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INAUGURAL ADDRESS
OF
GOV, ANDREW G. CURTIN
DELIVERED JAN. 15, 1861.
FELLOW-CITIZENS : - Having been
entrusted by the people of Pennsylva
nia, with the administration of the
Executive department of the govern
ment for the next three years, and
having taken a solemn oath of fidelity
to the Constitution of the United
States, and to the Constitution of
Pennsylvania, I avail myself of your
presence to express to you,and through
you to the people of the State, mygrat
itude for the distinguished honor they
have, in their partiality, conferred up
on me.
Deeply impressed with its responsi
bilities and duties, I enter upon the
office of Governor of Pennsylvania,
with a determination to fulfill them all
faithfully to the utmost of my ability.
Questions of great moment intimately
connected with the feelings and inter
ests of the people of all parts of the
Nation, now agitate the public mind;
and some of them, from their novelty
and importance, are left for settlement
in the uncertainty of the future. A
selfiah.caution might indicate silence
as the safest course tobe pursued as to
these questions, by one just entering
upon the responsibilities of high offi
cial position; but fidelity to the hi,gl
trust reposed in me demand, especially
at this juncture, that I yield to an
honored custom which requires a
frank declaration of the principles to
be adopted, and the policy to be
pursued during my official term.
We have assumed, as the great fun
damental truth of our political theory,
that man is capable of self-government,
and that all power emanates from the
people. An experience of seventy-one
years, under the Constitution of the
United States, has demonstrated to all
mankind that the people can be en
trusted with their own political 'desti
nies; and the deliberate expression of
their will should furnish the rule of
conduct to their representatives in of
ficial station. Thus appreciating their
liberal capacity for self-government,
and alive to the importance of preserv
ing, pure and unsullied as it came from
the hands of the Apostles of Liberty,
this vital principle, I pledge myself to
stand between it and encroachments,
- whether instigated by hatred or ambi
tion, by fanaticism or folly.
The policy that should regulate the
administration of the government of
our State, was declare - clby its founZl <
-
•ers, and is fully established by experi
ence. It is just nun fraternal in its
aims, liberal in its spirit, and patriotic
in its progress. The freedom of speech
and of the press, the right of con
science and of private judgment in
civil and religious faith, are the high
prerogatives to which the American
citizen is born. In our social organi
zation the rich and the poor, the high
and the low, enjoy these equally, and
the constitution and the laws in har
mony therewith, protect the rights of
all. The intelligence of the people is
one of the main pillars of the fabric of
our Government,and the highest hopes
Of the patriot for its safety rest on en
lightened public morality and virtue.
Our system of Common Schools will
ever enlist my earnest solicitude. For
its growing wants the most ample pro
vision should be made by the Legisla
ture. I feel that I need not urge this
duty. The system has been gaining
in strength and usefulness for a quar
ter of a century, until it has silenced
opposition by its beneficent fruits. It
has at times languished for want of
just appropriations, from changes and
amendments of the law, and perhaps
from inefficiency in its administration;
but it has surmounted every difficulty
and is now regarded by the enlighten
ed and patriotic of every political
faith as the great bulwark of safety
for our free institutions. The manner
in which this subject is presented to
the Legislature, by my immediate pre
decessor, in'his annual message, fully
harmonizes with public sentiment; and
his recommendation for aid to the
Farmers' High School, of Pennsylva
nia meets my most cordial approbation.
Invited to the rich prairie lands
of the West, where the labor of
of the husbandman is simple and uni
form, when population has filled our
valleys, it passes away from our high
land soils where scientific culture is
required to reward labor by bringing
fruitfulness andplenty out of compar
ative sterility, While individual liber-
Ality has done much for an institution
that is designed to educate the farmer
of the State, the school languishes for
want of public aid. An experience of
ten years has fully demonstrated that
the institution can be made self-sus
taining; and it requires no aid from
the State except for the completion of
the buildings in accordance with the
original design. A liberal appropria
tion for that purpose would be honor
able to the Legislature and a just rec
ognition of a system of public instruc
tion that is of the highest importance
to the State in the development of our
wealth, the growth of our population
and the prosperity of our great agri
cultural interests.
