TERMS OF THE GLOBE,
Per annum in a*ivanco
Six months
Three months
A failure to notify a ,In.continuanco at the exphation o
the term subscribed fur u ii bo considered a new eugag.
meal.
=
1 nowt hon. 2 do. 3, do.
Four lines or less $ 25 $ 37V 2 $ 50
Otte munre, (12 lin,=,) 511 75 1 00
1..11 0 scl utre9 1 00 1 50 ..... .... 2 00
Three. B,lllllreS. 1 50 2 25 ..... ... 3 00
Over three weok and less than tlu•eo months, 25 cents
per equate lot each tuSertion.
8 months. 6 months. 12 months.
....$1 50 $3 00 t 5 00
5 00 7 00
... 5 00 8 00 10 00
.... 7 00 10 00.... ..... 15 00
.... 0 00 13 00 "0 00
16 00..........:,100
Six lines or less,
One 5quare,.......
T,‘ o
Three squares,...
Pour slnnt e 5,....
'Ulf a column,..
One column, ^0 on 70 00... ..... ,50 00
Professional and lln•ineas Cords not exceeding four lines,
one year C,3. 00
Admiitiatt atm s' and Executor a' Notices, ia 75
Advertisements not morked with the number of Weer.
tione desk ed, will be continued till forbid and clunged ac
cording to these term,
GREAT GOVERMENT SWINDLE.
Over $6,000,000 Abstracted
:By Es-Secretary Floyd, W. Ft. Russell,
4 :31-odard Bailey and other Officials.
EXPOSURE OP THE WHOLE PLAN
OF ROBBERY
The select committee to whom was
referred the resolution of the House,
adopted on the 24th day of December
last, directing them to inquire into and
report the facts in relation to the fraud
ulent abstraction of certain bonds held
by the government in trust for the
Indian tribes, from the Department of
the Interior, and to whom were also
referred the communication of the lion.
John B. Floyd, late Secretary of War,
and the letter of the Hon. Robert 'Mc-
Clelland, late Secretary of the Interior,
have submitted their report.
The report opens by describing the
bonds, United States stocks and cer
tificates which were abstracted. They
were held in trust for certain Indian
tribes.
Under previous Ad min is tra lions ilie
bonds were placed in the immediate
charge of some clerk, selected for his
integrity and capacity, n - ho kept them
in a safe in the Indian office. No stamp
or other mark of designation was
placed upon any of them, with the ex
ception of a small portion, and the only
safeguard the Government had was
the faithfulness and honesty of the
person entrusted with their keeping.
:So careless a mode of transacting the
public business and administering a
trust so delicate and important,astounds
us by the magnitude of its folly. Neith
er the Commissioner of Indian Affairs
nor the Secretary of the Interior ever
counted the bonds in person, mid the
only information that either of them
could have possessed touching their
safety was the payment of the coupons
every six months, and such examina
tions as they occasionally choose to
order to be made by others. Fortun
ately for the Government, however, no
loss was sustained during previous
Administrations.
The report then speaks of Godard
the clerk in whose hands the
bonds were placed, saving: The evi
dence shows that Mr. Bailey came to
Washington a bankrupt in fortune,
and a political adventurer seeking of-
He brought with him, however,
the highest: Lestimonifidon . ce
and respect from various distingnisheit,
men in Alabama, where he lived, and
in South Carolina, where lie was born
and had previously resided.
-113611SCTED BONDS
All the stocks, including those that
were abstracted, were kept in the room
in the Interior Department occupied by
Mr. Bailey, in a safe, the key of which
was in his sole possession. The ab
stract marked '• B" will show the char
acter and respective amounts of the
abstracted bonds, as well as the States
by which they were issued, except in
this—that the whole amount, as shown
by said abstract, is 872, of $l,OOO each,
when, in fact, Mr. Bailey delivered to
Mr. William 11. Russell, S7O only.
BAILEY AND RUSSEL'S NEGOTIATIONS
The report goes on to show that W.
IL Russell and Godard Bailey had ne
gotiations during - ‘itich Bailey deliv
ered to Russell these Bonds in instal
ments, both parties of course knowing
that the bonds were not their prop
erty.
Mr. Bailey's motives for stealing the
bonds are not clearly ascertained, but
the Committee are, however, con
strained to express the conviction that
behind the events that have been made
conspicuous, and beneath the exterior
of the transactions that have been de
scribed, is a purpose which, although
successfully hidden„ was none the less
powerful and efficient, and has given
unity and vitality to the schemes now
partially exposed.
