The globe. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1856-1877, February 20, 1861, Image 2

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    Ely (Olelle.
Wednedday, February 20, 1861
T nws.
The President has issued his proc
lamation for convening the U. S. Sen
ate on the 4th of March, that the ap
pointments of President Lincoln may
be confirmed or rejected immediately.
—On Monday last, Jefferson Davis
was inaugurated as President of the
Southern Confederacy.
—A. statement is published, over
the signatures of sonic of the most
prominent citizens of Kansas, denying
liyatt's statement iu regard to the suf
fering of the people. The gentlemen
say that there have been no authenti
cated cases of death by starvation, and
if the contributions continuo as boun
tifully as heretofore until June next,
there will be none. About a fifth of
the people need help from abroad, but
the statements that Kansas is a char
nel-house, that all classes aro approach
ing starvation, that there is one step
between 50,000 people and starvation,'
are, as they believe, reckless and fla
grant falsehoods. The bulk of the pop
ulation of the State lies in the coun
ties adjacent to the Missouri river, and
here there is but little more than ordi
nary destitution. There has undoubt
edly been much suffering from cold
and exposure among those from a dis
tance coming from the interior towns
to the river for relief, and the winter
has been unusually severe ; and it is
estimated that about 20,000 people
will need aid in provisions and clothes,
and in seed to enable them to secure a
WAMINGTON, Feb. 17.—There aro
many conflicting rumors in the city in
regard to the proceedings of the Peace
Congress - yesterday. One, to the effect
that therewas a serious disagreement
upon the report of the committee, has
produced much anxiety. lam assured
by one who knows, that the meeting
of the Conference was entirely harmo
nious, and that the good feeling pre
vailing among the delegates justifies
the hope that a satisfactory result will
be speedily reached.
Montgomery, Ala. Feb. 17.—President
Davis arrived last night. In returning
thanks at the depot, President Davis
said that he felt proud to receive the
congratulations and hospitalities of the
citizens of Alabama. Ile briefly re
viewed the present position of the
South and said that the time for com
promises had passed. We are now de
termined to maintain our position, and
make all who oppose it smell Southern
powder and feel the Southern steel.—
If coercion is persisted in, he had no
doubt of the result. We will maintain
our rights and our government at all
hazards. We ask nothing—we want
• Fee y come to
our terms. Our separation from the
old onion is complete, and no compro
mise,' no reconstruction, can now be
THE TONNAGE TAX.-By reference
to another column, it will be seen that
the bill for the commutation of the
tonnage tax on the Pennsylvania Rail
road has passed the House by what
we consider, under the circumstances,
a largo majority. And the most grati
fying fact in its consideration and pas
sage was, that party drill was com
pletely thrown out of the question.—
Democrats and Republicans voted for
the bill because they believed the tax
to be unjust—that its repeal in manner
and form pres,;ribed, would not only
be an act of justice to the Company,
but a relief to the tax-payers in the
counties through which the road pass
es, and eventually bring more money
into the State Treasury annually, with
out increasing the rate of taxation on
improved property, than the tonnage
tax now amounts to. We are aware
that there is an opposition to the re
peal, in mid out of the Legislature ;
but to say that the opposition is hon
est with every man, would be asserting
what we know to be false. Members
of the Legislature who are not fit to
be there, supposing that a repeal would
be unpopular with their constituents
for want of information upon the sub
ject, cast their political vote, that as
politicians they may be re-elected. Such
men should not be selected to represent
an honest people. A member of the
Legislature should first be sure that
whatever way - 1m may vote, he can
sustain by honest argument, and then
go ahead in the discharge of his duties
as a man, and not as a petty politician.
—There will be a great crowd at Har
risburg on Thursday and Friday next.
On Thursday the Democratic State
Convention will meet, composed of
three hundred and ninety-nine dele
gates ; and on Friday the 224 the Flag
of the Union is to be raised and dis
played from the Dome of the Capitol,
on which occasion the Military of the
State is invited to participate. The
six companies of this county will be
lowing named gentlemen have been
chosen delegates from this Senatorial
District to the Democratic State Con
vention : John Scott, Esq., Huntingdon
county; Hon. Job Mann, Bedford coun
ty, and Daniel Weyand, Esq., of Som
erset county. A strong delegation.
alssuao.—President Lincoln has ac
cepted an invitation by the Legislature,
and will be in Harrisburg on Friday
nest, the 22d.
There will soon ho but two parties, in the
country, Unionists and Disunionists, and we
think we know which will be the stronger.