The State having been wisely re
lieved of the management of the pub
lic improvements by their sale, the ad
ministration of the government is
greatly simplified, its resources are
certain and well understood, and the
amount of the public debt is definitely
ascertained. A rigid co:moray in all
its various departments and a strict ac
countability from all public officers,
are expected by our people, and they
shall not be disappointed. Now that
the debt of the State is in the course of
steady liquidation, by the ordinary
means of the treasury, all unnecessary
expenditures of the public money must
firmly resists., so that the gradual
EMI
~~ ~,~
WILLIAM LEWIS, Editor and Proprietor.
VOL. XVL
diminution of the indebtedness shall
not be interrupted.
To promote the prosperity of the
people and the power of the Common
wealth, by increasing her financial re
sources, by a liberal recognition of the
vast interests of our commerce, by hus
banding our means and diminishing
the burdens of taxation and of debt
will be the highest objects of my am
bition, and all the energy of my ad
ministration will be directed to the ac
complishment of these results.
The pardoning power is one of the
most important and delicate powers
conferred upon the Chief Magistrate
by the Constitution, and it should al
ways be exercised with great caution,
and never except on the most conclu
sive evidence that it is due to the con
demned, and that the public security
will not be prejudiced by the act.—
When such applications are presented
to the Executive it is due to society,to
the administration of justice, and to
all interested, that public notice should
be given. By the adoption of such a
regulation imposition will be prevent
ed and just efforts will be strengthen
ed.
The association of capital and labor,
under acts of incorporation, where the
purposes to be accomplished arc be
yond the reach of individual enter
prise, has long been the policy of the
State, and has done . much to advance
the prosperity of the people. Where
the means of the citizens are moderate,
as they generally are in a new and
growing country, and where the con
centration of the capital of many is
necessary to development and progress,
such associations, when judiciously re
stricted, confer large benefits on the
State. The vast resources of Pennsyl
vania, and the variety of her mechan
ical and other industrial pursuits, in
vite capital and enterprise from abroad
which, on every sound principle of po
litical economy, should be encouraged.
Much of the time of the Legislature is
consumed by applications for spe
cial chartered privileges which might
be saved by the enactment of general
laws and by such amendment to our
general milling and manufacturing law
as will remove needless and burthen
some restraints, and at the same time
afford ample protection to capital and
labor, and to the community at large.
Our statute books are full of acts of in
corporation conferring special privi
leges various as they are numerous,
dissimilar in their grants of power, and
unequal in their liabilities and restric
tions. Well considered and judicious
porations, would remedy the evil, econ
omize time and money, relieve the
Legislature from the constant pressure
for undue privileges, and be just and
equal to all in their administration.
The veto power conferred upon the
Executive was given with much hesi
tation, and not without serious appre
hensions as to its abuse, by the framers
of our organic law. It is, in my judg
ment, to be used with the greatest
caution, and only when legislation is
manifestly inconsiderate, or of more
than doubtful constitutionality. The
legislators, chosen as they aro directly
by the people, in such a manner that
a fair expression of their views of the
true policy of the government can
always be had, give to all well con
sidered measures of legislation the
solemn sanction of the highest power of
the State, and it should not be arbitra
rily interfered with, While I shall
shrink from no duty involved by the
sacred trust reposed in me by the peo
ple of the Commonwealth, I would
have all the other departments of the
' government appreciate the full meas
ure of responsibility that devolves
upon them.
The position of mutual estrange
ment in which the different sections
of our country have been placed by
the precipitate action and violent de
nunciation of heated partizans, the
apprehension of still more serious
complications of our political affairs,
and the fearful uncertainty of the fu
ture, have had the effect of weakening
commercial credit, and partially inter
rupting trade; and, as a natural con
sequence, deranging our exchanges
and currency. Yet the elements of
general prosperity are everywhere
diffused amongst us, and nothing is
wanting but a return of confidence to
enable us to reap the rich rewards of
our diversified industry and enterprise.
Should the restitution of confidence in
business and commercial circles be long
delayed, the Legislature, in its wisdom,
will, I doubt not, meet the necessities
of the crisis in a generous and patriot
ic spirit.
