible-to
tell who was there, and who Wad•
not, but amongst the ,visitors
noticed the following : Hon;iugh
White; of New York ;*George Wise, of
1
knelt& 'Virginia;',f T:
Shele d'Vere, of the University of Vir-,
ginia ; Hon. J. B. Varnum, ,of, ;New
York city; Mr. Baker; editor of the
Springfield (Ill.) Journal; Secretaries'
Welles, Cameron, Bates, 'Chase,:a:nd
Montgomery Blair, (Mr. Seward being
detained at home by illness;) Senator
Douglas, Mrs. Douglas _and her father,
Mr. Cutts, Nathan Sargent,' B. It:
French, Esq., Mr. Richard Wallach and
lady, Mrs. Horatio Ring, Jas..A.
(candidate for Police- Commissioner;)
Mrs. Judge McLean, MajOr Tochman
and lady, nee Jugleile; Lord LyOnti,.
Vice President' Hamlin, Dr. Thomasi
Miller,Superintendent (census,)Kenne T .
dy, General Carrington, Minister Judd.
(to Berlin) and his - private secretary,,
Mr. Kriestman C. Eriod, of Phila-'
delphia, and daughters; Mr. and Mrs.-
J. Leslie, , Jr., - of Philadelphia; Carl
Shurz, Col. Ellsworth, of the Chicago,
Zouaves; Hon. AmoS: Kendall, Rev.
Mr. GUrley, Rev. Byron Stinderland,
Rev. Dr. Samson, President Columbian.
.College; Rev. Prof. Schute, Columbian;
College; Rev. Dr. Parker, Mr. Rice, of
Boston; Dr. Wallie, ,the New York
Herald, and wife,..
Of the Representatives present were
Messrs. Potter, Allison; Bouligny, Cur
tis, Morris, Morse, Burlingame; Tuck;
English,, Evans, 9f TeAO, Goodrich,
Lovejoy, Hi!itchinS, Farnsweith,' • and
C. F. Adams; hid the Senate
resented ' by • Messfs. 'Baker, Wilson;
King, Pearde, Chandler; Sumner, :Fos.
ter, Simmons, Bingham, and Trumbull. ;
The army was represented by Maj..
Heitzell, Lieut. McLean, Col. Craig,
and daughter, Major -McDonald,' Cap 7
tains Clark, Miller, •Cullum,
Shims, Ringold, Davis, Barry, Palmer,
Kingsbury, Woodruff and,, Franklin;-
Dr. - Wood and lady," Major Ramsay,_
Major Eastman, Col. Taylor, (brOther'
to 'Gen. Taylor,) Captain , Meigs, Col.
Sumner, Col. Th9nas, Beckivith:
and Griffith, &c., ; ,,Srei .The navy, by,
Captain Glasson, .Lieut. Phelps, cap-,
tains Magruder and Maury; Dr, Elliot
and lady, Corn, Smith, Conanylndbis'
Sands and Page.
Senator Douglas and his beautiful.
and accomplished lady were amongst.
the notable 'visitors present. After
the dense crowd had gradually thinned
off from the corridors, and the recep-'
tion room had become comfortable
enough to permit human metion from.
one 'part of it to 'another, the lady of
the White House, escorted :by the
President's private secretary, ' made
the tour of the oval room, pansino•
every moment to recognize and speak
with the many friends around her.—.
Of the incidents of this part of the
evening, perhaps the• gratifying inter
view between Mrs. 'Lincoln and Mrs.
Douglati was the most interesting.—
The controlling emotions that anima.
ted either party to this episode may
well be imagined. After all that hae
passed; after 'the special relations
-Which Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas
have sustained, not simply in the Illi
nois chapter •of their lives, but • more
recently in the grander sphere of na
tional politics, the scene alluded to,
gains historic significance. Both ladies
were fully equal to the occasion, and
the only strife on either side seemed
to be which could show the greater
kindness, the greater magnanimity.
615,336 467,461
81,885 63,809
520,444 436,473
2,287,754 2,165,721
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