13.1thEY ' S CONFESSION
A part of the evidence adduced is
found. in a communication from Mr.
Bailey, dated December Ist, 1860, and
addressed to the Hon. Jacob Thomp
son, Secretary of the Interior, contain
ing a statement that a portion of the
bonds constituting the Indian Trust
Fund, amortutfog, to $870,000, were no
longer in his possession. This roars.
Elon was, on the 13th of December,
placed in the hands of Mr. Wagner,
with the request that it should be de
livered to the Secretary of the Interior
five days before the expiration of his
term of office, or, as Mr. Wagner un
derstood it, five days before the 4th of
March: On the 20th of the same
month, Mr. Bailey addressed a note to
Mr. Wagner, requesting that the note
previously committed to him (Mr.
agner) should be given to the Secre
tary of the Interior immediately upon
his return from North Carolina. Mr.
Thompson arrived on the afternoon of
the 22d of December.
AUDITOR FULLER TILE CAUSE GF TUE EX
POSURE OF THE FRAUD
Mr. Bailey, in the exercise of fore
thought prudent to avoid detection,
- made up his stock account for the, cur
rent year, showing on its face that all
the bonds were safely in his custody,
and had caused its presentation to the
Second Auditor, Mr. Fuller. That offi
cer refused to approve it for the reason
that the coupon account, designed to
be a check upon it, did not accompany
it. It is, perhaps, to this refusal that
may in part be attributed the early
disclosure of the fraud.
The'report next speaks of the dispo
sition of the stolen bonds. It appears
that they were sold by Mr. Russell and
Irk agent to certain parties in New
York, Baltimore, Chicago, &c.
Ell
(.(1 j /e
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor
VOL, XVI,
RUSSELL'S BUSINESS MAN MAKES HIM-
SELF SCAR a
An important witness, Jerome B.
Simpson, who would be found in New
York, it was expressed, could not be
obtained. Ile had acted in the city as
the confidential business agent of Rus
sell, Majors & - Waddell, and knew, it
was believed, all the details of their
business transaction with the Govern
ment, and of' the abstraction of the
bonds. The most active and dilligent
search for him proved unavailing. As
none of' his acquaintances remember to
have seen him since about the day fol
lowing Mr. Russell's arrest, and as no
trace of him has yet been discovered,
it is evident that he absconded or con
cealed himself to avoid the responsi
bility of his acts, and an appearance
before the committee or the courts.
ItuSSELb DON'T LIKE TO FACE THE MUSIC
When Mr. Russell was brought be
fore the Committee, he wanted to write
his testimony-.
- Various interrogatories were pro
posed, which were promptly and free
ly But when asked, "Did
you ever, directly or indirectly, give
to any person any consideration, or
make to any person any present for
services rendered to you connected
with your business with the War De
partment?" Mr. Russell declined to
respond before consulting with his
counsel.
Upon this suggestion the examina
tion AN - US at once suvended.
On the 22d of December ho again
appeared, and was reminded of what
had been said to him on a previous oc
casion, and more fully admonished
that he was not required to answer
any questions that might criminate
himself. then evaded the questions
asked him.
TILE . -ICCEPTANCP.S ISSUED BY THE SECIIE
TART Or WAR
When the iniquitous act perpetrated
by one of the subordinate officers of
the Interior Department in the abstrac
tion of bonds was made known, it was
discovered at the same time that ac
ceptances, unauthorized by law, and
deceptive and fraudulent in their char
acter, had been issued by the Secretary
of War, in litvor of Messrs. Russell,
Majors & Waddell.
If your Committee could rest here',
and could feel justified in expressing
the belief that there are no other out
standing liabilities, and that no further
demands would be made 'Ton this or
C y:iv:SS
on'," creinec:
with these extraorumrits-proceedings,
they would deem this an occasion for
congratulation to the house. But,
unfortunately, there are transactions
of a similar character, but of a still
greater magnitude, that claim your at
tention.
In 1858 the Secretary of War com
menced the issue of acceptances, and
at the same time wrote to various
banks and individuals, urging their
purchase or discount. One of his let
ters, and one froili Col. Drinkard, Chief
Cleric of the War Department, to James
T. Sout ter, Esq., President of the Bank
of the Republic, will be found included
in the testimony taken in New- York.
These letters and reptesentations
are important, as showing the means
adopted by the Secretary of War to
get the paper lie issued into circulation.
