Cljt 6lzhe.
HUNTINGDON, PA.
Wednesday, Mareli 6, 1861.
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PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL
ADDRESS.-At considerable extra la
bor we give Mr. Lincoln's Inaugural
in this week's Globe. Read it carefully.
The Latest News.
CONGRESS.-COMWS joint resolu
tions to amend the Constitution, which
had previously passed the House by a
two-thirds vote, passed the Senate on
Monday_ morning by 24 yeas to 12
nays—two-thirds voting for the reso
lutions. The Peace Conference reso
lutions were voted on and rejected by
the Senate—as were also the Critten
den resolutions. The Senate was in
session all day Sunday and' Sunday
Ell
THE INAUGURATION OF PRESIDENT
LINCOLN.—The inauguration came off
without difficulty. Quiet and good or
der prevailed throughout the entire
proceedings. The crowd in the city
was supposed to number fifty thousand
—office-seekers and strangers gener
ally.
THE TARIFF.—The Tariff Bill as
passed by Congress, was signed by
President Buchanan on Saturday. .
LINCOLN'S CABlNET.—President Lin
coln's Cabinet is composed of the fol
lowing gentlemen :
Secretary of State—William H. Sew
ard, of New York.
Secretary of Treasury—Salmon P.
Chase, of Ohio. -
Secretary of War—Simon Cameron,
of Pennsylvania.
Secretary of Navy - --Montgomery
Blair, of Maryland.
Secretary of Interior—Caleb Smith,
of Indiana.
Post Master General—Gideon J.
Wells, of Connecticut.
Attorney General—Edward Bates,
of Missouri.
Mr. Chase, 'Secretary of the Trea
sury, is a free trade Abolitionist.
:PRESIDENT TYLER DENOUNCING THE
PEACE CONFERENCE. -- Messrs. Tyler
and Seddon were serenaded at Rich
mond, Va., on Thuisday- night last.—
Both spoke, and ox-President Tyler
denounced the - result as a worthless
affair, and said the South had nothing
—s to ope'letefivedtcltrivoptilitog - . • • - .
Sedden said it was a delusion, a sham,
an an insult and offense to the South.
The secession sentiment is in
creasing among the people of Virginia,
and if any measures of coercion* are
adopted the North may rest assured
'that Virginia will secede. The action
of the Peace Congress is generally con
demned ih that State.
The Secretary of War has pub
lished an official order dismissing Gen.
Twiggs from the army for treachery
to the flag of 'his country, in having
surrendered, on the demand of the au
thorities of Texas, the military posts
and other property of -the United
States in his department and under
his charge. ,
"The Crisis."
At this writing, Tuesday, it is impessible
for any man, with the confused state of af
fairs as they exist at Washington before him,
to give an opinion worth anything, as to what
will be the condition of our national troubles
a week hence. We may and we may not
have civil war forced upon us. One thing is
certain however, there will be a change of
programme for better or for worse in less
than ten days. The Republican Abolitionists
and the Southern Disunionists continue to work
harmoniously together to bring about a com
plete dootruetion of our once glorious Union.
The-distress of the country and the prayers
of the people have had but little effect upon
their rascally conduct. Our only hope is in
Lineolu and his Cabinet. If he has taken
to his bosom an Abolitionist, he cannot ex
pect the conservative men of his own or the
Democratic, or any other party, to sustain
him. If he throws overboard the Abolition
ists; he will have the good men of all parties
to digaixitil.iiiotect him. .. • -
Th 4 Mfricirity" rresidcitt.
In point of fact, the two Democrat
ic candidates, Douglas and Breckin
ridge, received together a much larger
number of votes than Lincoln did.—
The. Tribune Almanac gives the full
- returns as follows :
Douglas,
Breckinridge,
Democratic vote,
Democratic maj. 356,319
If it be said that the Democratic
Tote as thus given, includes some Bell
men'in those States where there were
fusion tickets, we admit it; but on the
other hand, the votoof South Carolina,
whose - Debtors aro chosen by the Leg
islature, is not included at All. Being
unanimous for Breekinridge its popu
lar vote, if cast, would have added
40,000 or 50,000 to the Democratic
side. It is plain, therefore, that the
Democratic vote, notwithstanding the
split in its ranks, was some 300,000 to
359,000 larger than that given for Lin
coln. If we add the 590.631 votes
given to Bell, we have an aggregate
majority against Lincoln of 946,950
votes, or including South Carolina,
1 000.000 in round numbers.
THE INAUGURAL
Fellow-citizens of the United States
In compliance with a custom as old as the
Government itself, I appear before yeh to ad
dress you briefly, and to 'take, in your pres-_
cues, the oath prescribed by the Constitution
of the United States, to be taken by the Pres
ident before ho enters on the execution of
his office.
I do not consider it necessary at present
for mo to discus these matters of administra
tion about which there is no special anxiety
or excitement.