Thus far our system of Government
has fully answered the expectations of
its founders, and has demonstrated
the capacity of the people for self-gov
ernment. The country has advanced
in wealth, knowledge and power, and
secured to all classes of its citizens the
blessings of peace, prosperity and hap
piness. The workings of our simple
and natural political organizations
have given direction and energy to
individual and associated enterprise,
maintained public order and promoted
the welfare of all parts of our vast and
expanding country. No one who
knows the history of Pennsylvania
and understands the opinions and
feelings of her people, can justly charge
us with hostility to our brethren of
other States. We regard them as
friends and fellow countrymen, in
whose welfare we feel a kindred inter
ets ; and we recognise, in their broad
est extent, all our constitutional obli
gations to them. These we aro ready
and willing to observe generously and
fraternally in their letter and spirit,
with unswerving fidelity.
The election of a President of the
United States, according to the forms
of the Constitution, has recently been
made a pretext for disturbing the
peace of the country. by a delihAra te_
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 23, 1861.
attempt to wrest from the Federal
Government the powers which the
people conferred on it when they adop
ted the Constitution. By this move
ment the question whether the gov
ernment of the United States embod
ies the prerogatives, rights and powers
of sovereignty, or merely represents,
for specific purposes, a multitude of
independent communities, confedera
ted in league which any one of them
may dissolve at will, is now placed
directly before the American people.
Unhappily this question is nut presen
ted in the simple form of political dis
cussion, but complicated with the pas
sions and jealousies of impending or
actual conflict.
There is nothing in the life of Mr.
Lincoln, nor in any of his acts or de
clarations before or since his election,
to warrant the apprehension that his
Administration wilrbe unfriendly to
the local institutions of any of the
States. No sentiments but those of
kindness and conciliation have been
expressed or entertained by the con
stitutional majority which elected him;
and nothing has occurred to justify
the excitement which seems to have
blinded the judgment of a part of the
people, and is precipitating them into
Revolution.
The supremacy- of the National Gov
ernment
has been so fully admitted
and so long cherished by the people of
Pennsylvania, and so completely has
the conviction of its nationality and
sovereignty directed their political ac
tion, that they are surprised at the
pertinacity with which a portion of
the people elsewhere maintain the op
posite view. The traditions of the
past, the recorded teachings of the Fa
thers of the Republip, the security of
their freedom and prosperity, and their
hopes for the future, are all in harmo
ny with an unfaltering allegiance to
the National Union, the maintenance
of the Constitution and the enforce
ment of the laws. They have faith
fully adhered to the compromises of
our great National compact, and wil
lingly recognise the peculiar institu
tions and rights of property of the
people of other States. Every true
Pennsylvanian admits that his first
civil and political duty is to the Gen
eral Government, and he frankly ac
knowledges his obligations to protect
the constitutional rights of all who
live under its authority and enjoy its
blessings.
I have already taken occasion to
say publicly, and I now repeat, that if
we have any laws upon our statute
o?tlio people of any of tfie'b`ta ,or
contravene any law of the Federal
Government, or obstruct its execution
they ought to be repealed. We ought
not to hesitate to exhibit to other
States that may have enacted laws in
terfering with the rights, or obstruc
tive of the remedies which belong con
stitutionally to all American citizens,
an example of magnanimity and of
implicit obedience to the paramount
law, and by a prompt repeal of every
statute that may even, by implication,
be liable to reasonable objection, do
our part to remove every just cause of
dissatisfaction with our legislation.
Pennsylvania has never faltered in
her recognition of all the duties im
posed upon her by the national com
pact, and she will, by every act con
sistent with her devotion to the inter
ests of her own people, promote fra
ternity and peace, and a liberal comi
ty between the States. Her convic
tions on the vital questions which
have agitated the public mind are well
, understood at home, and should not be
misunderstood abroad. Her verdicts
have been as uniform as they have
been decisive, in favor of the dignity,
the prosperity and the progress of her
free industry, and support of the
principles of liberty on which the gov
ernment is founded, and menace or re
bellion cannot reverse them. They
have passed into history as the delib
erate judgment of her people, express-
ed in a peaceful, fraternal and consti
tutional manner; and when they shall
have been administered in the govern-
as soon they will be, the mad
ness that now rules the hour will sub
side, as their patriotic, faithful and
national aims bring ample protection
and peaceful progress to all sections of
the Republic,
In the grave questions which now
agitate the country, no State has a
more profound concern than Pennsyl
vania. Occupying a geographical po
sition between the North and the
South, the East and the West, with
the great avenues of travel and trade
passing through her borders, carrying
on an extensive commerce with her
neighbors, in the vast and varied pro
ductions of her soil, her mines and her
manufacturing industry, and bound
to them by the ties of kindred and so
cial intercourse, the question of disu
nion involves momentous consequen
ces to her people. The second of the
thirty-three States in population, and
the first in material resources, it is
duo both to ourselves and to the other
States, thatthe position and sentiments
of Pennsylvania on the question should
be distinctly understood.