MORE THAN $6,000,000 OF ACCEPTANCES
ISSUED
In relation to the acceptances issued
unconditionally by the late Secretary
of War, your Committee deem it their
duty to state alt the facts they have
been able to discover, as fully as pos
sible. They amount in the aggregate,
to the enormous sum of $6,179,305.
Add thereto the conditional acceptan
ces which have already been thrown
back upon the Government through
the agency of Mr. Bailey, and the sum
total is $6,977,395. This estimate is
based upon data furnished by the War
Department. It . appears therefrom
that acceptances to the amount of
$84.0,000 were returned to the Depart
meat for cancellation. Mr. Russell,
however, claims to have returned only
$200,000 or $250,000. He further
states that the acceptances which he
did return were those which bad ma
tured in his own pocket, and could not,
therefore, be negotiated. But this as
sertion is positively contradicted by
the endoreements on the returned ac
ceptances, and by the testimony of
Mr. Irwin, a clerk in the War Depart
ment.
From the careless and irresponsible
manner in which business was trans-
acted by that gentleman and the late
Secretary of War, and from the fact
that it was the habit of Gov. Floyd to
issue acceptances at the Department
or at home, or at whatever place he
happened to be, it is a matter of great
uncertainty whether or not the $BlO,-
000 should be deducted from the sum
heretofore stated. The probability is,
that when the acceptances were re
turned to Gov. Floyd by Mr. Russell,
he accepted others at the same time
for the same 'amount, of which there
was no registry made. It is deemed
safest to proceed upon the supposition
that the acceptances made in the place
of those returned were registered.—
Upon this hypothesis, the $BlO,OOO
must be deducted from the $6,119,305
of unconditional acceptances made and
registered in the War Department.—
This would leave of them, so far as is
shown by the records of that Depart
ment, $5,380,395 still in circulation;
and to this amount, the $798,000 of
conditional acceptances received by
Mr. Bailey in lieu of the bonds, and
the aggregate is $6,137,305. Here,
then, confining the btatement to the
records of the War Department, is a
deficit of 56,137,395 to fall upon the
holders of these acceptance's, or to be
assumed in some Way by the Govern
ment.
EIUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 27, 1861.
IWHAT WAS DONE \MD THE ACCEPTA.N-
The evidence shows that the accep
tances have been sold in various parts
of the United States wherever a bank
or private individual could be induced
to purchase. Inasmuch, however, as
the amount of those that have been
traced directly into the hands of pres
ent holders constituted but a small
fraction of the sum still unaccounted
for, and as owners are daily filing ad
ditional claims at the War Department,
it is deemed unnecessary to give a de
tailed statement of the discovered ac
ceptances, or to make other mention
of them than to refer to the papers re
lating thereto, presented by the War
Department, and to the general evi
dence.
It is proper, however, to remark hi
this connection, that while your com
mittee do not deem it necessary to
give said details, the data in the
War Department fixes the minimum
amount of outstanding acceptances
known to that Department at 51,4-15,-
000.
FURTHER LIGHT ON GOV. rLoYD's PRO-
MED=
Mr. Richard B. Irvin, the faithful
and intelligent clerk to whom reference
has been made elsewhere in this report,
says in his evidence: " There may, of
course, be other outstanding accept
ances, of the whereabouts of which the
Department has no knowledge."—
There will also be found embraced in
his evidence, given upon being recalled
before the committee on the 6th inst.,
a letter addressed by R. A. Barnes,
Esq., president of the bunk of the State
of Missouri, under date of Jan. 24th,
1861, to the Hon. Jos. Ilolt, Secre
tary of War, which is of interest, and
will throw light upon the conduct of
Gov. Floyd's proceedings and assuran
ces in regard to the acceptances. Mr.
Irvin still further testified to the re
ceipt of other letters by the War De
partment since the papers furnished
to the committee by that Department
were transmitted, of a character simi
lar to Mr. Barnes'. This branch of
the inquiry is evidently prolific, and
could be pursued to a great length, if
necessity required or time would per
mit.
Russell's testimony as to the millions
of dollars worth of acceptances issued
by Secretary Floyd, is next commented
on.
PECULIAR RECORDS OP THE WAR DEPART-
By reference to the test mony of Mr.
