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THE TREASURE-SEEKER
The annexed ballad, by Goethe, has great truth (magi
natively and gracefully expressed:
Many weary days I suffered,
Sick of heart, and poor of pur,e;
Riches are the greatest blessing,
Poverty the deepest curse!
Till at last to dig a treasure,
Forth I went into the wood ;
"Friend, my soul is thine forever,"
And I signed tho scroll n ith blood.
Then I drew the magic circlet.,
Kindled the mysterious fire,
rioted the herbs and bones in order,
Spoke the incantation dire.
And I sought the burial metal
With a spetilof mickle might:—
Sought it as my master taught me,
Black and stormy was the night.
And I saw a tight appearing
1M the distance like a star:
When the midnight hoer was lolling,
Came it waxing front afar;
Come It flashing swift and sadden,
As If fiery wine it rime,
Viewing from an open 'chalice
Which a beauteous boy did bear.
And he wore a lustrous chaplet,
And his-eyes were full of thought,
And he stepped into the circle
With the radiance that he brought,
And he bade mo taste the goblet;
Anal thought "lt cannot be
That this boy should he the li-ewer
Of the demon's gift to me."
"Taste the draft of pure existence
Sparkling In this golden ore,
And no more with baneful magic
Shalt thou Intherward return :
Do not seek for treasures longer,
Let thy future spell-words be—
Days of labor, nights of resting
So shall peace return to thee."
THE YOUNG WIDOW.
NARRATED BY A NEW YORK DETECTIVE
sitting in the front office one morn
ing, engaged in perusing the New York
papers, I heard the chief's bell tingle
rather excitedly. The sergeant an
swered it.
"Send Brandon to me," next reached
my car through the half opened door.
Before the sergeant could repeat the
order, I had passed him, and was by
the side of the chief.
" Sit down, 'lir. Brandon," be said,
as he continued making some notes in
the register.
I obeyed, and anxiously awaited his
commands.
"I have a singular ease before me
this morning," lie began, " and I am
about to try your ingenuity to unravel
it."
_My expectation was aroused.
"On the 19th of last month, the
4.401-pair—E, gave a ball at his
- 1111111S)011 in ,b - Lark al .0 Ulf _•\
attended by nearly all the elite of the
city."
I remember it," I said.
" Do , you remember what occurred
there ?"
"Almost every lady in the roomlost
some article of jewelry," I replied.
"Exactly, for which no one could
account, as the party was most, select,
and it would have been an .outrage to
have suspected any one present with
stealing in such a wholesale manner."
I acknoilledged the justice of his re
marks. The chief continued :
" On the Pith of the month a . grand
promenade concert was given at the
Academy of Music, and the same thing
occurred. 'This would not seem so sin
gular, us there was plenty of opportu
nity for the professional pick-pocket;
but the remarkable feature is that no
gentlemen were robbed ; all who suf
fered were ladies."
"This is indeed singular," I replied
"Perhaps," responded the chief, in
a dubious tone. "Now, for the last
event. Yesterday morning, as you
have probably beard llr. W— was
wedded to the daughter of Col. ll—,
at , Grace Church. The assemblage
was large, and composed entirely of
the :ton. The bride received the con
gratulations of her numerous friends,
and left the church, but had not reached
the carriage, when she suddenly dis
covered that one of her bracelets was
gone. A search was immediately
made in the church, but it was no
where to be seen. Then came another
and another cry from various parties—
all ladies, who had lost one or another
article of jewelry, with an occasional
portmonaie."
I was getting excited.
"What arc your conclusions ?"
asked.
" I would first have heard yours,"
said the chief, looking at me closely,
as though to test my penetration.
I reflected a moment, and could form
but one opinion.
" There must be some person," said
I, " figuring at present in fashionable
society, who is a second Babbington
in the lifting profession."
"A very proper conclusion," said
the chief, smiling at my simplicity;
" but let us determine on something.
For instance, is it a roan or a woman?"
" Most likely a woman," I remarked,
"as none but women suffered from the
thief's adroit practice."
"That would be the first conclusion,"
said the chief—" but, on the other
hand, a man might perform the deed,
confining his practice to females, only
to throw the blame upon ono of
them."
I acknowledged the possibility of
his suggestion, though it had but lit
tle effect upon me.