All the elements of wealth and great
ness have been spread over the State
by a kind Providence with profuse lib..
erality. Our temperate climate, pro
ductive soil, and inexhaustible mineral
wealth, have stimulated the industry
of our people, and improved the skill
of our mechanics. To develop, en
large and protect the interests which
grow out of our natural advantages,
have become cardinal principles of po
litical economy in Pennsylvania, and
the opinion everywhere prevails among
our people that development, progress
and wealth depend on educated and
requited labor; and that labor, and the
interests sustained by it, should •be
adequately protected against foreign
mmpotition. The peopl of Prnnsyl-
- PERSEVERE.-
vania have always favored that policy
which aims to elevate and foster the
industry of the country in the collec
tion of revenue for the support of the
General Government; and whenever
they had the opportunity, in a fair
election, they have vindicated that
policy at the ballot-box. When their
trade was prostrated and their indus
try paralyzed by the legislation of the
General Government, which favored
adverse interests, they waited patiently
for the return of another opportunity
to declare the public will in a constitu
tional manner. In the late election of
President of the United States, the
principle of protection was one of the
prominent issues. With the proceed
ings of Congress at its last session
fresh in their memories, a large ma
jority of the people of Pennsylvania
enrolled themselves in an organization,
which, in its declaration of principles,
promised, if successful, to be faithful
to their suffering interests and lan
guishing industry. Protection to labor
was one of the great principles of its
platform; it was inscribed on its ban
ners; it was advocated by its public
journals;
and throughout the canvass
it was a leading text of the orators of
the successful party.
This is a propitious moment to de
clare that while the people of Penn
sylvania
were not indifferent to other
vital issues of the canvass, they were
demanding justice for themselves in
the recent election, and had no design
to interfere with, or abridge the rights
of, the people of other States. The
growth of our State had been retarded
by the abrogation of the principle of
protection from the revenue laws of
the national government; bankruptcy
had crushed the energies of many of
our most enterprising citizens; but no
voice of disloyalty or treason was
heard, nor was an arm raised to offer
violence to the sacred fhbrie of our
national Union. _ Conscious of their
rights and their power, our people
looked to the ballot-box alone as the
legal remedy for existing evils.
In the present unhappy condition of
the country, it will be our duty to
unite with the people of the States
which remain loyal to the Union, in
any just and honorable measures of
conciliation and fraternal kindness.—
Let us invite them to join us in the
fulfillment' of all our obligations under
the Federal Constitution and laws.—
Then we can cordially unite with them
in claiming like obedience from those
States which have renounced their al
legiance. If the loyal States are just
right or Seff.respect,"the tliteTtrene
danger may be averted.
Ours is a National government. It
has within the sphere of its action all
the attributes of sovereignty, and
among these are the right and duty of
self-preservation. It is based upon a
compact to which all the people of the
United States are parties. It is the
result of mutual concessions, which
were made for the purpose of securing
reciprocal benefits. It acts directly
on the people, and they owe it a per
sonal allegiance. No part of the peo
ple, no State nor combination of States,
can voluntarily secede from the Union,
nor absolve themselves from their ob
ligations to it. To permit a State to
withdraw at pleasure from the Union,
without the consent of the rest, is to
confess that our government is a fail
ure. Pennsylvania can never acquiesce
in such a conspiracy, nor assent to a
doctrine which involves the destruction
of the Government. If the Govern
ment is to exist, all the requirements
of the Constitution must be obeyed;
and it must have power adequate to
the enforcement of the supreme law of
the land in every State. It is the first
duty of the National authorities to
stay the progress of anarchy and en
force the laws, and Pennsylvania with
a united people, will give them an
honest, faithful and active support.—
The people mean.to preserve the in
tegrity of the National Union at every
hazard.