Irvin, a clerk in the War Department
it \vitt be seen that he" kept a registry
of the acceptances on loose pieces of
paper, only as they were reported to
him from time .to time, and no other
was made. Ile states, too, that there
was no registration of the 'aloB,ooo of
conditional acceptances which fell into
Mr. Baily's hands; and that immedi
ately after the discovery of the ab
straction of the bonds, Gov. Floyd
went to his ollice and directed him
(Mr. Irvin} to enter an order of can
cellation of those acceptances, which
he did upon a slip of paper as he had
entered the dates and amounts ,of
others that had been issued. The ac
ceptances being in the hands of the
Hon. Jacob Thomson, having been
placed there by Mr. Bailey, in lieu of
the abstracted bonds, an order of can
cellation at such time was simply an
order against the Government. Had
the acceptances been held by other
parties, the order would have been
equally futile, for, if legally issued, it
could not invalidate them.
PAYMENTS TO RUSSELL, MAJORS AND
Riff EMI
It also appears from the records of
the War Department, that while these
acceptances were being issued to the
amount of millions of dollars, Russell,
Majors and Waddell, were regularly
receiving their pay for the services
performed under their contract, in
money from the Government. The
aggregate amount of the payments
made to them, in cash, during the
years 1858, 1359 and 1860, is 84,842,-
965 41, and a large portion of this sum
was paid by the proper officers at
Leavenworth City, Kansas. - Gover
nor Floyd admitted in his evidence
that every acceptance which he made
"ran against unearned money," and
was designed to give them (the con
tractors) " the credit of their contract."
Yet there has not been discovered the
slightest indication that he made any
inquiry about the payments, or con
cerned himself to see that they were,
when made, applied to the acceptan
ces.
IMPORTANT TESTIMONY OF SENATOR BEN
JAMIN-BUCIIANAN NOTIFIED OF Ol'.
FLOYI)'S SYSTEM OF ISSUING ACCEPTANCES.
Mr. Benjamin, who promptly ap
peared at the request of the committee,
and testified with commendable and
courteous frankness, states that during
the first session of the present Congress,
some twelve or eighteen months ago,
he was written to by the attorney of
Duncan, Sherman & Co., of New York,
and his opinion requested as to the le
gality of acceptances issued by Cover
nor Floyd to Russell, Majors & Wad
dell. it was mentioned in that letter !
that these " drafts," as they were then
called, were offered for negotiation
with the assurance that they were is
sued with the approbation of the Pres
ident and Attorney General. Mr. Ben
jamin visited the President, and sub
mitted the inquiry to him. The Pres
! idea replied that he knew notitg
about the matter, that they had been
issued without any knowledge of his,
that he did not know by virtue of what
law they were issued, but that he (Mr.
Benjamin) might rely, if Gov. Floyd
had issued them, he had issued them,
properly, and that he had better apply
to him (Gov. Floyd) to ascertain by
virtue or what law he was acting.
-PERSEVERE.-
GOVERNOR FLOYD REFLECTS
Mr. Benjamin visited Gov. Floyd,
and expostulated with him about this
swindle. Two clays afterwards Mr.
Benjamin received a note from him in
forming him that he was obliged for
the frank statement he had made to
him, and that upon reflection he had
determined he would accept no more.
The report closes by showing that
Gov. Floyd, even after Mr. Benjamin's
expostulation and his own "reflection,"
continued to issue acceptances. -Whe
ther this manifest contempt of coun
sels, disobedience of law, anti violation
of a solemn promise, can be reconciled
with purity 'of private motives, and
faithfulness to public trusts, is for the
house to determine. It is the opinion
of your committee that they cannot.
RECOINDIENDATIONS FOR NEW LEGISLA-
TION
Your committee have now reported,
so flu• as ascertained, all the material
facts connected with the abstraction
of bonds from the Interior Department
and with a series of 'transactions un
precedented in their character, and
remarkable for alternate exhibitions
of fraud and folly.
As one of the results of the examin
ation they have made, they submit a
hill to provide for the more certain
and effectual punishment of crimes,
such as those that have been brought
to their notice, and also amendatory
of the second section of the act of Con
gress, approved January 24th, 1857,
entitled, "An act more effectually to
enforce the attendance of witnesses
on the summons of either House of
Congress, and to compel them to dis
close testimony."
They also beg leave to suggest that
the fluctuations of the stock market,
and the delay and uncertainty in the
collection of the inteeest on the bonds,
seem to demand some further legisla
tion in regard to the Indian Trust
Fund, as a measure of obvious justice
and humanity to the Indians.
All of which is respectfully submit
ted, on behalf of the Committee.
I. N. MORRIS, Chairman.
THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY.
Inaugiration of President Davis.
His Inaugural Address
MONTGOMERY, Ala., Feb. 18.