Apprehension seems to exist among the
people of the -Southern States, that by the
acce,sion of a Republican Administration,
their property and their peace and personal
security are to be endangered. There has
never been any reasonable cause for such ap
prehension. Indeed, the most ample evi
dence to the contrary has all the while exist
ed end been open to their inspection.
It is found in nearly all- the published
speeches of him who now addresses you. I
do but quote from one of thesespeeches when
I declare that "I have no purpose, directly
or indirectly, to interfere with the institution
of slavery in the States where it exists, I be
lieve I have no lawful right to do so, and I
have no inclination to do so." Those who
nominated and elected me did so with the
full knowledge that I had made this and ma
ny similar declarations, and had never re
canted them. And more titan this, they
placed in the platform for my acceptance, as
a law to themselves and to me, the clear and
emphatic resolution which I now read.
Resolved, "That the maintenance inviolate
of the rights of the States, and especially the
right of each State to order and control its
own domestic institutions according to its own
judgment exclusively, is essential to that bal
ance of power on which the' perfection and
endurances of our political fabric depend.—
And we denounce the lawless invasion by an
alined force of any sort of any State or terri
tory, no matter under what pretext, as among
the gravest of crimes."
I now reiterate these sentiments, and in
doing so, I only press upon the public atten
tion the most conclusive- evidence of,. which
the case is susceptible—that the property,
peace and security of no section arc to be in
any wise endangered' by the new incoming
Administration.
n. add, too, that all the protection which,
consistently with the Constitution and the
laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given
to all the States, when lawfully demanded,
for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one sec
tion as to another.
Therein much controversy about the de
livering of fugitives from service or labor.—
The clause 1 . now read is as plainly written
in the Constitution, as any other of its pro
visions.
" No person hold to service or labor in one
State under the laws thereof, escaping into
another, shall, in consequence of any law or
regulation therein, be discharged from such
service or labor, but shall be delivered up on
claim of the party to whom such service or
labor may be due."
It is scarcely questioned that this provis
ion was intended by those who made it for
the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves,
and the intention of the law-giver is the law.
All members of Congress swear their sup
port to the whole Constitution—to this
,pro
vision as much as to any other—to the pro
position then that slaves whose cases come
within the terms of this clause, and " shall
be delivered up," their oaths are unanimous.
Now, if they would make the effort in
good temper, could they not, with nearly
equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by
means of which to keep good that unanimons
oath ?
There is some difference of opinion wheth
er this clause should be enforced by National
or State authority, but surely that difference
is not a•rery material one.
If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be
of but little consequence to hint or to others,
by which authority it is done. And should
any one in any case be content that his oath
shall be kept on a merely unsubstantial con
trovorsy as to how it shall be kept
tin—ln an late u o o'a suli'eet au7lu
no' a: - 1B sa cii,thir 8 0 er y -noWn
in
the civilized and humane jurisprudence to
be introduced, so that a freeman may not be,
in any ease. surrendered as a slave?
And might it not be well, at the same time,
to iirovide by law fur the enforcement of that
clause in the Constitution, which guarantees
that 'the citizens of each State shall be entitled
to all the provisions and immunities of the
citizens in the several Suites." I take the
official oath to-day with no mental reserva
tion and with no purpose to construe the
Constitution or laws by any hypercritical
rules. And while Ido not choose now to
specify particular acts to Cungress as proper
to be enforced.
I do suggest that it will be much safer fur
all, but in official and private stations to con
form to and abide by all these acts which
stand unrepealed than to violate any of them,
trusting to find impunity in having them held
to be unconstitutional.
It is scarcely seventy-two years since the
first inauguration of a President under our
National Constitution. During that period
fifteen different and greatly distinguished
citizens have in succession administered the
executive branch of the Government. They
have conducted it through many perils, and
generally with great success. Yet withal
this scope for precedent, I now enter upon
the same task for the brief term of four years.
under great and peculiar difficulty. A dis
ruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only
menaced, is now formidably attempted. I
hold that in contemplation of the universal
law and of the Constitution, the union of
these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is im
plied, if not expressed, in the fundamental
laws of all national governments. It is safe
to assert that the Government proper never
had a provision in its organic law fur its own
termination.
I shall continue to execute all the express
provisions of our National Constitution and
the Union will endure forever, it being impossi
blew destroy it except by some action not
provided for in the instrument itself.
Again, if the United States be not a gov
ernment proper, but an association of States
in the nature of a contract merely, can it be
peaceably unmade by less than all the par
ties who made it? One party to the contract
may violate it, break it, so to speak, does it
not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles,
we find the proposition that in legal contem
plation tho Union is perpetual, confirmed by the
history of the Union itself, the Union is much
older than the Constitution. It was formed
in part by the articles of association in 1774.