The Constitution which was origi
nally framed to promote the welfare
of thirteen States and four millions of
people, in less than three quarters of
a century has embraced thirty-three
States and thirty millions of inhabi
tants. Our territory has been extend
ed over new climates, including peo
ple with new interests and wants, and
the Government has protected them
all. Everything requisite to the per
petuity of the Union and its expand
ing power, would seem to have been
foreseen and provided for by the wis
dom and sagacity of the framers of
the Constitution.
It is all we desire or hope for, and
all that our fellow-countrymen who
complain, can reasonably demand.—
It provide& that amendments may be
proposed by Congress; and, whenever
the necessity to amend shall occur,
the people of Pennsylvania will give
to the amendments which Congress
may propose, the careful and deliber
ate consideration which their impor
tance may demand. Change is not
always progress, and a people who
have lived so long, and enjoyed so
much prosperity, who have so many
sacred memories of the past, and such
rich legacies to transmit to the future,
should deliberate long and seriously
before they attempt to alter any of
the fundamental principles of the great
charter of our liberties.
I assume the duties of this high of
fice at the most trying period of our
national history. The public mind is
agitated by fears, suspicions and jeal
ousies. Serious apprehensions of the
future pervade the people. A precon
certed and organized effort has been
made to disturb the stability of Gov
ernment, dissolve the Union of the
States, and mar the symmetry and or
der of the noblest political structure
ever devised and enacted by human
wisdom. Ti shall be my earnest en-
,i:•44 -. 1., c.4...i:,,....i.i0.,...:,.,.:..../e,
deavor to justify the confidence which
you have reposed in me, and to deserve,
your approbation. With a conscious
ness of the rectitude of my intentions,
with no resentments to cherish, no en
mities to avenge, no wish but the pub
lic good to ratify, and with a pro
found sense of solemnity of the my posi
tion, I humbly invoke the assistance of
our Heavenly Father, in whom alone
is my dependence, that His strength
may sustain and His wisdom guide me.
Wsth His divine aid I shall apply my
self faithfully and fearlessly to my re
sponsible duties, and abide the judg
ment of a generous people.
Invoking the blessing of the God of
our fathers upon our State and Nation,
it. shall be the highest object of my
ambition to contribute to the glory of
the Commonwealth, maintain the civil
and religious privileges of the people,
and promote the union, prosperity and
happiness of the country.
A LETTER FROM VICE-PRESI
DENT BREOKINRIDGE.
His Views on the Crisis
[From the Wohltigton Constitution, ,Trin.lo.l
WASHINGTON CITY, Jan. 6, 1861.
My DEAD, Slit think all thought
ful men will approve your conduct in
convening the Legislature.
Within a few weeks I have received
many letters, chiefly from Kentucky,
asking my opinion as to the prospect
of a litir adjustment of our political
troubles, which I have not answered,
for reasons satisfactory to my own
mind, among which has been a linger
ing hope that some acceptible plan of
settlement might be proposed by Con
gress, securing the rights and honor of
all. Ido not feel at liberty longer to
remain silent, and, without intending
to burden you with an extended letter,
I will offer a few thoughts upon the
condition of public affairs.
I am convinced that no thorough
and satisfactory plan will be proposed
to the Slates by Congress. All efforts
for this purpose have disclosed differ
ences too radical to admit of agree
ment.
At an early hour in the session, on
the motion of a Senator from Kentucky,
(Mr. Powell,) a committee of thirteen
Senators was appointed to consider the
state of the country and report a rem
edy. It was composed of representa
tive men from different parts of the
Union. After long conferences, for
many clays, the chairman reported to
the Senate that they had been wholly
the radical differences between the Re
publicans and others.