The Inaugural tc.‘remonies took place
to-clay at noon, and were undoutedly
grandestthe pageant. _ever—witn RAFUZ •
ass'enitireif on GaPitol lhll, embracing
the beauty of this vicinity, and a large
collection of' the military and citizens '
of the neighboring States.
President Davis commenced the de
livery of his inaugural address at pre
cisely l o'clock. le said :
Gentlemen of the Congress of the
Confederated States of Ameriett—PePots
- :—Called to the difficult and
responsible station of Chief Executive
of the Provisional Government which
you have instituted, I approach the
discharge of the duties assigned me
with an humble distrust of my abili
ties, but with a sustaining confidence
in the wisdom of those who are to
guide and aid me in the administration
of public affairs, and an abiding faith
in the virtue and patriotism of the
people. Looking forward to the speedy
establishment of a permanent Govern
ment, to take the place of this, and
which, by its greater moral and physi
cal power, will be better able to com
bat with the many difficulties which
arise from the conflicting interests of
separate nations, I enter upon the du
ties of the office to which I have been
chosen with the hope that the begin
ning of our carrcer as a Confederacy
may not be obstructed by any hostile
opposition to our enjoyment of the
separate existence and independence
which we have asserted, and, with the
blessings of Providence, intend to
maintain. Our present condition,
achieved in a manner unprecedented
I in the history of nations, illustrates the'
I American idea that Governments rest
upon the consent of the governed, and
that it is the right of the people to al
ter and abolish governments whenever
they become destructive of the ends
for which they were established. The
declared purpose of the compact of
Union from which we have withdrawn
was to establish justice, insure domes
tic tranquility, provide for the com
mon defence, promote the general wel
fare, secure the blessings of liberty to
ourselves and our posterity, and when,
in the judgmentof the sovereign States
now composing the Confederacy,it has
been perverted from the purposes for
which it was ordained, and ceased to
answer the ends for which it was es
tablished, a peaceful afteal to the bal
lot-box declared that so far as they
were concerned, the Government crea
ted by that compact should cease to
exist.. In this they merely assumed the
right which the Declaration of Indepen
dence of 1776 defined to be inalienable.
Of the time and occasion for its ex
ercise, they, as sovereigns, were the
final judges, each for itself. The im
partial and enlightened verdict of
mankind will vindicate the rectitude
of our conduct, and lle who knows
the hearts of men will judge of the sin
cerity with which we labored to pre
serve the Government of our fathers
in its spirit. The right solemnly pro
claimed at the birth of the States, and
which has been affirmed and re-affirm
ed in the bills of rights of the States
subsequently admitted into the Union
of 1789, undeniably recognise in the
people the power to resume the au
thority delegated for the puipoties of
Government. Thus, the sovereign
States here represented proceeded to
form this Confederacy; and it is by
the abuse of language that their act
, has been denominated revolution.—
They formed a new alliance, but with
in each State its Government has ro
il-milled—the rights of person and prop-
4 ... i:tt,tvii..oT.
city have not been disturbed. The
agent through whom they communi
cated with foreign nations is changed,
but this does not necessarily interrupt
their international relations. Sustain
ed by a consciousness that our transi
t tion from the former Union to the
present Confederacy has not proceeded
from any disregard on our part of our
just obligations, or any failure to per
form every constitutional duty—moved
by no interest or passion to invade the
rights of others—anxious to cultivate
peace and commerce with the nations
—if we may not hope to avoid war,we
may at least expect that posterity will
acquit us of having needlessly engaged
in it. Doubly justified by the abse,ncb
of wrong on our part, and by wanton
aggression on the part of others, there
can be no cause to doubt the courage
and patriotism of the people of the
Confederated States will be found
equal to any measures of defence
which soon our security may require.
An agricultural people, whose chief
interest is the export of a commodity
required in every manufacturing coun
try, our true policy is peace, and the
freest trade which our necessities will
permit. It is alike our interest as the
interest of those to whom we would
sell, and from whom we would buy,
1 that there should be the fewest practi
cable restrictions upon the interchange
of commodities. Thre can be but lit
tle rivalry between ours and any man'-
ufacturin ,, or navigating community,
such as the Northeastern States of the
American Union. It must follow,
therefore, that mutual interest would
invite good will and kind offices.
If; how-ever, passion or lust of do
minion should cloud the judgment, or
influence the ambition of those States,
we must prepare to meet the emergen-
cy, and maintain, by the final arbitra
ment of the sword, that positton which
we have assumed among the nations
of the earth. We have entered upon
a career of independence which must
be inflexibly pursued. Through the
many years of controversy we have
had with our associates, the Northern
States, we have vainly endeavored to
secure tranquility and obtain respect
for the rights to which we were en
titled.