The people will save the country, save their
honor, and punish disunion traitors and
tricksters.—Animal cf, American.
We are for Compromise—rfor the
Union. You,'neighbors, are opposed
to anything like a Compromise. Com
promise means Union; no Compromise
means Disufion and Civil War. We
have good men to back us. In the
formation of our Constitution, Wash
ington, Franklin, Madison and Hamil
ton said—Compromise. In 1820, when
the Missouri question agitated the
country, Monroe, Adams, and Clay
said—Compromise. In 1832, when nul
lification threatened trouble, Jackson,
Clay, and Cass said—Compromise. In
1850, when the acquisition of California
and other territory gave rise to sec
tional feeling, Fillmore, Cuss, Douglas,
Clay, and Webster said—Compromise.
On all these occasions, Compromise re
' stored good feeling, maintained peace,
and promoted Union.
We say, Compromise, because we be
long to the Union party. Statesmen,
great and small, and the people are
for Compromise. The Union party is a
Compromise. And if the Union is
saved it will be saved by a Compromise
offered and accepted by the Union
party-. The Abolitionists of the North
and the Seceders of the South may
continue their disunion agitations for
a while longer, until the people are
fullly aroused, when the Union party
will crush out all opposition.
The country, the whole country
first; party and party platforms only
when the peace and prosperity of the
country is not endangered by them.
We.are for the Union at the.sacrifice of
all parties and platforms if necessary.
" Nobody is Suffering."
At this season last year, says a Phil
adelphia exchange, the number of
strangers in the city, on business, was
large beyond precedent. The Hotels
were all crowded. They are now de
serted. Their losses are heavy, and
there is no prospect of improA - ement•
That great and popular hotel, the Gi
rard House, is compelled to yield to
the pressure, and soon will be compelled
to close to avoid ruinous losses.
The North American of Friday, in
accounting for the ruinous condition of
the Hotels, attributes it to "the gloomy
condition of mercantile affairs," and
says that " there should be many
strangers here, and doubtless would be,
but for the stagnation of business con
sequent upon the political crisis, which
has arrested commerce and paralyzed
These truthful statements of the
leading Republican journal, are beau
tiful comments upon the assertions of
body is suffering."
Important Bills Passed in the House
On Saturday morning last, in the
House of Representatives, the Bill for
the Commutation of the Tonnage du
ties on the Pennsylvania Railroad
passed finally by the following vote :
YEAS—Messrs. Abbot, Acker, Asheom,
Austin, Ball, Bartholomew, Blair, Bressler,
Brewster, Burns, Butler, (Carbon,) Butler,
(Crawford,) Byrne, Caldwell, Cowan, Craig,
Dougl ass, Dutfield,Du ncan,Dunlap,Eilenberg
er,Gaskill,Gibboney,Goehring, Graham, Har
vey, Hillman, Hofius, Huhn, Koch, Leisen
ring, Lawrence, .Lowther, M'Danough, Mar
shall, M'Gonigal, Moore, Morrison, Mullin,
Ober, Osterhout, Pierce, Preston, Pughe,
Randall, Reily, Ridgway, Robinson, Roller,
Seltzer, Shafer, Sheppard, Smith, (Philadel
phia,) Taylor, Teller, Thomas, Walker, Wil
dey, White and Davis, Speaker-60.
NAYS...-. Messrs. Alexander, Armstrong,
Anderson, Barnsley, Bisel, Bixler, Blanch.
ard, Bliss, Boyer, Brodhead, Clark, Collins,
Cope, Dismant, Donley, Elliott, Frazier,
flapper, Hayes, Heck, Hill, Hood, Irvin,
Kline, Lichtenwallner, Manifold, Myers,
Patterson, Reiff, Rhoads, Schrock, Smith,
(Berks,) Stehman, Stoliehack, Strang, Tracy,
Williams and Wilson-3S.