"You have now the particulars,"
continued the chief. "I give you one
week to. solve the mystery, and bring
the adept to justice. Here is a list of
the principal losers. You can take
your .own course as to the plans you
shall - follow. Good morning."
I knew that thin case had been
placed in my hands as a test of my
skill, and I resolved, if within the
grasp of human ingenuitty, to com
pass it. It was a most singular case
—occurring, as it did, 'in the very
heart and centre of first society. It
was impossibe . to accuse any one on
suspicion ; there must be proof positive
Ell
~J 19~
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
VOL. XVI
before a word could be uttered. How
was it to be obtained? •
I sat down and thought seriously,
laying out my plans, as I grasped
each point of the ease; then arose to
act.'
Dressing myself in the very height
of fashion, I hired a carriage, and
drove to the house of the Hon. Mr. F.
I found him at home, and statirn , my
vocation and purpose, was invited into
the library.
" I fear you have assumed a fruitless
task, Mr. Brandon," he said, when we
were seated.
I expressed Iny conviction of suc
cess.
"How do you intend to proceed ?"
he asked.
I remarked that I should be governed
by circumstances, but desired a fall
list, or as near as possible, of all the
guests on the evening of the ball, He
went out a few moments, and handed
me a complete list, which he had ob
tained from his lady. I ran my eye
down the column with eager interest;
many of the persons I knew, either
personally or by reputation; they were
principally married men and their
tinnili es. One name—a lady's—seemed
to make an impression on my mind.
I. had never heard of her, and—though
it was a hazardous move-1 ventured
to ask who she was.
" Oh," said Mr. F., " Madame Dolan
ney—she is an old friend. I knew her
husband, M. Dehumey, when I was
Consul at Paris. He was, second in
tendant of Police; and died during my
term. She is an American by birth,
whom he fell in love with while on a
visit to Paris, with her father, a Bos
ton merchant. She, is very beautiful
and amiable."
This disarmed me, for I knew anoth
er question would give offence, and
his report was perfectly satisfactory.
I next asked the names of a few per
sons who had lost jewelry. He marked
their names on paper. I took my
leave, with many expressions of good
will, and hopes of success, from the
honorable gentleman.
My next visit was to the
,residence
of one of the ladies who had been a
victim to the mysterious pick-pocket.
Mrs. with whom I was acquain
ted, received me kindly, and eagerly
gave me all the information in her
power. Her loss was a large diamond
breast-pin, of which she gave me a
concise description ; also a gold locket,
taken from her eldest daughter, con
taining the portrait of her deceased
husband. By her kindness I was in
t- oil, OW+ - Wirtl - 111111 - 1
lost articles, in tho way of broaches,
ear-rings, necklaces, etc. Some of '
these had been lost at the Academy,
others at Grace Church.
Having obtained all this information,
I sat down to consider, and found my
self about as wise as when I commenced.
One of the ladies had lost a bracelet
at the first mentioned ball, and had
loaned me the fellow to it. This being
almost the only clue, I resolved to
work on it.
Taking a list of all the pawnbrokers
in the city, I visited each one, and
made a thorough inventory of their
recent jewelry receipts, but could find
nothing to match my bracelet, nor
accord with my description of the other
articles Ipst. What was to be done
next?
I asked myself this, question as I
was seated in the office after my long
and fruitless search. In a moment
I was in the carriage again, and off to
Mrs.
" What ! have you gained a clue al
ready ?" she exclaimed, as I entered
hastily.
" Not yet," I replied ; "hut all is
not lost that's missing. Tell me," 1
added, "who gives the next grand
conversationaire in your circle ?"
"Mrs. Johnson."
"When."
" To-morrow evening."
"Can't you get me Gillet d'entrer
" Certainly."
"Then procure it immediately for
Mr. Le Clair, a Louisiana planter of
your acquaintance.. If Miss Belle,
your daughter, would play my chape
rone, it would be better for our scheme."
Miss Belle R—, a gay, rollicking
girl of eighteen, with black eyes, and
a merry, laughing mouth, was especi
ally fond of adventure, and being let
into the secret, gave her ready assent
to accept my protection—for that eve
ning only—as the play-bills say.
The next evening I received a spe
cial card of invitation to attend Mrs.
Johnson's soiree in Thirteenth street.