As a necessity, and not from choice, -
we have resorted to the remedy of
separation, and, henceforth, our ener
gies must be directed to the conduc
tion of our own affairs, and the perpe
luitv -of --he . onfildarligw. ,urhinh.r.vcra -
mutual interestsnail permit us peace
ably to pursue our separate political
career, my most earnest desire will
have been fulfilled; butif this be deni-•
ed us, and the integrity of our territo
rial jurisdiction be assailed, it will but
remain for us, with a firm resolve, to
appeal to our arms, and invoke the
blessing of Providence in a just cause.
As a consequence of our new con
dition, and with a view of anticipated
wants, it will be necessary to provide
a speedy and efficient organization of
the branches of the Executive Depart
ment having special charge of foreign
intercourse, finance, military affairs,
and the postal service.
For the purpose of defence, the Con- ,
federated States may, under ordinary '
circumstances, rely mainly upon their
militia, but it is deemed advisable, in
the present condition of affairs, that
there should be a well disciplined army,
more numerous than would be usually
required on a peace establishment. I
also suggest that for the protection of
our harbors and our commerce on the
high seas, a navy adapted to these ob
jects be required. These necessities
have doubtless engaged the attention
of Congress.
With a Constitution differing only
from that of our fhthers ih so far as it
is explanatory of their well-known in
tent, freed from the sectional conflicts
which have interfered with our gen
eral welfare, it is not unusual to ex
pect that the States from which we ,
have recently parted may seek to
unite their fortunes with ours under
the Government we have instituted.—
For this your Constitution makes Ade
quate provision. But beyond this, if
I mistake not, the judgment and will
of the people are that a union with the
States from which we have separated
is neither practicable nor desirable.—
To increase the power, develop the re
sources, and promote the happiness of
a Confederacy, it is requisite that there
should be so much of homogeneity that
the welfare of every portion should be
the aim of the whole. Where this does
not exist, antagonisms are engendered,
which must and should result in sepa
ration. Actuated solely by the desire
to preserve our own rights and pro
mote our own welfare, the separation
of the Confederated States has been
marked by no aggression upon others,
and followed by no domestic convul
sion. Our industrial pursuits have re
ceived no cheek. The cultivation of
our fields has progressed as heretofore;
and even should we be involved in war,
there would be no considerable dimi
nution in the production of the staples
which have constituted our exports,
and in which the commercial world
has an interest scarcely less than our
own. This common interest of pro
duct and this consumer can only be
intercepted by an exterior force which
should obstruct its transmission to for
eign markets—a course of conduct
which would be detrimental to the
manufacturing and commercial inter
ests abroad.
~
Should reason guide the action of the
Government from which we have sep
arated, a policy so detrimental to the
civilized world—the Northern States
included—could not be dictated by
even a stronger desire to inflict injury
upon us. But, if otherwise, a terrible
responsibility will rest upon it, and
the suffering of millions will bear tes
timony to the folly and wickedness of
our aggressors.
TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance.
In the meantime, there will remain
to us, besides the ordinary remedies
before suggested, the well-known re
sources for retaliation upon the com
merce of an enemy.
An experience obtained in public
stations of a subordinate grade to this
which your kindness has conferred
upon me, has taught me that care and
toil and disappointments are the price
of official elevation. You will see ma
ny errors to forgive, many deficiencies
to tolerate, but you shall not find in
me either want of zeal or fidelity to
the cause that is to me the highest in
hope and of most enduring affection.—
Your generosity has bestowed upon
me an unreserved distinction—one
which I neither sought nor desired.—
Upon the continuance of that senti
ment, and upon your wisdom and pat
riotism, I rely to direct and support
me in the imrformance of the duty re
quired at my hands. We have chano•-
ed the constituent parts, but not the
system, of our Government. :The Con
stitution formed by our fathers is that
of these confederate States. In their
exposition of it, and in the judicial con
struction it has received, we have a
light which reveals its true meaning.
Thus instructed as to the just inter
pretation of that instrument, and ever
remembering that all offices are but
trusts held for the people, and that
these delegated powers are to be strict
ly construed, I will hope, by clue dili
gence in the performance of my duties,
though I may disappoint your expect
ations, yet to retain, when retiring,
something of the good-will.and confi
dence 'which welcomes toy entrance
into office. It is joyous, in the midst
of perilous times, to look around upon
a people united in heart, where the
purpose of high resolve actuates the
whole—where the sacrifices to be made
are not weighed in the balance against
honor and right, liberty and equality.