The bill to change the name of, and
for the relief of the Sunbury and Erie
Railroad, also passed the House filially,
by the following vote :
YEAS—Messrs. Abbott, Acker, Anderson,
Armstrong, Ashcom, Austin, Ball, Barnsley,
Bartholomew, Bisel, Blair, Boyer, Bressler,
Brewster, Butler, (Carbon,) Butler, (Craw
ford,) Byrne, Caldwell, Collins, Cowan, Craig,
Douglass, Duffield, Duncan, Dunlap, Ellen
berger, Gaskill, Graham, Hopper, Harrey,
Hayes, Hillman, Hood, Hams, Huhn, Koch,
Kline, Lawrence, Leirenring, Lowther, Man
ifold, M'Donough, M'Gonigal, Marshall,
Moore, Morrison, Mullin, Ober, Os
terhout, Pierce, Preston, Pugh°, Randall,
Roily, Rhoads, Ridgway, Robinson, Roller,
Schrock, Seltzer, Shafer, Sheppard, Stnith,
(Berks,) Smith, (Philadelphia,) Stehman,
Strang, 'relict., Thomas, Walker, White,
Wildey and Davis, Speaker-72,
Nays—Messrs. Alexander, Bixler, Bliss,
Blanchard, Brodhead, Burns, Clark, Cope,
Dismant, Donley, Elliott, Frazier, Gibboney,
Goehring, lleek, Hill, Irvin, Liehtenwallner,
Myers, Patterson, Reiff, Stoneback, Taylor,
Tracy, Williams and Wilson—M.
These bills will now go to the Sen
ate where they will be properly exam
ined and acted upon. We have no
doubt both bills will pass the Senate
and be approved by the Governor.
—All the counties of the State will
send full delegations to the Convention
which will meet at Harrisburg on
Thursday next. The most of the coun
ties, where the party was consulted,
have named as delegates their very
best men, but in others where small
politicians had the power, Small politi
cians have been selected to represent
the party. We hope the majority of
the Convention will, for the present,
bury all party strife, and act for
the good of the country—the whole
people. '
—President Lincoln has at last broken
silence. Believing that any thing he
might say would be read with great
anxiety, we give a numberof his speech
es in to-clay's Globe,
Mr. Howard, of Michigan, from the
Select Committee of Five, made the
following report to the House, under
the resolution instructing them to re
port as to the alleged conspiracy to
seize the Capitol:
"The committee entered upon the
investigation under a deep sense of the
importance and the intrinsic difficulty
of the inquiry. To prove the exis
tence of a secret organization, having
for its object the resistance to and
overthrow of the Government, would,
in the very nature of the case, be a
dffieult, task, if such an organization
really existed. On the other hand, in
a time of high excitement, consequent
upon the revolutionary events trans
piring all around us, the very air filled
with rumors, and individuals indulging
in the most extravagant expressions
of fears and threats, it might well be
thought difficult to elicit such clear
proof as would enable the committee
to pronounce authoritatively that no
such organization existed, and thus
contribute to the quiet of the public
mind and the peace of the country.
" The committee have pursued their
labors with a determination on their
part to ascertain the real facts so far
as possible; and if, sometimes, they
have permitted inquiries and admitted
testimony not strictly within the rules
of evidence, or within the scope of the
resolutions, it is to be attributed to
their great anxiety to elicit the real
facts, and to remove unfounded ap
" The extraordinary excitement ex
isting prior to the late presidential
election led disaffected persons of high
and low position, after the result of
that election became known, to con
sult together on the question of sub
mitting to that result, and also upon
the various modes of resistance.—
Among other modes, the resistance of
the counting of the ballots, and to the
inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, and the
seizure of the capital and the District
of Columbia, were discussed formally,
in this city and elsewhere.
"But too much diversity of opinion
seems to have existed to admit of the
adoption of any well-organized plan
until some of the States commenced to
reduce their theories of secession to
practice. Since then, the persons thus
disaffected seem to have adopted the
idea that all resistance to the Govern
ment, if there is to be any, should have,
at least, the color of State authority.
If the purpose was at any time enter
tained of forming an organization, se
cretor open, to seize the District of
Columbia, attack the capital, or pre
vent the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln,
it seems to have been rendered contin
gent upon the secession of either Mary
land or Virginia, or both, and the
sanction of one of these States.
"Certain organizations in this Dis
trict and in Maryland, that prior to
the election seem to have been openly
political clubs, have since assumed the
character of military organizations,
and are now engaged in drilling, and
expect to provide themselves with
arms, some from State authorities and
others from private subscriptions.—
But, so fltr as the committee were able
to learn their purposes, while they
attack either the capital or the Dis
trict, unless the surrender should be
demanded by a State to which they
profess a high degree of allegiance.
"Some of these companies in Balti
more professed to be drilling for the
sole purpose of preventing other mill
, tary companies from passing through
the State of Maryland.
"Whether these representations of
the purposes of the companies be cor
rect or not, the committee have failed
to discover any satisfactory evidence
that they have any purpose whatever,
as a mere mob without the sanction of
State aurhority, to attack the Capitol
or any other public property in this
District, or to seize the District. If it
should he admitted that any one of
these organizations was hostile to the
Government, or entertained unlawful
purposes, they are in no proper sense
secret, and are not, therefore, such as
are contemplated in the resolution of
the House.