At the proper hour I handed Miss
Belle R. from the carriage in front of
the house, and led her into the grand
reception room. -
I had got myself up in tremendous
style. I was supposed to bo deter
mined to make a hit—whether I did
it or not will appear in time. • I am
afraid that, if asked, I could not have
told the use of the jewelry I wore.—
Certain it was that I had plenty of it
—rings in abundance—not exactly in
taste—but like my watch chain, belted
across my vest, and a large seal dang
ling from my fob—all spurious—they
were my bates, which I had thrown
out as an angler throws out a single
line, with a dozen hooks at the end of
it. That was my cash capital, upon
which I would win my fortune of suc
cess. If there was a pick-pocket there,
I was determined that ho should
have a fair chance at it, though, like
the angler referred to, if he bit at the
bait, he would find a hook in it, for
every article was fastened with a se
cret steel chain.
The pleasures of the evening pro
ceeded. I was introduced to several
interesting ladies and gentlemen of
congenial temperament, and, as I con
versed, apparently unconscious of any
purpose, scanned carefully the face of
each individual of the company.
" Belle ?" in a whisper.
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, MARCH 6, 1861.
NZi==
"Who is that singular looking lady
in the centre of the group by the win
dow ?"
" Why do you call her singular look
ing ?" asked Belle it—, in a tone of
curious surprise.
" Because it is so," I replied. " Her
face is pale almost to ghastliness, ex
cept the one little spot where she paints,
while her black eyes dance about like
meteors, and her raven hair seems like
an ebony coffin revealing a dead face.
She is dressed in mourning, and yet
she is the most gay and fascinating
woman in the room."
Belle almost held her breath as I
gave this description, and with her
hand on my arm, and a blank expres
sion on her face, she said :
" Y. 911. don't think—"
"Who is she ?" I repeated quickly
'• Madame Delauney, of Paris."
"Madame Delauuey," I murmured
to myself. " The friend of Hon. Mr.
F., the widow of the Assistant Inten
dant of the French Police. Umph !"
"Don't you think her very hand
some ?" asked Belle.
" Yes, as a vulcanised de Medecis.—
Introduce me."
Something in my manner must have
impressed my tbir chaperone with the
idea of an adventure, for the introduc
tion was made with evident embarrass
ment on her part, and she lingered
close by, gazing in the faces of Mad
ame and myself with an air of puzzled
embarrassment.
As my inquiringglance met that of
Madame Delauney, thought I detec
ted something like a start—it was not
perceptible—a mere shrinking of the
pupil of the eye, a double palpitation
of the heart—as she seemed to read
my vocation at a glance, and felt a
flash of fear. This may, however, have
been only the result of my own convic
tion. She was dressed in what is
termed second mourning, consisting
of a black satin skirt, with flounces
fringed and embroidered with green
leaflts, a pink bodice cut low in the
neck, and embroidered with dark vel
vet. The sleeves were exceedingly
wide with loose white under-sleeves.—
A blue scarf encircled her waist. She
wore no ornaments,
save a plain breast
pin, and a solitary diamond ring upon
her middle finger.
Having made this scrutiny at a
glance—during which she seemed to
have done the same thing with me—l
summoned up all my resources, and at
once began an attack in French., She
I seemed pleased at m - addressing her
ital. fhtiWiir , 1(3 reJ-7C
were ignorant'of that tOngue, or from
what cause I know not, we soon found
ourselves alone. The fair widow
seemed quite lively, and, had it not
been for her white, ghastly expression
of thee, would have been quite hand
some indeed. But, added to this, there
was a wild, feverish fire ever burning
in her black, dazzling eyes, which, at
every varying emotion, seemed to
throw off sparks like those from har
dened steel, when smitten.
We soon became quite intimate, and
I was on the point of inviting her for
a promenade in the garden, and had
just turned my head to look at Mrs.
ft- , when I heard a slight click !
and felt a gentle pull about my waist.
I did not start, for I had almost expect
ed it; but looking round carelessly, I
met the cold features and fiery eyes of
Madame Delauney tuned upon me, and
I thought I could ,perceive a purple
hue rippling beneath the surface of her
pale skin, like the waves of a lake. 1
did not look down; fortunately it was
I not necessary, for Madame Delauney's
back was towards a large pier mirror;
and as I glanced into it, I beheld—my
watch-chain hanging from my vest
pocket; one side of it had been cut!