Obstacles may retard, but they cannot
long prevent, the progress, of the
movement. Sanctified by its justice,
and sustained by a virtuous people,
reverently let it invoke the God of our
fathers to guide and protect us in our
efforts to perpetuate the principles
which, by His blessing, they were able
to vindicate, establish, and transmit
to their posterity; and with the con
tinuance of His favor, ever gratefully
acknowledged, we may hopefully look
forward to success, to peace, and to
prosperity.
.. -. 3,1 - 71,..Zr,A=VZ,.. - J
resolutions, adopted by the -Democra
cy of Somerset county, in Mass Meet
ing, speak the honest sentiments of the
people of all parties :
Resolved, That while we believe the
Constitution of the United States has
been wisely framed and makes ample
provision for every emergency; yet,
when clangers threaten us, and concil
iation becomes important a christian
people should not hesitate to make
reasonable concessions for the sake of
peace. If therefore, the Crittenden
resolutions, the Bigler or the Douglas
resolutions, the Virginia proposition,
or any other proposition founded in
love of country and fraternal regard
for our neighbors, should be necessary
to restore harmony to a once united
but now distracted country, we most
heartily welcome them, and shall bless
the men through whose instrumental
ity good fellowship is thus restored.
Resolved, That it becomes the fin
, perative duty of every good citizen to
cultivate the spirit of brotherly love,
and discard and frown upon every
scheme and measure tending to alien
ate one portion of the people of our
common country from another; and as
the continual, improper and imperti
nent interference of citizens of the
northern or free States with the do
'nestle, institutions of the people of the
southern or slave States has brought
about our unhappy difficulties, we
earnestly recommend that our north
ern fellow-citizens do in the future at
tend to their own business, and thus
secure peace and happiness to them
selves and their neighbors, by letting
the business of our southern fellow-cit
izens alone.
" THIRTY-Mx TIIIRTY." — The reader
who is curious to know exactly where
runs this oft mentioned line, will get a
clear idea of it by trking the map and
tracing it as follow : It commences at
the point on the Atlantic coast, where
the dividihg line between Virfiinia
and North Carolina commences : pass
es along the line dividing those States;
along the line between Tennessee and
Kentucky; along the line between the
States of Missouri and. Arkansas,
thence through the territory of the
Cherokee nation, through New Mexi
co, striking the eastern boundary of
the State of California,fvehort distance
south of the middle, striking the Pa
cific a short distance south of Montery
Bay. On the south of that line there
arc about 300,000 square miles, inclu
ding Indian reservations, while on the
north there are about 1,300,000 square
'
UNWISE MEN.- The angry man—
who sets his own house on fire, in order
that he may burn .up that of his neigh
bor.
The envious man—who cannot en
joy life because others do.
The robber—who, for the consider
ation of a few dollars, gives the world
liberty to hang him.
The hypochondriac—whose highest
happiness consists in rendering him
self miserable.
The jealous man—who poisons his
own banquet and then cats of it.
The miser—who starves himtelf to
death, in order that his heir may
feast.
The slanderer—who tells tales for
the sake of giving his enemy a chance
to prove him a liar.
OUR CORRESPONDENCE.
TALEBEARING AND LYING.
" There is a way which seometh
right unto a man; but the end thereof
are the ways of death." And there is
an evil \villa. I have seen under the
sun; it is common among men. It is,
also, one of the most fearful magni
tude! Clothed in the venomod words
' of spite, and fully bent on the eternal
destruction of its victims, it stalks
abroad upon the earth with oyes gleam
ing with envy, wrath, and fiery indig
nation, and with a craving appetite to
gluttonize upon the most vital part of
our temporal nature: which is our
character or reputation. It is always
on the alert, rashly but seldom truly,
passing judgment on its fellows. It
approaches those who are unconscious
of its intentions, with its blandilo
quence and pugnacious designs, and
with its whining and wheedling words
catches some close secret, then, full of
calumny, waiteth not to hear the
reasons of the mind, but, full bent on
ruin, rusheth out and whispereth the
secret to one of its nearest akin; and
thus, like fire in dry stubble, it burneth
and spreadeth, scattering strife and
discord among friends. Its origin may
be traced back to the shady bowers of
Paradise, where, we are told, it made
its first attack upon our apostate race.