'"The community are unanimously
of the opinion that the evidence pro
duced before them does not prove the
existence of a secret organization, here
or elsewhere, hostile to the Govern
ment, that has for its object, upon its
own responsibility, an attack upon the
Capitol, or any of the public property
here, or an interruption of any of the
functions of the Government.
" The committee submit herewith
all the testimony taken upon the sub
ject, and ask that the same, and this
report be printed, and that the com
mittee be discharged from the further
consideration of the subject."
Mr. *Branch, of North Carolina,from
the same committee, presented his
views, as follows:
" That he concurs entirely with toile
majority, that the testimony does not
establish the existence of a conspiracy
or a purpose, on the part of any per
sons, to seize tho public property in
the District of Columbia, or to inter
fere with the regular operations of the
Government. He thinks it has been
established, notwihstanding the diffi
culty of proving a negative, that no
such conspiracy does exist, either in
this District or elsewhere. It appears
from the testimony of Lieutenant Gen
eral Scott, that seven companies of ar
tillery, and one company of sappers
and miners, of the regular army, have
been ordered to, and are quartered in,
the city, in close vicinity to the Capi
tol, - under a mistaken belief that the
public property in the District was, or
would be, in danger; and the commit
tee being unanimously of the opinion
that no such combination, or conspir
acy, or purpose, hostile to the Govern
ment or its property, exists, the under
signed would ask the passage of the
following resolution :
" Resolved, That the quartering of
the regular army in this District and
around the Capitol, when not necessa
ry for their protection from a hostile
enemy, and during the session of Con
gress, is impolitic and offensive, and if
permitted, may become destructive of
civil liberty; and in the opinion of this
House, the regular troops now in it
ought to be forthwith removed there
After some discussion, the question
was taken on Mr. Branch's resolution,
and it was voted clown by 125 yeas to
35 nays.
[See first page fur Speeches made at Indianapolis, Ind.,
and Cincinnati, Ohio.]
Columbus, Ohio
Punctually at two o'clock, the train
arrived at Columbus, and the Presi
dent elect was received with a-salute.
Under a military escort he arrived at
the Capitol, and was received by Gov.
Dennison in the Executive room. Af
ter the introductions, Mr. Lincoln was
conducted to the Legislature in joint
session, where he was welcomed by
the Lieutenant Governor in a short
address, to which Mr. Lincoln made
the following reply :
Mr. President and Mr. Speaker, and
Gentlemen of the General Assembly:
It is true as has been said by the Pres
ident of the Senate, that a very great
responsibility rests upon me in the po
, sifibn to which the votes of the Amer
ican people have called me. I am
deeply sensible of that weighty re
sponsibility. I cannot but know,
what you all know, that without a
name—perhaps without a reason—
there has fallen upon me a task such
as did not rest oven upon the Father
of his Country, and so feeling, I can
not but turn and look for the support
without which it will be impossible for
me to perform that great task. I turn
and look to the American people, and
to that God who has never forsaken
them. Allusion has been made to the
interest felt in relation to the policy of
the new Administration. In this I
have received from some a degree of
credit for having kept silence, but
from others severe deprecation. I still
think I was right. In the varying and
repeatedly shifting scenes of the pres
ent, without a precedent which could
enable us to judge by the past, it has
seemed fitting that before speaking
upon the difficulties of the country, I
should have gained a view of the whole
field, to be sore; and after all, being at
liberty to modify and change the course
of policy as future events may make a
change necessary. I have not main
tained silence from any want of real
anxiety. It is a good thing there is no
more than anxiety, for there is noth
ing going wrong. It is a consoling
circumstance that when we look out
there is nothing that really hurts any
body. We entertain different views
upon political questions, but nobody is
suffering anything. This is a most
consoling circumstance, and from it
we may conclude that all we want is
time, patience, and a reliance on that
God that has never forsaken this peo
Fellow-citizens, what I have said
has been altogether extemporaneous,
and I will now come'to a close.
Pittsburg, Pa
An immense crowd had assembled
at the Monongahela House and the en
thusiasm of the crowd displayed itself
on the arrival of the cortege, (at 81 P.
M.) by a constant succession of cheers.