I was now convinced. The myste
rious adept at pocket picking, who
had thrown the creme de la creme of
New York into a fit of regular excite
', meat, and made them fear to appear
in public with their jewelry—the be
ing who had cattfed each one of the
" first circle" to mistrust the honesty
of the other—stood before me. Yet
how to proceed ? It would not do to
arrest her on the spot—Mrs. Johnson
would never forgive me for the scan
dal it would create, and the whole com
pany would lose their enjoyment. I
was in a dilenmta, and as one of the
young widow's friends approached, I
made my ohesiance and turned away.
As I walked towards Miss Belle her
mother intercepted me, and asked what
prospects 1 had; were there any sus
picious persons in the company ?
" Several, madame," I replied with
mock gravity.
" Gracious me ! Who are they ?".
"Mr. Le Clair,whom you introduced,"
I replied, laughing.
"No jesting," said she. "Have you
learned anything ?"
I put my hand down to show her
my cut watch chain, but—it was gone !
The fish had run away with bait, hoOk
and all.
The affair was getting serious, and
I excited.
" My dear Mrs. B—," said I, " give
yourself no uneasiness; you will lose
no more jewelry after to-night. Per
mit me to speak a word with Belle."
"Hastening to the side of my fair
chaperone, I whispered
" Can you be discreet ?"
"As wisdom," she said smiling.
" And play a part ?"
" Like le grande tragdienne I"
" Then invite Madame Delauney to
promenade on the rear piazza—the
night is beautiful—from there stray
into the garden, and take a position
near the gate which opens. into the
next street. Keep her engaged, and
be astonished at nothing that occurs."
Belle arched her brows understand
ingly, and nodded assent. I next
strolled carelessly into the ball, opened
the front door, and looked out. Rais
ing my finger, tho driver of my own
-PERSEVERE.-
carriage approached. It is almost
needless to say that he was a police
man in disguise.
"What luck ?" he asked.
" Good. Drive down the narrow
street skirting the house, and stop at
the garden gate."
The House was situated at the cor
ner of a narrow street, with a brick
wall extending from the rear to
the next house. This wall screened
the little flower garden, and contained
a gate for the use of the servants.
When I returned to the drawing
room, Belle and Mitdame Delauney
were absent. I found them in the gar
den, and plucking some flowers, I joined
them, making some casual compli
ments: As soon as I had joined them,
Belle started off for the house. Mad
ame was about to follow, when I quick
ly arrested her.
" Madame Delauney, you are my
prisoner."
" What do you mop, sir ?" she gasp
ed, recoiling from me. . _
" That I arrest you for theft. - When
you next steal a deteettve's watch
chain, you should bo more expert."
As I. spoke I opened the gate, and
revealed the carriage and policeman.
The scene caused.her to cower be
fore me. I then told her in hurried
words that her whole career was known
to me; that if she would go peaceably
she might save much shame and dis
grace. She hesitated for a moment,
and then drawing herself up, proudly,
she replied :
" I will go with you, but you had
better beware when I have proved
these accusations false !"
I assisted her in the carriage, and,
having a seat opposite,we were whirled
rapidly away towards the office.
Although the hour Ivas late, I found
the industrious old chief up. He smiled
graciously as I led in my beautiful pris
oner, and narrated the incidents con
nected with her arrest. ' She was, of
course, searched, but nothing was found
until turning up the wide sleeves of
her bodice, we found a number of se
cret pockets, in one of which was my
watch chain. She evidently had not
commenced her operations of the eve
ning. The next day :Madame Dolan
ney's residence was searched, and near
ly all the missing property was recov
ered. Her house was a rare deposi
tory of jewelry of every kind and esti
mate.
Upon conviction, slie confessed that
she had first learned the art of theft
front her husband, who was accustomed
e_
to show her, - each- n be (t....disKik
- mi., : ,- itt, - i,.i. :yak, res. : , e, to rim in iliS
conneWon with the ,aris police. wile
ring before noticed ad a spring dia
mond knife for a setting, which would
easily strike through any golden liga
ture, and she was thus easily able to
secure her prize. She pleaded that
poverty was the cause of her crime, as
prior to the death of her husband she
had lived honestly. She suffered a
slight penalty, on 'condition that sho
would leave the country.