Beyond this, we seek not to penetrate
the veil. To be acquainted with it,
should be, only, to avoid it. It has'
sunk millions into the burning ocean
of darkest night—the night which
knows no dawn. Its whole happiness
seems to be involved in destroying not
only the reputation,
but the soul, that
immortal principle that CAN NEVER DIE.
Oh! how vile its principles, and how
detestable its nature I Yet, how many
cling to it, as if it was their only God,
and roll it under their tongues as a
sweet morsel.
NO. 86.
It may be known by the common
appellation of Talebearing and Lying.
Its advocates are very numerous; but
its most successful ones are those who
imagine mischief in their hearts, and
are continually gathered together for
war: who have sharpened their tongues
like a serpent; adders' poison is under
their lips. What shall be given unto
thee ? or what shall be clone unto thee
thou false tongue ? Sharp arrows of
the Almighty with coals of Juniper,"
says the Psalmist, "shall be thy por
tion." Know you not, friend, that you
are doing the work of the devil ? that
you are rapidly paving your way down
—down to the tormenting rack of un
ceasing misery ? that you are doing a
very prominent part of the seven
things _hateful in the sight of a just
God t viz : "A proud look, a lying
tongue, and hand that shed innocent
blood, a heart that deviseth wicked
imaginations, feet that are swift in
running to mischief, a false witness
that speaketh lies, and he that sowetli
discord among brethren." Further
more, "he that hideth hatred with
lying lips and he that uttereth a slan
der is a fool." For, "lying lips are an
abomination to the Lord." Again, ,
" deceit is in the heart of them that
imagine evil, and in their lips there is
litiatmlYttro-Aravlterrniarcr , 4l - 4 - PaYIT
that passeth by and medleth with strife
belonging not to him, is like one that
taketh a dog by the ears." "As a
madman who ,casteth firebrands, ar
rows, and death, so is the man that
deceiveth his neighbor, and saith, am
not lin sport?" "Where no wood is,
the fire goeth out, so where there is no
Talebearer the strife ceaseth." Now
what thinkest thou of these things,
thou who art full of all subtlety and
all mischief; thou child of the devil,
thou enemy of all righteousness, wilt
thou not cease perverting the right
ways of the Lord? Wilt thou not
cease persecuting those whom thou
last caught in chaffy snares? Canst
thou not live without gluttonizing upon
that which is so nearly allied to thyself
by the common ties of humanity? that
which is of such short duration, and
must, so soon, if undisturbed by thee,
become food for crawling worms ?
Bost thou think that wickedness can
triumph with impunity, or virtue toil
and weep in vain Shall base cruelty
torture with its keen pangs unavenged,
and the sufferer complain unheard and
unpitied ? "Is there no recompense
for woe—no hope in setting suns of
good, nor terror for the evil at its ze
nith." Yes, there is a Great Lawgiver
who " cannot Jook upon sin with any
degree of allowance." Who emphati
cally declares, " these shall
, go away
into everlasting punishment." Go,
then, and count your hopes ye misera
ble denizens of earth and .heirs of im
mortality.
" I yearn for realms where fancy
shall be filled, and the ecstacies of
freedom shall be felt. I look to recog
nize again through the beautiful mask
of their perfection, the dear familiar
faces I have somewhile loved on earth.
I long to talk with grateful tongue, of
storms and perils past, and praise the,
flighty Pilot who has steered us
through the rapids"
HOME AFFECTIONS,
The heart has affections that never
die. The rough rubs of the world can
not obliterate them. They are the
memories of home—only home, there
is the old tree, under which the light
hearted boy has swung many a day;.
ponder is the river in which ho learned
to swim, there is the house in which
he knew a parent's protection—nay,
there is the room in which ho romped
with brother and sister, long since
laid in the yard in which he must soon
be gathered overshadowed by yon old
church whith with a joyous troop like
himself, he had often followed his pa
rents to worship, and near the good
old man who ministered at the altar.
Even the very schoolhouse, associated
in youthful days with thoughts of
tasks, now comes to bring pleasant re
membrances of many occasions that
called forth some generous exhibition
of noble traits of numan nature. There
is where he learned to feel'some of his
first emotions. There, perchance, he
first met the being who, by her love
and tenderness in life has mado a home
for himself happier than that which
his childhood has known. There are
certain feelings of humanity—and
those, too, among the best—that can
find no appropriate place for their ex
orcise only at one's fireside.
vgo,,Envy has sore eyes • they are
p a ined by everything bright.
ALPHA