Mr. Lincoln was immediately conduct
ed to a •ivato room, his attendants
forcing a way through a dense mass
which filled the halls and publicyooms_
coin appeared in the hall, and in re
sponse to a universal demand for a
speech, said : •
Fellow-citizens: We had an accident
upon the road to-day and were de
layed till this late hour. lam sorry
for this, inasmuch as it was my desire
and intention to address the citizens
of Pennsylvania, briefly, this evening,
on what is properly styled their pecu
liar interest. And I still hope that
some arrangement may be made to
morrow morning which will afford me
the pleasure of talking to a larger
number of my friends than can assem
ble in this hall. [Go on now; there's
enough here."] I have a great regard
for Allegheny county. It is "the ban
ner county of the Union," [cheers,]
and rolled up an immense majority for
what I, at least, consider a good cause.
By a mere accident, and not through
any merit of mine, it happened that I
was the representative of that cause,
and I acknowledge with all sincerity
the high honor you have conferred on
me. [" Three cheers for Honest Abe,"
and a voice saying, "It was no• acci
dent that elected you, but your own
merits, and the worth of the causal
I thank you, my fellow-citizen, for
your kind remark, and trust that I
feel a becoming sense of the responsi
bility resting upon me. [" We know
you do."]
I could not help thinking, my friends,
as I traveled in the rain through your
crowded streets, on my way here, that
if all that people were in fitvor f - the
Union, it can certainly be in no groat
danger—it will be preserved. [A
voice—" We are all Union men. "
Another voice—"Tha's so." A third, ,
voice—" No compromise." A fourth
—" Three cheers for the Union."] But
I am talking too long, longer than I
ought. [" Oh, no ! go on; split
another rail." Laughter.] You know
that it has not been my custom, since
I started on the route to Washington,
to make long speeches; I am rather
inclined to silence, [" That's right"]
and whether that bo wise or not, it is
at least more unusual now-a-days to
find a man who can hold his tongue
than to find ono who cannot. [Laugh
ter, and a voice—" No railery Abe."]
I thank you, sincerely, for the warm
reception I have received, and in the
morning, if an arrangement can be
made, of which I am not yet certain,
I may have something to say to you
of that "peculiar interest of Pennsyl
vania" before mentioned. [" Say it
now, we are all attention."] Well, my
friends, as it is not much I have to
say, and as there may be some uncer
tainty of another opportunity, I will
utter it now, if you will permit me to
procure a few notes that aro in my
overcoat pocket. [" Certainly- we
will," and cheers.
Mr. Lincoln got clown from his ele
vated position, on the chair, and re
tired into the drawing room to get
the desired "notes." A few moments
after a gentlemen announced that the
President would finish his speech from
the balcony, as there was an immense,
enthusiastic and impatient crowd of
qtizens waiting in the rain to see and
hear him.
Mr. Lincoln appeared on the balcony
he was received with the most tumul
tuous cheering and other manifesta
tions of delight. needless of the rain
which was falling, hundreds lowered
their umbrellas, so as to be better able
to hear what might fall from the lips
of their distinguished guest: When
comparative silence was restored, Mr.
Lincoln said:
Fellow-citizens, I have been pre
vailed upon by your committee to post
pone my intended remarks to you until
to-morrow, when we hope for more fa
vorable weather, and I have made my
appearance now only to afford you an
opportunity of seeing, as clearly as may
be, my •beautiful countenance l [Loud
laughter, and cheers.] In themorning
at half-past eight o'clock I purpose
speaking to you from this place. Un
til then, I bid you all good night.
The President retired from the bal
-1 cony amidst the most enthusiastic de
PITTSBURG, Feb. 15.—The weather
this morning opened inauspiciously, a
heavy rain falling up to eight o'clock,
when it subsided. During the morn
ing Mr. Lincoln was waited upon by
the Pittsburg Councils in a body, and
many visitors called to pay their re
In accordance with Mr. Lincoln's
invitation to the people of Allegheny
county last night, a largo crowd gath
ered this morning in the vicinity of
the Monongahela House, to hear his
speech on the peculiar interests of the
country. When he was introduced,
and advanced to the railing of the bal
cony, be was greeted with vociferous
Mr. Lincoln then addressed the as
semblage, as follows :
PENNSYLVANIA : I most cordially thank
his Honor Mayor Wilson, and the cit
izens of Pittsburg generally, for this
flattering reception. It is the more
grateful because I know thatswhile it
is not given me alone, but to the cause
I represent, yet it is given under cir
cumstances that clearly prove to me
that there is good-will and sincere
feeling at the bottom of it. [Enthusi
astic applause.] •
And here I may remark that in
every short address I have made to
the people, in every crowd through
which I have passed of late, some al
lusion has been made to the present
distracted state of the country.