Propositions, conceived in a spirit of
patriotic concession, were offered by
Senator Crittenden. I refer to them
because they concede much to the spirit
of conciliation. They embrace the
%Bowing as amendments to the Con
stitution :
That Congress shall have no power
to abolish slavery in the forts, dock
yards, and other places under its juris
diction in the Southern States;
Nor to prevent the transportation
of slaves from one slaveholding State
to another, nor to any Territory where
slavery may exist, whether the trans
portation be coastwise or inland;
Nor to abolish slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia, while it exists in
Maryland or Virginia, nor without the
consent of the inhabitants and compen
sation to the owners.
And in regard to the Territories:
That in all the territory now held,
or hereafter to be acquired, north of
latitude 36 deg. 30 min., slavery or in
voluntary servitude, except as a pun
ishment lbr crime, shall be prohibited,
while in all the territory now held, or
hereafter to be acquired, south of said
line of latitude, slavery of the African
race shall be recognized and protected;
in both cases, the prohibition on one
side of the line, and the protection of
the other, covering the period of terri
torial existence.
These provisions, the resolutions pro
pose, shall be made a part of the Con
stitution, and together with the fea
tures now in the Constitution relative
to the representation of three-fifths of
the slaves, and the return of fugitive
slaves, shall not be subject to fhture
alteration. As subsequently modified,
they contain, among other things, a
very proper declaration that citizen
ship and suffrage shall not be conferred
on persons, in whole or in part, of Af
rican descent.
A glance at these resolutions will
show the immense concessions they
offer for security and peace. Leaving
out of view for a moment the Territo
rial question, the other amendments
are but declaratory of the present Con
stitution. Congress has no power now
to abolish slavery in the places within
its jurisdiction in the Southern States,
nor to prevent the transportation of
slaves from one slaveholding State or
Territory to another. Nor are persons
of African descent citizens of the Uni
ted States; and the basis of Federal
representation and the return of fugi
tive slaves aro stipulated for in ex
press terms in the present instrument.
If it bo said that Congress may Consti
tutionally abolish slavery in this Dis
trict, I will not pause to argue the
question,but onlyenter a protest against
the assumption.
If agreed to, they should be unamen
dable parts of the Constitution, since
the North would soon have a sufficient
number of States to change the instru
ment in the manner prescribed by
itself.
It must be confessed that it offers but
a faint hope of security and good faith
when powers not granted to Congress
by the Constitution must again be ex
pressly denied, and the provisions made
unalterable, to guard against appre
hensions of a sectional and growing
sjori Cy,
TERMS, $1,50 a year in advance.
Upon these points, then, as_.l sup
pose, there is concession neither upon
the one side nor the other. The free
States are only asked to agree that
they will never use their growing pow
er to deprive the South of existing
rig•hts, which are essential to its safety.
I come, now, to the vast concession
to the North, The Southern States
assert, with groat unanimity, the right
of all the citizens of all the States to
enter the common Territories with
their property of whatever kind, inclu
ding slaves, and to have it protected
by the common Government. This
right is sustained by a highly respec
table class of opinion in the Northern
States, and has been affirmed by the
highest judicial tribunal known to the
Constitution. It does not fall within
the scope of this letter to re-argue the
question.. I treat it as a settled right,
upon which the argument has been
exhausted.
Mr. Crittenden's territorial amend
ment offers, so far as the Southern
States and their slave property. are
concerned, to yield this right in three
fourths of the existing territory to save
it in the remaining fourth. The citi
zens of the Northern States and their
property are to be protected in ALT,
the territory; the citizens of the South
ern States with their property IN ONE
FOURTH OF IT. Prohibition of slave
property north of 36 deg. 30 min.; rec
ognition and protection of it south of
that line—and the rule to apply to all
territory hereafter acquired—this is
the principle of the proposed amend
ment. And the last-named feature is
vital. If the territorial question can
be settled at all, it should be settled
for all time, and locked up in the Con
stitution. Otherwise, there can be no
hope of exemption from incessant anti
slavery agitation, and the country
would soon be thrown again into the
midst of political and financial convul
sions. The Southern States cannot
afford to be shut off from all possibili
ty of expansion towards the tropics by
the hostile action of the Federal Gov
ernment.