It was matured and continued by the Decla
ration of Independence in 1776. It was fur
ther matured, and the faith of all the then
thirteen States expressly plighted aneen
gaged that it should be perpetual by the ar
ticles of confederation in 1778, and finally in
1789. One of the declared objects for or
daining and establishing the Constitution,
was to form a more perfect Union ; but if the
destruction of the Union by one or by a part
only of the States ho lawfully possible, the
Union is less than before the Constitution ;
having lost the vital element of perpetuity it
follows from these views that no State upon
its own mere motion can lawfully get out of
the Union. That resolves or ordinances to
that effect are legally void, and that acts of
violence within any State or States against
the authority of the United States are insur
rectionary or revolutionary according to cir
cumstances.
OEM
847,953
MEE
1,857,610
I therefore consider that in view of the
Constitution and laws the Union is unbroken,
and to the extent of my ability I shall take
care, as the Constitution expressly enjoins
on me, that the laws of the Union be faith
fully executed in all the States.
Doing this I deem to be only n simple duty
on my part, and I shall perform it so far as
practicable, unless my rightful masters, the
American people, shall withhold the requi
site means, or in some authoritative manner
direct the contrary. I trust this will not be
regarded as a menace, but only as the de
clared purpose of the Union, that I will con
stitutionally defend and maintain it. In
doing this there need be no bloodshed or vio
lence, and there shall be none unless it be
forced upon the National authority. The
power confided to use will be used to hold,
occupy, and possess the property and places
belonging to the government, and to collect
the duties on imports, but beyond what may
be necessary for these objects, there will be
no invasion, no using of force against or
among the people anywhere. Where hostil
ity in any ititerior locality shall be so great
and so universal as to prevent competent re
sident citizens from holding Federal offices,
there will be no attempt to force obnoxious
strangers among the People; for that object,
while the strict legal right may exist in the
government, to enforce the exercise of these
offices, the attempt to do so, would be so irri
tating and so nearly unfeasible with all, that
I deem it better to forego for a time the uses
of such offices. '
The mails, unless repelled, will continue
to be furnished in all parts of the Union so
far as possible. The people everywhere
! shall have that sense of perfect . security,
which the most favorable and calm thought
and reflection on the pert of the Government, -
can give them. The course here indicated,
will kffi followed, unless current events and
experience, shall show a modification or
change to be proper, and in every case and
exigency my best discretion shall be exer
cised according to circumstances actually ex
isting, and with a view and a hope of a
peaceful solution of the national troubles and
the restoration of fraternal sympathies and
affections, That there are persons in one
~ection or another, who seek to destroy the
Union at all events, and are glad of any pre
text to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny ;
but if there be such, I need address no word
to them.
To those, however, who really love the
Union, may I not speak, before entering on
so grave a matter as the destination, of our
national fabric, with all its benefits, it mem
ories and hopes ? Would it not be wise to
ascertain previously, why we do so? - Will
you hazard so desperate a step while there
is any possibility that any portion of the ills
you fly from, have no real existence. Will
you, while the certain ills you fly to are
greater than all the real ones you fly from ?
Will you risk the commission of so fearful a
mistake? All profess to be content in the
Union, if all Constitutional rights can be
maintained. •
Is it true then that any right plainly writ-:
ten in the Constitution has been denied ?
I think not. Happily the hunian mind is so
constituted that no party can reach to the
audacity of doing this. Think if you can of
a single instance in which a plainly written
provision of the Constitution has over been
denied. If, by the mere force of numbms, a
majority should deprive a minority of any
clearly written Constitutional right, it might
in a moral point of view, justify a revolution.
It certainly would, if such a right were a vi
tal one. But such is not our case. All the
vital rights of minorities and of individuills
are so plainly assured to them by affirma
tions and negations, guarantees and prohibh
tions in the Constitution, that controversies
never arise concerning them.
But no organic law can be framed with a
provision specifically applicable to every
question which may occur in practical ad
ministration. No President can anticipate,
nor any document of reasonable length con
tain express provisions for all possible ques
tions.
Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered
by National or State authority ? The Con
stitution does not expressly say. May Con
gress prohibit slavery in• the Territories ?
The Constitution does not expressly say.—
Must Congress protect slavery in the Territo
ries? The Constitution does not expressly say.
From questions of this class spring all our
Constitutional controversies, and we divide
upon them into majorities and minorities.—
•If the minority will not acquiesce, the ma
jority must, or the Government must cease.
There is no other alternative fur continuing
the Government but acquiescence on the one
side or the other. If a minority in such case
will secede, rather than acquiesce, they
make a precedent for
in turn will divide
and ruin them, for a minority of their
own will secede from. them whenever a
refuses to he contrped by such a ma
jority. For instance, 71_ may lint an or-
hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely as
portions of the present Union now claim to
secede from it? All who cherish disunion
sentiments are now being educated to the ex
act temper of doing this. Is there such per
fect identity of interest among the States to
compose a new Union net° produce harmony
only and prevent renewed secession ?
Plainly, the central idea of secession is
the essence of anarchy. A majority held in
restraint by Constitutional checks and limi
tations and always changing easily with the
deliberate changes of popular opinions and
sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a
free people.