It is naturally expected that I should
say something upon this subject; but
if I touch upon it at all, it would in
volve an elaborate discussion. The
great number of the questions and cir
cumstances would require more time
than I can at present command, and I
would perhaps unnecessarily commit
myself upon matters that have not yet
fully developed themselves. [lmmense
cheering, and cries of " Good" " That's
The condition of the country is an
extraordinary one, and fills the mind
of every patriot with anxiety and so
licitude. My intention is to give this
subject all the consideration that I
possibly can, before I speak fully and
definitely in regard to it. [Cheers.]
So that when I do speak, I may be as
nearly right as possible. [Loud and
-continued-iipplomoo.] -
T • T
nothing in opposition to the spirit of
the Constitution, or contrary to the
integrity of the Union, or which will
prove inimical to the liberties of the
people, or to the peace of the whole
country. [Vociferous applause.] And
furthermore, when the time arrives
for me to speak on this great subject,
I hope I will say nothing to disappoint
the people generally, throughout the
country, especially if their expectations
have been based upon anything which
I may have heretofore said. [Applause]
Notwithstanding the troubles across
the river, (the speaker pointing south
wardly to the Monongahela and smi
ling,) there is really no crisis, except
an artificial one. [Laughter and ap
plause.] What is there now to war
rant the condition of affairs presented
by our friends over the river? Take
even their own view of the questions
involved, there is nothing to justify
the course they are pursuing. [A
voice—" That's so.]
I repeat, then, that there is no cri
sis, excepting such a. one as may be
gotten up at any time by turbulent
men, aided by designing politicians. -
My advice then, under the circum
stances, is to keep cool. If the great
American people only keep their tem
per on both sides of the line, these
troubles will come to an end, and the
question that now distracts the coun
try will be settled just as surely as all
other difficulties of a like character,
which have originated in the Govern
ment, have been adjusted. Let the
people on both sides keep their self
possession, and just as other clouds
have cleared away in due time, so will
this, and this great nation continue to
prosper as heretofore. [Loud applause]
But, fellow citizens, I have spoken
longer on this subject than I intended
in the outset. [Cries of "Go on, go
on."] I shall say no more at present.
Fellow-citizens, as this is the first
opportunity I have had to address a
Pennsylvania assemblage, it seems a
fitting time to indulge in a few remarks
on the important question of a tariff—a
subject of great magnitude, and one
attended with many difficulties, owing
to the great variety of interests in
volved. So long as direct taxation
for the support of the Government is
not resorted to, a tariff is necessa
ry. A tariff is to the Government,
what meat is to a family. But while
this is admitted, it still becomes neces
sary to modify or change its opera
tions, according as new interests or
new circumstances arise. So far, there
is little difference of opinion among
politicians, but the question as to how
tar imposts may be adjusted for the
protection of home industry gives rise
to numerous views and objections. I
must confess that I do not understand
the subject in all its multiform bear
ings; but I promise you thitt I will
give it my closest attention, and en
deavor to comprehend it more fully.—
And hero I may remark that the Chi
cago platform contains a plank upon
this subject, which I think should be
regarded as a law for the incoming
Administration. [lmmense demonstra
tions of applause,] In fact, this ques
tion, as well as other subjects embod
ied in that platform, should not be
varied from what we gave the people
to understand would be our policy
when we obtained their Votes. [Con
tinned applause.] Permit me, fellow
citizens, to read the tariff plank of the
Chicago platform, or, rather, have it
read in your hearing, by one who has
younger eyes than I have.
Mr. Lincoln's private secretary then
read section twelfth of the Chicago
platform, as follows : " That while pro
viding revenue for the support of the
General', Government by duties upon
imports, sound policy requires such
an adjustment of these imports as may
encourage the development of the in
dustrial interests of the whole country;
and we commend that policy of nation
al exchanges, which secures to the
workingmen liberal wages, to agricul
ture remunerating prices, to mechanics
and manufitcturers an adequate re
ward for their skill, labor, and enter
prise, and to the nation, commercial
prosperity and independence."
Mr. Lincoln continued; Now, I must
confess that there are shades of differ
ence in construing even this platform,
but I am not now intending to discuss
these differences, but merely to give
you some general idea of the subject.
I have long thought that if there be
any article of necessity which can be
produced at home, with as little, or
nearly the same labor as abroad, it
would be better to protect that article
of labor at its true standard of value.