REMAINS OF A MASTODON.—Last Sep
tember, in quarrying limestone, in a
gorge, about sixteen feet from the sur
face, on the land of Mr. Eli Blackburn,
in St. Clair Tp., in this county, nearly
the whole skeleton of what was sup
posed to be a Mastodon, was discov
ered by Mr. John Callihan, The leg
bones were about 15 or 18 inches in
circumference, and the others were
about in the same proportion. After
being exposed to the air, the bones all
crumbled to dust, except the teeth,
three of which were discovered. The
enamel on these grinders is about one
fourth of an inch in thickness, and in
an excellent state of preservation; the
balance of the tooth is petrified, and
much like soapstone. We have part
of one of these grinders, at our office,
which can be seen by our friends,
which is about five inches in length,
throe and one half in breadth, three
in depth, and weighs eighteen ounces.
A. larger part of one of the teeth can
bo seen at Col: John Hafer's Hotel.—
Bedford Inquirer.
A FATAL DUEL BETWEEN BOYS.—In
the year 1853, at town of Senora, Tuol
umne county, two American boys,
aged thirteen and fourteen years, quar
relled about a girl thirteen years old,
with whom they were both in love.—
They agreed to submit the matter to
a decision by " wager of battle." So,
arming themselves with clubs they re
paired to the outskirts of the town,
and fought with savage earnestness,
being observed only by some laborers
at work on a building a short distance
off, who thought the belligerents were
playing. The fight raged for a short
time with clubs, when one of the boys,
having a dirk-knife on his person, drew
it forth, and stabbed his adversary to
the heart. This may be classed among
the most extraordinary of duels.
The Savannah Republican strongly
urges an extension of the terms of of
fice-holders under the new confedera
cy. It recommends that the President
be elected for eight or ten years, with
a provision for his final, official retire
ment on a pension at the expiration of
his term.
Mr - A resolution has been introduced
into the Massachusetts Legislature, de
claring the opinion that the Federal
Government ought to buy all the slaves
within our national borders, and thus
put an end to trouble. It was referred
to the Committee on Federal Relations.
tt One half of mankind pass their
lives in thinking how they shall get a
dinner, and the other in thinking what
dinner they shall get; and the first aro
- lunch less injured by occasional fasts,
than are the latter by constant feasts.
Zer What many a man calls con
science is only a wholesome fear of the
constable.
4t01,17\0 e.„
A PENNSYLVANIA APPEAL.
(From the New York ENpreso.]
WASHINUTON, Feb. 6, 1861.
It is interesting, that the same con
servative democratic representative
wlio seconded, supported, and, by his•
amendment thereto, carried through
the proposition which defeated the
Lecompton,l3lll and whose name came
thus to be forever associated in our
Legislative history in a title—the
Crittenden-Montgomery Amendment
—with that of the venerated Kentucky
Senator,should again be forward,in the
present great trial, in promoting the
measure of compromise for peace which
Crittenden projected.
A letter addressed by Mr. Mont
e•omery to a Republican, in which is
discussed the Crittenden proposition,
as against Republican objections, came
to my knowledge yesterday, and it
seeming most timely and proper for
public use, I begged and obtained
leave to make a copy thereof for your
use.
The statement that the existing dif
ficulties lcave arisen out of differences
of interpretation of the Constitution,
and therefore can only be settled by
compromise, is more clearly presented
and discussed therein than in any oth
er paper that has come under my no
tice. The propriety of the Crittenden
propositions as a basis of compromise
is also well considered.
The better voice of Pennsylvania is
thus uttered in rebuke of Stevens & Co.,
and this voice, there is abundant rea
son to believe, is to-clay the voice of
the Keystone State. So Pennsylvania
supports Kentucky, as it is verily be
lieved, it would be found she is
supported by the people of the coun
try, could the politicians who inter
vene between them and an expression
upon the issue be displaced to all such
expression.
WASUINGTON, Feb. 4.