Whoever rejects it, does of necessity fly to
anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is im
possible. The rule of a minority as a per
manent arrangement, is wholly ipadmissable,
so that rejecting the majority principle, an
archy and despotism in some form is all that
is left.
I do not forfelt the position assumed by
some that Constitutional questions are to be
decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny
that such decision must be binding in any
case upon the parties to a suit as to the object
of that suit, while they aro also entitled to
very high respect and consideration in all
parallel cases by nil other Departments of
the Government. And, while it is obviously
possible that such decision may he erroneous
In any given ease, still the evil effect fellow=
ing it being limited to that particular case,
with the chance that it may be overruled find
never become a precedent for other cases,
can be better borne than could the evils of a
different practice. At the same time the
candid citizen-must confess, that if the policy
of the Government upon vital questions, affec
ting the whole people; is to be irrevocably
fixed by the decisions of the Supreme
Court, the instant they are made in
ordinary litigation between parties in
personal actions, the people will have
ceased to be their own rulers, having to that
extent practically resigned their government
into the bonds of that eminent tribunal. Nor
is there in this view any assault upon the
Court or Judges. It is a duty from which
they may not shrink to decide cases properly
brought before them, and it is no fault of
theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to
political purposes.
One section of our country believes that
slavery is right, and ought to be extended,
while the other believes that it is wrong, and
ought not to be extended. This is the only
substantial dispute. The fugitive slave clause
of the Constitution, and the law for the sup
pression of the foreign slave trade, are each
as well enforced perhaps as any law ever can
be in a community where the,„moral sense of
the peopleimperfectly supports the law itself.
The great body of- the people abide by the
dry legal obligation in both eases and a few
break over in'each. This I think cannot be
perfectlycured, audit would bo worse in both
cases after the separation of the sections than
before.
The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly
suppressed, would be ultimately revived with
out restriction in one section, while fugitive
slaves, now only partially surrendered, would
not be surrendered at all by the other.
Physically speaking we cannot separate,
we cannot remove our respective sections
for each other, nor build an impassible wall
between them. A husband and wife may
be divorced and go out of the presence and
beyond the reach of each other. But the
different parts of our country cannot do this.
They cannot but remain face to face, and on
intercourse either amicable or hostile must
continue between them. Is it possible then
to make intercourse more advantageous or
more satisfactory after separating than be
fore ? Can aliens make treaties easier than
friends can make laws? Can treaties be
more faithfully enforced between aliens than
laws among friends ?
Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight
always, and when, after much loss on both
sides and no gain on either, you cease fight
ing, the identical old questions as to terms of
intercourse aro again upon you. This coun
try, with its institutions, belongs to the peo
ple who inhabit it. Whenever they shall
grow weary of the existing govcrnment,they
can exercise their Constitutional right of
amending it, or their revolutionary right to
dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ig
norant of the fact that many worthy and pa
triotic citizens arc desirous of having the na
tional Constitution amended,
While I make no recommendations of
amendments, I fully recognize the rightful
authority of the people over the whole subject,
to be exercised in either of the modes pre
scribed in the instrument itself, and I should,
under existing circumstances, favor, rather
than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded
the people to act upon it, I will venture to
add that to me the Convention mode seems
preferable, inasmuch as it allows the amend
ment to, originate with the people them
selves, instead of permitting them to take or
reject a proposition originated by others not
especially chosen for the purpose, and which
might not ho precisely such as
_they would
wish to either accept or refuse.
I understand a proposed amendment to
the Constitution, which amendment, howev
er, I have not seen, has passed Congress, to
the effect that the Federal Government shall
never interfere with the domestic institutions
of the States including that of persons held
to service. To avoid a misconstruction of
what I have said, I depart from my purpose,
not to speak of particular amendments, so
far as to say that, holding such a provision
to be now implied as Constitutional law, I
have no objection to its being made express
and irrevocable.
The chief magistrate derives all his author
ity from the people, and they have conferred
none upon him to fix lines for the separation
of the States. The people themselves can do
this also if they choose but the executive, as
such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is
to administer the present Government as it
came to his hands and to transmit it unim
paired by him to his successor.
'Why should there not be a political confi
dence in the ultimate justice of the people.—
Is there any better or equal hope in the
world. In our present differences is either
party without faith of being in right if the Al
mighty Ruler of nations with his eternal truth
and justice on your side of the North or on
yours of the South— That truth and that jus
tice will surely prevail by the judgments of
this great tribunal of the American people.
By the frame of the Government under
which we live, this sante people have wisely
given their public servants but little power
for mischief, and • have with equal wisdom
provided for the return of that little to their
awn hands at verpshort intervals.
While the people amain their virtue and
vigilance, nu Administration, by any extreme
of wickedness or folly, can very seriously in
jure the Government in the short space of
four years.