If a bar of iron got out of the mines
in England, and a bar of iron taken
from the mines in Pennsylvania, can
be produced at the same cost, it fol
lows that if the English bar be shipped
from Manchester to Pittsburg, and the
American bar from Pittsburg to Man
chester, the cost of carriage is appre
ciably- lost. [Laughter.] If we had
no iron here, then we should encour
age the shipment from a foreign coun
try, but not when we can make it as
cheaply in our own country. This
brings us back to the first proposition,
that if any article can be produced at
home with nearly the same cost as
abroad, the carriage is lost labor. The
treasury of the nation is in such a low
condition at present, that this subject
now demands the attention of Con
gress, and will demand the immediate
consideration of the new Administra
tion. Tho tariff bill now before Con
gress may or may not pass at the pres
ent session. I confess Ido not under
stand the precise provisions of this bill.
I do not know whether it can be passed
by the present Congress or not. It
may or may not become the law of the
land; but if it does pass, that will be
an end of the matter until a modifica
tion can be effected, should that be
deemed necessary. If it does not pass,
and the latest advices I haVe arc to
the effect that it is still pending, the
next Congress will have to give it the
earliest attention. According to my
political education, I am inclined to
believe that the people in the various
sections of the country should have
their own views carried out through
their representatives in Congress. If
the consideration of the tariff bill should
be postponed until the next session of
the National Legislature, no subject
should engage your representatives
more closely than that of the tariff—
If I have any recommendation to make,
it will be that every man who is called
upon to serve the people in a repre
sentative capacity should study the
whole subject thoroughly, as I intend
tnrde „~ysetr, taokm to ull the varied
interests of the common country, so
that when the time for action arrives
to advocate,
that protection may be
extended to the coal and iron of Penn
sYlVaniarthe't orn of Illinois, and the
reapers of Chicago. Permit me to
express the hope that this important
subject may receive such considera
tion at the hands of your representa
tives that the interests of no part of
the country may be overlooked, but
that all sections may share in the
common benefits of a just and equita
ble tariff. [Applause.] But I am tres
passing upon your patience, [cries of
ac No, no," "Go on," " listen,"]
and must bring my remarks to a
close. Thanking you most cordially,
for the kind reception you have ex-
I tended to me, I bid you all adieu.—
[Enthusiastic applause.]
Cleveland, Ohio
J. N. Masters, acting mayor, wel
comed the President, and Judge An
drews did the same on -behalf of the
citizen's committee.
Kr. Lincoln responded briefly, as
OF CLEVELAND : We have been march
ing about two miles through snow,
rain, and deep mud. The large num
bers that have turned out under these
circumstances testify that you are in
earnest about something or other.—
But do I think so meanly of you as to
suppose that earnestness is about me
personally ? I should be doing you
injustice to suppose that you did. You
have assembled to testify your respect
to the Union, the Constitution and the
laws. And here let me say that it is
with you, the -people, to advance the
great cause of the Union and the Con
stitution, and not with any one man.
It rests with you alone.
This fact is strongly impressed on
my mind at present. In a community
like this, whose appearance testifies to
their intelligence, I em convinced that
the cause of liberty and the Union can
never be in clanger. Frequent allusion
is made to the excitement at present
existinr , in national politics. It is as
well that I should also allude to it here.
I think there is no occasion for any
excitement. The crisis, as it is called,
is altogether an artificial crisis, In all
parts of the nation there are differences
of opinion on politics, There are clif
ferenees of opinion even hero. Yon
did not all vote for the person who
now addresses you, And how is it
with those who are not here ? Have
they not all their rights, as they ever
have had? Do they not have their
fugitive slaves returned now as ever?
Have they not the same Constitution
that they have lived under for the last
seventy odd years ? Have they not a
position as citizens of this common
country, and have wo any power to
change that position, [Cries of " No."
What then is the matter with them?
Why all this excitement? Why all
these complaints? As I said before,
this orisis is all artificial. It has no
foundation in fact. It was " argued
up," as the saying is, and cannot be
argued down. Let it alone and it will
go down of itself. [Laughter.]
Mr. Lincoln said they must he con
tent with but few words from him.—
He was very much fatigued, and had
spoken so frequently, that be was al
ready hoarse. He thanked them for
the cordial, the magnificent: reception
they had given him, and not less did
he thank them for the votes they had
given him last fall, and quite as much
he thanked them for the efficient aid
they bad given the cause which he
represented; a cause which he would
say was a good one. He had one
more word to say. Ho was given to
understand that this reception was
tendered, not only by his own party
supporters, but by men of all parties.
This is as it should be.