I am sure that this plan of adjust
inent has been offered, not as the full
measure of our rights, but as a patriotic
concession with the hope of obtaining
promptly security and peace. In view
of the knowledge we have of the pro
gress of political anti-slavery opinion,
and of the manner in which the Fed
eral Government may be employed by
hostile influences, it falls far short of
what would be required in forming an
nA • 'lv , I .ela=kmA 'of nuarn.r.Amt
turexperience- 1711Ve - AlaU 4 81 -
practical working of the system, I find
it difficult to cherish a well grounded
hope of permanent security except by
the introduction of some element which
would give the South the power of
self-protection.
I cannot suppose that Kentucky
would consider her rights, interests,
and honor safe under any settlement
less thorough than this proposed by
Mr. Crittenden. Any attempt to emas
culate it by excluding from its scope '
after acquired territory, or by failing
to recognize and protect slave proper
ty south of the line by language as
clear and explicit as that employed to
prohibit it north of the line, or by veil
ing its provisions in ambiguous
phrases, could only result in new agi
tations and convulsions. I believe that
Kentucky wants a thorough settle
ment or none, and one that any plain
and honest man can understand.
I have not referred to the personal
liberty bills of the Northern States,
because they are the subjects of State
action; nor to various propositions
concerning the fugitive-slave law, be
cause they relate only to legislative
action ; nor to the question concerning
the right of sojourn and transit with
slave-property; nor to the several
schemes of constitutional amendment
which demand more for the South than
the plan of Mr. Crittenden. I have
said that, in my opinion, no thorough
and satisfactory amendments will be
proposed to the States by Congress;
and I have taken the plan which con
cedes most to the Northern States, and
which presents the least that I suppose
any portion of the South would accept.
And now, sir, I tell you that the Re
publicans in Congress, and I fear in
the country, never will adopt it. They
will not recognize in any form, directly
or indirectly, property in slaves. They
will outlaw from the protection of the
common Government property to the
value of four thousand millions of dol
lars, and which is interwoven with the
very structure of society in nearly half
the States of the Union. They intend
that the South shall never have any
portion in the Territory of the Union.
Their fixed policy is to wield the Fed
eral Government for anti-slavery pur
poses, and to crush all opposition by
arms. lam not mistaken as to the
purposes of the resolute and controll
ing spirits of that organization at this
capital.
At an early day in the session, a
number of gentlemen, fearing that no
suitable guarantees could be proposed
by Congress, began to look to the
States and the people. The Republicans
having control of the Northern States,
our friends there were, of course, una
ble to move. An earnest effort was
made here to secure a Convention of
all the Southern States. The plan
could not command the requisite sup
port, and was lost in the rapid progress
of events. Next, a more hopeful move
ment was set on foot, looking to an
immediate conference of the border
slaveholding States, (embracing Ten
nessee and North Carolina,) with the
view to unite their counsels and avert
the danger of civil war. But here,
also, the obstacles proved insurmount
able, and the time for such action has
' -
*Nom—The langunge of Mr. Crittenden's resolution on
that point may bo !labia to mimon4truction, but I know
that it woo intended to embraea otter smutted territory
R. 111141 , d .^„t lon.
passed. Each of these States ; there
fore, must decide for itself4he attitude
it will' oebupy' in this onieigencY-
The immediate question now pre
sentedis, peace or war; - Whetjier the
right of a State or 'States to diSsolve
connection with the Federal system be
a reserved right, or one growing out of
the Constitution, or the right of revo
lution, the great fact' lies before us,
that the act has been clone ; and we are
not permitted to doubt that in a few
weeks seven or. eight States,.contain
ing a larger population than the thir
teen Colonies at the epoch of the Rev
olution, will have withdrawn from the
Union and declared their independence.
Under whatever name disguised, a col
lision of arms with them will be war.
NO. 81.
The dominant party hero, rejecting
everything, proposing nothing, are
pursuing a policy which, under the
name of " enforcing the laws" and
" punishing traitors," threatens to
plunge the country into all the calam
ities of civil war.
The Federal Union cannot be pre
served by arms. The attempt would
unite the Southern States in resistance,
while in the North a great multitude
of true and loyal men never would
consent to shed the blood of our peo
ple in the name and under the author
ity of a violated compact., A serious
collision upon existing issues would
destroy whatever hope may yet remain
of preserving or restoring the Union.