My Countrymen—One and all, think
and well upon this whole subject. Noth
ing valuable can be lost by taking time. If
there be an object to hurry any of you in hot
haste to a step which you would never take
deliberately, that object will be frustrated by
time.
But no good object can be frustrated by
it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied, still
have the old Coistitution unimpaired, and
on the sensitive point, the laws of your own
framing under it; while the Administration
will have no immediate power, if it would,
to change either. If it were admitted that
you who are dissatisfied, hold the right side
in the dispute, there still is no single good
reason for precipitate action. ,Intelligence,
patriotism, Christianity, and a'firm reliance
on Him who has never yet forsaken this fa
vored land, are still competent to adjust in
the best way all our present difficulties.
In your hands my dissatisfied countrymen,
and nut in mine, is the momentous issue of
civil war, The Government will not assail
you. You can have no conflict without be
ing yourselves the aggressors.
You have no oath registered in heaven to
destroy the Government, while I shall have
the most solemn one to "preserve, protect
and defend it."
lam torah to ele.p. We are not enemies,
but friends. We must not be enemies.—
Though passion mny•hare strained, it must
not break our bonds of affection.
The mystic ehor of memo,y a etching
• ...... V: •
every loving heart and hearth-stone, all over
this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of
the Union, when again touched, as surely as
they will be the better angels of our nature.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Washington City, March 4, 1861.
The Compromise Propositions
The Washington National intelligen
ce•, of Thursday last, in a masterly ar
ticle, uses the following eloquent lan
guage:
" Whatever may be the individual
opinion entertained by any member of
the present Congress respecting the
eligibility of these propositions, in
whole or in part, he may, in any event,
with entire cofisistency and in perfect
conformity with his duty as a repre
sentative, aid in transmitting them to
that tribunal whose ratification they
must receive before they become inte
gral parts of the national charter.—
Who will deny to the people of the
States an opportunity to express their
wishes in respect to the adoption of
these amendments? What party shall
assume to set itself up in contempt of
that popular arbitrament which sooner
or later it must confront ? If the peo : .
ple are opposed to the propositions,
they will so express themselves, and
the propositions will fall to the ground.
If the people, on. the contrary, are in
clined, as we feel assured is the case,
to ratify these amendments, they will
deeply resent the action of any party
which proceeds on the theory of balk
ing their wishes.
" For ourselves, we are free to say
that we gladly accept, and cordially
recommend these propositions as a
basis of adjustment. We urge them
now upon the preliminary action of
Congress, and we Shall urge them for
final ratification by the several States.
We see in them a ground upon which
conservatives in the North and in the
South may make a common and deter
mined stand against the continuance
or revival, in any form, of the sectional
agitations which have so long vexed
the nation until at.last they have par
tially destroyed its integrity. If we
do not misconceive the purport and
mission of these propositions, they are
destined; by the popular adhesion they
shall receive, to strike a death-blow at po
litical ultra ism, whether finding its repre
sentatives in the North or in the South.—
By their acceptance or their rejection
the candidates for popular favor in the
immediate future must be prepared to
stand or fall. Sooner or later the will
of the peope will make itself heard in
the final deliberate adoption or in the
final deliberate rejection of these prop
ositions. We do not doubt their ver
dict ; and we feel frilly persuaded that
-the people of the South may now bide
their time in entire confidence . that the
people of the North will in the ratifi
cation of these constitutional guaran
tees, afford the best possible evidence
of a spirit at once conciliatory and fra
ternal."
11&' The Tariff established in New
Orleans upon imports from abolition
States, has caused an advance in whis
key. The duty on said contraband is
30 per cent. ad ualorent, and tho ven
ders of the ardent have advanced their
prices 35 cents per gallon. That's
heavy on the consumer. .
Interview Between Mr. Lincoln and Mr
Douglas
A special dispatch to The - Press,
dated Feb. 27th, says Mr. Douglas
called upon Mr. Lincoln last night at
Willard's Hotel, and told him that he
sought an interview at the risk of be=
ing misunderstood, but that the criti
cal condition of the country required
eVery friend of the Union to lay aside
partisan feeling and personal delicacy.
He had just learned that there was im
minent danger that the Peace Confer:
once would dissolve without agreeing
upon any basis of adjustment. In that
event, he apprehended that the Border
States might resolve promptly to se
cede from the Union, before any plan
could be matured for referring the
matters in dispute to the people of the
several States. A fearful responsibility
would rest upon the President elect if
the Union were dissolved under his
Administration, unless he did every
thing in his power to save the country
from such a catastrophe. That Mr.
Lincoln alone could now save it. He
implored him to speak to his friends
in the Conference, and save the coun
try. Mr. Douglas did not desire Mr.
Lincoln to explain his views then to
him, but to speak promptly and un
equivo'cally to his own friends. Twen
ty-four hours more and it might be too
late. He reminded Mr. Lincoln that
he had children as well as. Mr. Doug
las, and implored him, "in God's name,
to act the patriot, and to save to our
children a country to live in." Mr.