ilfy Dear Sir :—Your kind letter is
at hand, and has received my careful
consideration. 3 entirely concur with
you as to the dreadful consequences of
disunion on the happiness and pros
perity of our country. But there my
concurrence with your views must ter
minate. Ido not share with you the
prejudice you express against an
amendment of our constitution, nor
participate in the reluctance yon feel
to accommodate our differences with
the seceding States. I arn,not in fa
vor of a constitutional amendment
for " the benefit of the South," nor, by
favoring it, do I " maker-terms", , with
ii"ii . e . tere"F&lSca r; to eon " trot
tor," I c,k your clew attention to
my reasons for-the course I am ready
to pursue, and when you see them, I
think you will concur with me in
I opinion. lam in favor of an amend-
Inca of the constitution, because the
existing difficulties and others of a
kindred character which may hereaf
ter arise, can only be adjusted by such
compromise. No man living places a
higher estimate on the constitution of
the United States than I do. I look
upon it as providing the most perfect
form of government the wisdom of
man has ever desiscd. But the works
of man aro never perfe,et, and it is on
ly wonderful that after the lapse. of
near three-fourths of a century we only
require a single amendment to our
fundamental laws. The• necessity for
this amendment arises from the con
flicting interpretations given the con
stitution by the political parties of dif
ferent sections. Take the Chicago
Platform, the Breckinridge Platform,
and the Democratic Platform and con
trast them each with the other—and
see the different views taken of the
power conferred upon Congress by
,the constitution over the institution of
slavery in the territories. The Repub
licans announce that " Liberty is Na
tional, and Slavery Sectional ;" and
that it is the duty of Congress to abol
ish in the territories, those twin rel
ics of barbarism, polygamy and Sla
very." The Breckinriclge Platform on
the other hand, asserts that neither
Congress nor a territorial Legislature
can during the territorial existence,
directly or indirectly abolish slavery,
and that it is the duty of Congress to
protect slave property in the territo
ries. The Democratic platform, in
contra-distinction to the Breckinridge
and Republican, assorts the groat doc
trine of " popular sovereignty and
non-intervention," and declares "that
the people of the territories, like those
of the States, should be left perfectly
free to form and regulate their domes
tic institutions in their own way—sub
ject only to the Constitution of the
United States." I will not say that
every member of either of the political
organizations is sincere in his support
of their principles, but I will say that
the great mass of all parties are honest
and sincere, and no one will deny,that
in every section, there aft thousands
of upright men, whose integrity of pur
pose and patriotism are beyond ques
tionwho adhere to these diverse inter
pretations with the highest convictions
of their correctness. These conflicting
interpretations do exist, neither party
is willing to yield, and it would seem
no satisfactory means of determining
the question at issue can be devised.
You cannot settle the interpretation
of the Constitution' by the result of
elections;, you cannot adjust these dif
ferences by an act of Congress. And
the history of parties, during the last
few years, demonstrate that the deci
sions of the Supremo Court on politi
cal questions will not be submitted to.
Your party has denounced the decis
ions of that Court in the Dred Scott
case with far too great vehemence to
ask others to submit their opinions to
its arbitrament. And every Breckin
ridge man in the Charleston and Bal
timore Convention, refused his consent
to abide by the future decisions of the
Supreme Court on the Slavery question.
No party, probably is now willing
to submit their opinions on these con-
TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance
stitutional questions to the arbitrament
of that court; and no other tribunal is
in existence by which it can be adjusted.
This conflict as to the true interpre
tation of the Constitution, is the cause
of all our troubles, and and admits of
but one • means of settlement. We
must amend the Constitution itself in
such a way as to put this cause of con
troversy forever at an end. The pro
visions on this subject are at present
indefinite and obscure; we must make
them definite and certain.
From the day the slavery question
first began to agitate the different sec
tions of the country to this hour, con
flicting opinions thereon have threat
ened not only, the peace and prosperity
of our people, but the existence of the
Union itself, arid have brought us, at
last, to tie very verge of ruin. We
should learn wisdom from the past and
present, and prevent the possibility of
future Misunderstanding by the use of
plain language which admits of but
one interpretation.
'No one has a greater horror of se
cession and secessionists than I have,
and I am ready to•vote for any reason
able means to punish and put them
down. But if we had the power to
compel every Southern member to
come back and take his seat in Con
gress, and were Mr. Lincoln. to be In
augurated in peace, yet this contro
versy in relation to the Constitution,
would not be terminated. You may
employ force; you may batter down
every Southern city, blockade every
Sontheru harbor, and sacrifice a million
of lives, and you will yet have pro
duced no change in the opinions of
men; and the conflict of constitutional
construction would still exist to dis
turb our peace and threaten our de
struction. I therefore say, lam not
in favor of compromise for the "bene
fit of the South," but for the future
peace, and to preserve and perpetuate
the blessings of our Union.
You can now sec that when your
Republican friends assure you " that
there is nothing to compromise," they
are surely mistaken: for these grave
and serious questions must be compro
mised, or our Union is at an'end; and
they can only be compromised by Con
stitutional amendments.