If Judge Douglas had been elected
and had been here on his way to Wash
ington, as I em tonight, the Republic
ans would have joined in welcoming
him just as his friends have joined
with mine to-night. Hall do not join
now to save the good old ship of the
Union this voyage, nobody will have a
chance to pilot her on another cruise.
He concluded by thanking all present
for the devothin they had shown for
the cause of the Union.
At the close of the speech Mr. Lin
coln was presented with several Splen
did bouquets and floral wreaths.
The Virginia State Convention.
The Richmond newspapers are elabo
rately discussing the duties and pros
pects of the coming State Convention
of Virginia, to be held in that city.—
The Richmond Whig, which repre
sents the Union feeling at the South,
looks upon its meeting hopefully, and
trusts that it may materially and per
manently aid the good work of Union.
The Whig says:
"" New organizations must then be
formed, and these organizations must
refer to living ,questions. The salva
tion or destruction of the Union is the
great question of the day, and the new
organizations must range themselves
with regard to that vital issue. Old
things have passed away, and all
things must become new. "Union"
or "Disunion" is the issue; and
"Unionists" or " Disunionists" must
be the party organizations and desig
nations. The conservative Whigs and
Democrats of the South; and the con
servative Republicans of the North,
must unite in forming ?t new Union
party, while the destructives of all
shades of opinions by different modes
must co-operate for a common object
—Disunion !
" We predict that before the 4th of
July this will be the arrangement of
parties. The Republicattorganization
cannot exist on its present basis.—
Lincoln and Seward will have the sa
gacity to see this, and they will
promptly give the cold shoulder to the
extreme men of their party, and try
to establish a National party, which
will repudiate the wild absurdities of
the Abolition school. A political ne
cessity will constrain them to abandon
not only the extreme dogmas of their
party, but to adopt a new name signi
ficant of the new party; and this name
must be the Union Party.
All these things have been brought
about by the Virginia elections. The
majestic attitude in which she now
stands, commands the respect and ad
miration of the nation. She has stayed
the torrent of secessionism, and she
has caused Northern sectionalism to
pause in its mad career. Her
but firm remonstrances have brought
' the country to its. senses. Madness
no longer rules the hour. The sober
second thought has begun to operate,
and it is to be hoped that-wisdom and
justice and moderation will henceforth
guide the public councils. As section
alism and violence on ono side beget
sectionalism and violence on the other,
so prudence and forbearance on the
part of the South will beget similar
qualities in the North. We already
have the most abundant evidences of
this truth in the - marked change that
has come over the Northern mind since
the Virginia election. Before that
°lotion everything looked dark and
gloomy. Within one week after it
happened, the rainbow of Hope span
ned the political sky."
The Richmond Enquirer argues in
favor of violence and precipitation af
ter this fashion :
"As earnest advocates of Union and
Southern rights, we submit to the
members of the Convention this view
of the heavy responsibility of the po
sition which they have accepted. The
question as to whether Virginia shall
be the tail of a Northern Confbderacy
or the head of a Southern Confederacy,
is one to which our reason, our loyalty
and our sympathy recognize but ono
reply. Yet this question is not now
before the Convention for practical ac
tion. Another question precedes it,
viz : Does the Convention possess the
courage to take the bold stand-now
required for the restoration of the
Union; or will the Convention, by a
temporizing policy of apparent com
promise, coupled with actual conces
sion and submission to Northern ag
gression, strike the last blow for the
severance of the bond of Union,-ren.
doting dissolution final and irrevo.
cable 1"
Ricumosn, Feb.l.3.—The State Con.
vention assembled at noon in the Capi
tol building. Jolt Janney, of Lou
doun county, was elected president.
On taking the °Lair ho made a speech
expressing devotedness to the Union,
but also said that Virginia would in
sist on her rights as the condition of
her remaining in the Confederacy.
IM CANADA.—It is stated, by a corres.
pondont of the New York Tribune, that
there is an organized body of five thou.
sand negroes in Canada West, who
only await " the signal of civil war be.
tween the North and Smith," before
tendering their services to the North.
If to gratify the 4 ' nigger," white,
black and mixed, civil war is forced
upon the country, it would be right
that the runaway slaves in Canada
and, in the Northern States, and those
who have given them 4 aid and com
fort,' should be the only ones forced
into the ranks of a Northern army.—
Their total destruction would be no
loss to the white population or to the
country.. Poor white men would then
receive at least a share of public sym,
pa thy.
x;e . ..The London Chemical News states
that hundreds of,harrels of the clarified
rat of horses are imported from Ostend.
to Englrnd, and sold in London for
genuine butter. Pies and puddings
made of such a savory substance must
be very tempting to epicures.