Douglas said to Mr. Lincoln that he
was now, as heretofore, his political
opponent, and expected to oppose the
political measures of his Administra
tion, but assured him that no partisan
advantage should be taken, or political
capital manufactured, out of an act of
patriotism which would preserve the
Union of these States. Mr. Douglas
added that he had now performed his
duty, and asked Mr. Lincoln to perform
Mr. Lincoln listened respectfully and
kindly, and assured Mr. Douglas that
his mind was engrossed with the great
theme which they had been discuss
ing, and expressed his gratification at
the interview.
At the close of the interview, Mr.
Lincoln called around, him a number
of his political friends, and consulted
with them in reference to this appeal
of the "Little Giant."
FROM WASHINGTON.
HIGHLY IMPORTANT,
Plan of Adjustment Adopted by the
Peace Conference.
The Vote by States Upon Each Propo
sition
WASIIINGTON, Feb. 27:
adopted, and a correct list of each vote
given in the Peace Conference to-day
on the plan adopted as.a basis for . the
final settlement. The vote in each
case was cast by States. The first sec
tion was that offered by Mr. Franklin,
of Pennsylvania, and the second sec
tion that offered by Mr. Summers, of
Virginia :
ARTICLE 13
SECTION 1. In all the present terri
tory of the United States, north of the
parallel of thirty-six degrees and thirty
minutes of north latitude, involuntary
servitude except in punishment of
crime, is prohibited. In all the pre
sent territory south of that line, the
status of persons held to involuntary
service or labor, as it now exists, shall
not be changed; nor shall any law be
passed by Congress or the Territorial
Legislature to hinder or prevent the
taking of such persons from any of
the States of this Union to said Terri
tory, nor to impair the rights arising
from said relation; but the same shall
be subject to judicial cognizance in the
Federal courts, according to the course
of the common law. When any Terri
tory north or south of said lino, within
such boundary as Congress may pre
scribe, shall contain a population equal
to that required for a member of Con-
gress, it shall, if its form of govern
ment be republican, be admitted into
the Union on an equal footing with
the original States, with or without in
voluntary servitude, as the Constitu
tion of such State may provide.
YEAS—Delaware, Illinois, Kentucky,
Maryland, New Jersey, Ohio, Pennsyl
vania, Rhode Island and Tennessee-9.
NAYS—Conpeetieut, lowa, Maine,
Massachusetts, North Carolina, New
Hampshire, Vermont and Virginia—S.
DIVIDED—New York and Kansas--2.
Nor VOTlNG—lndiana.
SECTION 2. No territory shall be ac
quired by the United States, except
by discovery and for naval and com
mercial stations, depots and transit
routes, without the concurrence of a
majority of all the Senators from States
which allow involuntary servitude, and
a majority of all the Senators from
States which prohibit that relation;
nor shall territory be acquired by
treaty, unless the votes of . a majority
of the Senators from each class of
States hcreinbefore mentioned be cast
as a part of the two-thirds majority
necessary to the ratification of such
treaty.
YEAS—Delaware, Indiana, Ken
tucky, Maryland, Missouri, New Jer
sey, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island,
Tennessee, and Virginia-11.
NAYS—Connecticut, Illinois, lowa,
Maine, Massachusetts, North Carolina,
New Hampshire, and Vermont-8.
DIVIDED—New York and Kansas—
,'
SECTION 3. Neither the Constitution,
nor any amendment thereof; shall be
construed to give Congress power to
regulato, abolish, or control; within
any State, the relation established or
recognized by the laws thereof touch
ing persons held to labor or involunta
ry service therein, nor to interfere
with or abolish involuntary service in
the District of Columbia without the
consent of Maryland and without the
consent of the owners, or making the
owners who do not consent just coin
pensation; nor the power to interfere
with or prohibit representatives and
others from bringing with them to the
District of ,Columbia, retaining, and
taking away, persons so held to labor
or service; nor the power'to interfere
with 'or abolish involuntary service in
places cinder the exclusive jurisdiction
of the United States wi thin those States
and Territories where the same is,es
tablished or recognized; nor the pow
er to prohibit the removal or transpor
tation of persons held to labor or in
voluntary service in any State or Ter
ritory of the United States to any
other State or Territory thereof where
it is established or recognized by law
or usage; and the right during trans
portation, by sea or river, of touching
at ports, shores, and landings, and of
landing in case of distr6s, shall exist;
but not the right of transit in or
through any State or Territory, or of
sale or traffic, against the laws thereof.
Nor shall Congress have power to au
thorize any higher rate of taxation on
persons held to labor or service than
on land.
The bringing into the District of
Columbia of persons held to labor or
s service for sale, or placing them in de
pots to be afterwards transferred to
other places for sale as morchandize,
is prohibited.
YEAS—Delaware, Illinois, Kentucky,
Maryland, Missouri, New Jersey, North
Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode
Island, Tennessee, and Virginia-12.