An attempt to hold it together by the
bayonet would exceed anything yet
recorded in the annals of human mad
ness and folly. It would bring on a war
of unexampled ferocity, in which every
vital principle of the Union would dis
appear forever.
If the South should succeed in main-
taining her. independence, the - feuds
and animosities engendered by the
contest between the sections would bo
transmitted to succeeding generations,
while, if she should be subjugated, the
Government would become in form
and in fact consolidated, and Would
soon reach the usual historical terrain
ation in a military despotism. But
her subjugation is impossible, without
extermination—and that is impossi
ble.
And yet the danger of civil war is
imminent, unleqs it shall be arrested
by prompt and energetic action. If,
before the passions of men become
aroused, and a series of untoward
events drifts us into strife, Kentucky
and the other border States shall calm
ly and firmly present a united front
against it, I believe it may be arrested.
Fifteen States are potent to prevent
war. This, too, would strengthen all
the true men in the Northern States
who resist the atrocious policy. —Upon
this question let us annihilate . party.
The force party believe that Kentitcky
and other Southern States are serious
ly divided on this subject. Unless
this can be quickly shown to be a de
lusion, it may become the parent of a
brood of woes.
The wisdom of the Legislature will
doubtless provide whatever is needful;
yet, at a time like this, it becomes the
duty, as it is the right, of every man
to express his opinions; and as ono
citizen of 'the Commonwealth, I give
my voice for a State Convention. It
is only by the direct action of the sev
eral States in their sovereign capacity
-ALL •
awe an opportnnirfto — delermini, in
the most solemn manner, her judg
ment of her rights, and: her attitude in
the preserAt condition of affairs.
She has not been an inactive nor
inglorious member of the Confederacy;
she is in the presence of great and
startling events, and it is not her na
ture to sit in listless apathy, borne
along by rapid currents, without the
power to direct her course. Lot her
have the opportunity, through . her
chosen representatives and deciding
upon the prospect of re-uniting all the
States in a constitutional Union, or, if
that shall be impossible, let her be in
a position to determine her own des
tiny.
This letter has grown longer than I
intended, although I have adhered
pretty closely to my original purpose,
rather to present facts, and my im
pressions of them, from this stand
point, than to enter upon elaborate
discussion. I need not say to you, my
dear sir, that I have uttered nothing
in an obtrusive spirit, but rather re
luctantly and sorrowfully. My sug
gestions in regard to the action of
Kentucky are offered in the spirit of
loyalty to the State I love and will
ever obey. They are clearly right, or
very wrong. If right, the pleasure
will be mine to have said a timely
word, if wrong, I will know how to
bear, without a murmur all the conse
quences of an honest but terrible mis
take.
Very sincerely your friend,
JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE.
Ben. B. Magoffin, Gov. of Ky.
MONUMENTS OF LABOR,
Ninevah was 15 miles long, 8 wide,
and 40 miles round, with a wall 100 ft.
high, and thick enough for three char
iots abreast.
Babylon was 15 miles within the
walls, which were 75 feet thick and
300 feet high, with 100 brazen gates.
The Temple of Diana, at Ephesus,
was 420 feet to the support of the roof.
It was a hundred years in building.
The largest of the pyramids is 481
feet high, 653 on the sides; the base
covers 11 acres. The stones are about
30 feet in length, and the layers are
208. It employed 330,000 men in
The labyrinth in Egypt contains
300 chambers and 12 halls.
Thebes, in Egypt, presents ruins 27
miles round, and 100 gates. Carthage
was 23 miles round.
Athens was 25 miles round, and
contained 359,000 citizens and 400,000
slaves.
The Temple of Delphos was so rich
in donation, that it was plundered of
£500,000, and Nero carried away from
it 200 statues.
The walls of Rome. were 18 miles
round.
s6r. A church-bell, made of glass,
fourteen inches high and fifteen feet
in diameter, has recently been placed
in the turret of the chapel at Grange,
Borrowdale, Cumberland, England.
ler In the year 1301, a sheep could
be bought in England, for fourpence,
and wheat enough to feed one hun
dred men for a whole day. cost but a
single ghilhng.