I am for compromise; such a com
promise as will secure a lasting adjust
ment of thesq sectional controversies.
The shades of difference between the
resolutions offered by Mr. Etheridge,
known as the border . State proposi
tions,and. those, offered..by .my,
league - COL'
which they are modeled, offered, by
Senator Cratenden,,l do not regard
as vitally. important. I prefer, how
ever, to examine those offered by the
latter named gentleman, for the reason
that they have received more of pub
lic attention and approbation than the
others.
I invite yoar attention whilst I re
ply to some of the leading objections
made to these resolutions.
It is said that, by the terms of these
resolutions, slavery is established and
protected in territory lying south of
the line 30 deg. 30 min., so long as the
same shall remain in a territorial con
dition. Now, the territories are the
common property of the States. Their
government has created all the strife
and controversy which exists. Mr.
Crittenden proposes to portion them
between the North and South allow
ing to the North three fourths of the
whole. Is this unfair or unjust toward
the North ? I think not. It is objec
ted, however, by Republicans, that we
shall thus legalize and establish slavery
in New Mexico. This is not so. The
compromise measures of ISSO, which
all parties stand pledged to maintain,
gave the people of Mexico the power
to establish or prohibit slavery. It
exists there now, and we cannot, in
good faith to that compromise, inter
fere with it. The objection is, a pre
text of political men to prevent the
adjustment of our national troubles.— •
No sensible man believes that New
Mexico will ever become a Slave State.
The nature of the soil, climate, and
productions of the country forbid it.—
Slave labor cannot be made profitable
in a land as barren almost as the Sahara
Desert. It is valuable only for its min
eral wealth. Where slavery is not
profitable it will never go. In adopt
ing these resolutions, we really concede
nothing to the South. New Mexico
must and will be a free State and all
sensible Southern men will admit it.
It is said, however, that the resolu
tions of Mr. Crittenden are applicable
not only " to all the territory we now
have, but 'to all that we may here
after acquire ;" that the day is not far
distant when we may acquire a large
past, if not the whole of Mexico; and
that we would thus plant slavery in
that country. '
I think that this provision in the
resolutions will have a directly oppo
site effect from that which is feared.—
After the new apportionment, the
North will have a majority of about
two-thirds in both branches of the Na
tional Legislature. If this resolution
is adopted, I feel very confident that
this large Northern majority in Con
gress will not consent to the acquisi
tion of, future territory to be carved
up into slave States. •
The acquisition of territory has been
the greatest curse that has befallen the
nation. Our recent experience should
teach us wisdom. In my belief, the
prospect of slave territory being made
by means of future acquisitions will do
more to prevent:the result feared, than
any limitation of slavery that could be
imposed. If I were a Southern man,
anxious for the extension of slavery I
would never consent to this provision
of the resolutions. Without it, terri
tory would be acquired, a large part
of which could only be profitably cul
tivated by slave labor. And where
slave labor is profitable, though you
settle - the land with Massachusetts
abolitionists, yet slavery will be adop
ted, and slave States will be formed
and admitted. But if we shall hereaf
ter acquire territory, much as I am
opposed to the spread of slavery, I
would prefer to have some certain and
fixed rule in respect to it provided,
which may exclude future controversy
rather than have the matter so left
that there may be re-opened all the
strife and sectional discord which have
heretofore sprung up and rim exist
in relation to territorial government.
We had better guard against the re
currence of these evils at any cost.
. .
The repeal of the, Missouri Compro
mise brought the "Republican party
into existence. And now, the day of
its power, should it stand up against the
restoration of that line, it will demon
strate that all its pretentious of devo
tion to that compromise were false and
hypocritical,- That Buie cannot be re
stored as a mere law, because the Su
preme Court of the United - States has
declared it unconstitutional. It can
only be restored by a Constitutional
amendment. For thirty years fidelity
to that line gave us. peace, prosperity
and happiness. Let us restore it in
such a form that the fluctuating opin
ions of politicians can not disturb, it
With it we will restore the
hearts and 'affections of our people - to
the 'constitution and :Re
store that line'and there:NM be aver
ted the horrors of civil war, and the
slavery question will .be removed for
ever from the halls of Congress and
the political arena. - • •
NO. 87.
These are my views and my reasons
for supporting the Crittenden resolu
tion of a kindred character. I hope
they will meet your approbation..