NAvs—Connecticut, Indiana, lowa,'
Maine, Massachusetts, New Hamp
shire, and Vermont-7.
DIVIDED—New York and Kansas
2.
SECTION 4. The third paragraph of
the second section of the fourth article
of the Constitution shall not be 'con
strued to prevent any of the States, by
appropriate legislation, and through
the action of their judicial and minis
terial officers, from enforcing the de
livery of fugitives from labor to the
person to whom such service or labor
is due.
YEAS—Connecticut, Delaware, Illi
nois, Indiana, Kentucky, Maryland,
Missouri, New Jersey, North Carolina,
Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island,
Tennessee, Vermont, and Virginia- 7 15.
NAYS—Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts,
and New Hampshire-4.
DIVIDED—New York and Kansas-2.
SECTION 5. The foreign slave trade
is hereby forever prohibited; and it
shall be the duty of Congress to pass
laws to prevent the importation of
slaves, coolies, or pereons held to ser
vice or labor, into the United States
and the Territories from places beyond
the limits thereof
YEAS—Connecticut, Delaware, Illi
nois, 'lndiana, Kentucky, Maryland,
Missouri', New Jersey, New York, New
Hampsh i re, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Rhode
Island, Tennessee, Vermont, and Kan
sas-IG.
NAYS—Iowa, Maine, Massachusetts,
North Carolina, and Virginia-5.
SECTION G. The first, third, and fifth
sections, together with this section of
those amendments, and the third par
agraph of the second section of the
first article of the Constitution, and
the third paragraph of the second sec
tion of the fourth article thereof, shall
the consent of all the States.
YEAS-D elawarejllinois, Kentucky,
Maryland, Missouri, New Jersey, Ohio,
Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, and Ten
nessee—H.
NAYS—Connecticut, Indiana, lowa,
Maine, Masstehusetts, North Carolina,
New Hampshire, Vermont, and Vir
ginia-9.
DIVIDED—New ;York.
SECTION 7. Congress shall provide
by law that the United States shall
pay to the owner the full value of his
fugitive from labor, in all cases where
the marshal, or other officer whose
duty it was to arrest such fugitive,
was prevented from so doing doing by
violence or intimidation from mobs or
riotous assemblages, or when, after ar
rest, such fugitive was rescued by like
violence or intimidation, and the own
er thereby deprived of the same; and
the acceptance of such payment shall
preclude the. owner from further claim
to such fugitive. Congress shall pro
vide by law for securing to the cit
izens of each State the privileges and
immunities of citizens in the several
States.
YEAS—Delaware, Illinois, Indiana,
Kentucky, Maryland, New Jersey,
New Hampshire, Ohio, Pennsylvania,
Rhode Island, Tennessee, and Virginia
—l2.
NAYS—Connecticut, lowa, Maine,
North Carolina, Missouri, and' Ver
mont-7, DIVIDED---New York.
NOT VOTING-31.111SSnehllSettS.
The Peace Conference adjourned
sine die at one o'clock. Many of the
commissioners have already left for
home.
Presentation of Memorial of the Peace
Conference to Congress
At two o'clock this P. M., Dr. Pules
ton, Secretary of the Peace Conference,
was introduced to the Speaker of the
House of Representatives, and presen
ted the following memorial, with a let
ter from President Tyler, and the
amendments adopted by the Confer
ence.
A like communication was handed
to Vice President Breckinrige for pre
sentation in the Senate :
To THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED
STATES : Tho Convention, assembled
upon the invitation of the State of Vir
ginia, to adjust the unhappy differen
ences which now disturb the peace of
the Union, and threaten its continu
ance, make known to the Congress of
the United States that their body con
vened in the city of Washington, on
the 4th inst., and continued in session
until the 27th. .
There were in the body, when action
was taken upon that which is here sub
mitted, one hundred and thirty-three
commissioners, representing the follow
ing States : Maine, New Hampshire,
Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode island,
Connecticut, Now York, New Jersey,
Peupsylvanin, Delaware, Maryland,
Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky,
Tennessee, Missouri, Illinois, Indiana,
Ohio, lowa, and Kansas.
. TI oy have approved lybat is here
with submitted, and >respectfully- 3,T
-quest that your honorable body will
submit it to Conventions in the states,
as article thirteen. of amendments to
the Constitution of the United States.
Attest: J. HENRY PULESTON, SOC'y,
Another Step of Progress.` '
The action of the Senate - of Penn
sylvania, on larit Thursday, was of the
most important character. On that
day the bills commuting the tonnage
tax on the Pennsylvania Railroad, and
providing for the speedy , completion of
the Sunb my and Erie Railroad, passed
finally, and they now only require the
signature of the Governor to become
lair's of the Commonwealth. These
bills were not paSsed . without a severe
struggle. At every step they encoun
tered the most bitter opposition.—
Prejudice was arrayed against them,
and ignorance combatted them; but
in spite of all they progressed--7grow
ing in favor with the intelligent people
each day, until the final action of the
Senate placed the enduring seal of ap
probation upon them.