I have the honor to be,
Yours truly,
WM. MONTGOMERY,
63XM1Mn11 . 1t=1 . 431
VIEWED BY A SOUTH CAROLINIAN.
[Correspondence of the Charheton Mercury.]
MONTCIO3IERY, Feb. 14, 1861.—Upon
one point there appears to be a fixed
determination and straightforward ac
tion here. _Reconstruction is dead. A
Southern Confederation is established,
and the Southern Confederacy is a
fixed thing. Bnt what sort of a Con
federacy Here the Convention is at
sea • and vague dreads of the future,
andterrors of the people, and in some
degree a want of statesmanship, 'para
lyze all useful and essential reform,
and weaken men into inaction.
Let the people prepare their minds. for
a failure in the future' Permanent Sduth
ern Constitution. For South .Carolina
is about to be saddled with almosE
every grievance except Abolition, for
which she has long struggled, and just
withdrawn'from the late - United States
Government. Surely McDuffte' lived
in vain, -and Calhoun taught, , for
nought,-if we aro again to be, plundered,
and our commerce crippled, destrdyed
by tariffs—even discriminating taaiffs.
Yet this is the almost inevitable pros
pect. The fruit of the labors of thirty
odd long years, in strife and bitterness,
is about to slip through our fingers.
But is this all we are about •to be
called on to enact and bear ? It is
only the beginning.
The three-fifths. rule of representa
tion for slaves was one of the - many .
Yankee swindles put upon us in the
- formation - of - theiol4l-IConitiitiiiiae ,
lb a mutual Wrong. It most unfairly
dwarfs the power of agmu cvf.tbC StMjs
in any Federal representation: . " The
proportion of her black to the - white
population is very much larger than
that of any other slave State. By the
old swindle, her fair proportion of rep- /
resentation, was cut down upon all her
slaves in proportion as three to
The black population, being in a ma
jority in our State, two-fifths of more
than one-half of the people of the State
are entirely unrepresented., And in
just the degree that the proportion of
the black population in South Caroli
na predominates over the proportion
of the blacks to the whites in any other
State, is the swindle augmented and
aggravated. South Carolina is small
enough without 'again flinging away
what legitimate power she possesses.
That power is in her . slaves--socially,
politically, economically. The propo
sition of the three-fifths rule thins upon
her not only to, stultify herself; but to
dwarf her powers. -
Is this all? It is tot. She is prob
ably to be called upon to brand her
self and her institutions. '
The old Constitution df the United
States merely grants to the Congress.
the power•to prohibit by law the fur
ther introduction of slaves from Africa
or elsewhere, outside of the United
States: Terrorism here is about to
make its perpetual prohibition a. fund,--
amental provision of the constitution
itself. A stigma is thus broadly stamp
ed upon the whole institution before
the whole world, and sealed by our
selves.
It is greatly to be regretted tat:thn
debates upon the Constitution will
probably not be. public. It seems to
me that they will be very important
as guides in the future, whereby we
may be enabled to comprehend its
moaning—the proper interpretation of
its language.
To change the subject—a nice pickle
South Carolina has been ,placed in
with regard to Fort Sumter. Three
weeks ago it was feared by many that
any assault upon that fort was to be
postponed to the 4th of February, and
then to be turned over to the
,action
of the Southern Congress. • Such has
proved the fact. What has been
gained? President Davis will not be
inaugurated until Saturday evening,
the 16th of February. This is the
eorliest period possible. Circumstan
ces may , still further delay it.
. The Monday two weeks following.
Lincoln is to bo inaugurated at Wash
ington. What opportunity is there
between these two dates for My. Davis
to make preparations for attack—to
make his demand upon Mr. Buchanan
for its surrender, and to',receive an an
swer before the 4th of 'March ? None
whatever. We will haVe to fight, and
we will have to fight Lincoln instead
of Buchanan, And who are to do the
fighting? South Carolinians, and none
but South Carolinians. The fort will,
of course, be reinforced if it is in the
power of man to do it. Will any body
tell me how lives have been saved. by
this policy ? The attitude of our State
has' been in a large measure demoral
ized—l will not say disgraced—by the
course pursued; the political attitude
of the whole Southern. Confederation
has been embarrassed and complica
ted; and what is gained ? Nothing,
that I can see, but the spilling of much
more valuable blood than was at all
necessary.