When we look back upon the Strug
gle which attended these measures, and
recall the difficulties which stood in
the way of their success, we cannot
but feel rejoiced at this happy termi
nation. Never for oue moment did
we doubt their justice; and entertain
ing this conviction, we never despaired
of their triumph. However much
necessary and just legislation may be
opposed by those who lag in the rear
of human advancement, this opposition
must eventually yield to that liberal
and progressive spirit which so emi
nently marks the present age, and is
BO peculiarly a characteristic of the
American people. The history of Penn
sylvania is a record of struggles with
old-time bigotry, and of triumph over
it. Om; present enviable position as a
great Commonwealth of free people,
was not reached by a 'path of roses;
but it has been gained by hard toil on
the part of those who set themselves
to work to carve a way through the
flinty incrustations which•surround the
minds of those who blindly ignore
everything except the fossilized preju
dices of the past.
Of the effect of these bills on the fu
ture of Pennsylvania it is unnecessary
to speak. This is not the age ok proph
ecy, nor do we aspire to th dignity of
being a prophet; yet we will hazard
the prediction, that in five years from
this time the wisdom that con
ceived them and the justice which
carried them into effect will be ac
knowledged by thousands who now
clamor against them. They will de
velope our resources, stimulate our
trade, enhance our wealth, and encour
age the enterprise of our people. All
this they will do without, in the mean
time, inflicting burthens upon any pii
tion of our citizens. No increase of
taxation will be demanded, and no
man now living within our borders will
be inconvenienced 'to the extent of
one dollar by their enforcement. •
It ig somewhat remarkable that the
bitterest opposition to these enact
ments came from portions of the State
where the people have no interest in
them one way or the other—from
those who could have been reasonably
expected to look upon them as unpre
judiced judges. Such was the ease in
the North-Eastern part of the Com
monwealth, and particularly in the
counties of Berke, Carbon, Lehigh-and
Northampton. The people of these
counties have railroad facilities which
render them independent of all other
portions of Pennsylvania, and these fh-
• " - . r resourWr
to a most marked extent. Their taxes
are not higher than are those of the
people who live on the line of the Penn
sylvania Railroad,and yet they insisted
that the citizens who use this improve
ment should be burthened heavily, ex
traordinarily and unnecessarily. They
closed their ears to all arguMents and
refused to listen to all appeals; and not
satisfied with their obstinacy and illib
erality, they have waged a crusade
against the men among them who rose
superior to prejudice and conceded
justice alike to all the, people . of. the
State. •
But these persecuted men will out
live the storm that assails them. They
have acted as legislators should—for
getting local prejudices for the com
mon good, and the time will come when
the correctness of their course will be
admitted. even by their persecutors.—
A thousand examples could be instanced
to show the folly of yielding a blind
obedience to bigotry and intolerance,
even when they rave most loudly, and
this case is not, we think, destined to
be an exception to a rule so general.
It is but just, in this connection, to
pay a tribute of admiration to Colonel
Thomas A. Scott, Vico President of
the Pennsylvania Railroad, Company,
who. has been mainly instrumental in
having an odious restriction removed
from the trade and business of one
half of our people. Ills course on this
subject has been so prudent, so fair,
and so honorable, as to command the
respect of the enemies as well as .the
.friends of the reform. With an energy
as remarkable as it is commendable,
he persevered in the 'great work he
had, undertaken, and he commanded
success by deserving it. Ile has suc
ceeded against obstacles which would
have caused most men to give up io
despair; and ho has, hesideS, gained a
reputation for ability and gentlemanly
deportment throughout the entire
Commonwealth, which will be as
enduring as it is exalted.—Harrisburg
State Sentinel.
PATRIOTIC SENTIMENTS.-A gentle.
men, says the Ilarrisburg•Sentinel,woll
known in the political circles of Penn
sylvania, and highly esteemed, ,in
writing to his son, who is at present
distinguished member of the Senate of
this State, uses the following patriotic
and truthful language:
• `k,God grant that yon may be spared
to pursue the good work you have
commenced : Sacrifice every prejudice
—all pride of opinion—everything, in
fine, but principle, to heal , the wounds
of our bleeding country. For rest ea - -
sured, my dear boy, that those good
men who aroj instrumental in doing
this will live in,th& hearts of all true
lovers of liberty to the &id of tinie—
while the mere'partizan, or miserable
demagogue,who attempts to retard the
glorious work, will be utterly forgot
ten, or femembered only with scorn
and contempt."
The gentleman referred to above is
Judge Palmer, of Pottsville, who em
bodied the above eloquent and patriot
ic paragraph in a letter to Hon. Robt . ..
id, Palmer, Speaker of the Senate. •
Seer' BROAD TARE FOR VENITIAN BLINDS,---
Plairi and fancy, received and for sale at
Lava Book store.
II